GENDER-BASED VIOLENCE An Analysis of the Implications for the Nigeria For Women Project © 2019 International Bank for Reconstruction and Development/The World Bank 1818 H Street NW, Washington, DC 20433 202-473-1000 | www.worldbank.org Some rights reserved. The findings, interpretations, and conclusions expressed in this work do not necessarily reflect the views of The World Bank, its Board of Executive Directors, or the governments they represent. The World Bank does not guarantee the accuracy of the data included in this work. The boundaries, colors, denominations, and other information shown on any map in this work do not imply any judgment on the part of The World Bank concerning the legal status of any territory or the endorsement or acceptance of such boundaries. Nothing herein shall constitute or be considered to be a limitation upon or waiver of the privileges and immunities of The World Bank, all of which are specifically reserved. 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Photo credits: Cover and pages 1, 6, 32, and 37: Arne Hoel, World Bank; page 10: Curt Carnemark, World Bank; page 33: World Bank Contents Acknowledgments . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . iii Acronyms and Abbreviations . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . iv 1 Introduction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1 Rationale for the Study . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2 Structure of the Study: Social Ecological Model . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4 2 Methodology . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5 Study Limitations . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5 3 Legal and Institutional Context for GBV in Nigeria . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 6 Policy and Legislative Frameworks . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 6 From Policy to Practice . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 9 4 Prevalence, Norms, and Drivers of Gender-Based Violence . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 11 Prevalence and Perceptions . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 11 Drivers . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 19 Women’s Economic Empowerment Programs . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 25 5 Informal and Formal Services Available for Survivors . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 29 Informal Services . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 29 Formal Services . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 30 6. GBV Risks and Mitigation Plan . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 32 Triggering Risks . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 32 Recommendations for GBV-Sensitive Project Design . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 33 Action-Oriented Risk Mitigation Plan . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 34 Immediate Actions to Reduce Risk . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 37 References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 39 i Boxes 1.1 Survivor-Centered Approach to Programming . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3 4.1 Harmful Social Norms Around Gender-Based Violence . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 21 4.2 GBV Among Economically Active Women and Girls: Voices from Nigeria . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 27 Figures 1.1 Social Ecological Model of Analysis . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4 4.1 Prevalence of Sexual Violence . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 11 4.2 Prevalence of Intimate Partner Violence . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 12 4.3 Tolerant Attitudes Toward Wife Beating . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 12 4.4 Prevalence of Women in Polygynous Marriage . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 14 4.5 Children in Project States Involved in Economic Activities . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 16 4.6 Rates of Early Marriage in Project States Among Women . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 19 4.7 Community- and Household-Level Perceptions on Prevalence of GBV . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 20 4.8 State Profiles of Affected Persons . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 20 4.9 Impacts of Women’s Economic Empowerment Programs in Nigeria and Their Implications for Gender-Based Violence . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 26 5.1 GBV Reporting Chain at the Community Level . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 30 Tables 2.1 Selected Areas for Gathering Field Data . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5 2.2 Focus Group Discussion Sample . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5 3.1 Agreements on GBV and Sexual Exploitation and Abuse Adopted at the Federal Level in Nigeria . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 7 5.1 Community-Level Redressal Mechanisms for Gender-Based Violence . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 29 ii Acknowledgments Varalakshmi Vemuru, lead social development specialist, GSURR, World Bank, led this work as the task team leader for the Nigeria For Women Project (P161364). This report was prepared by Farwah Qasim, social development specialist, with inputs from Wumi Asubaro, gender-based violence (GBV) consultant. It draws on the work of the World Bank-commissioned report “Rapid Assessment of Gender Based Violence and Its Impact on Livelihoods and Women Economic Empowerment in Edo, Katsina, and Taraba States,” (Nwadinobi, Makanjuola, and Nyukalu 2018), which informed the design of the Nigeria For Women Project. The field assessment was undertaken by Dr. Eleanor Nwadinobi, senior GBV consultant, as well as Habiba Makanjuola and Paul Nyulaku, researchers. We gratefully acknowledge the guidance and comments of Michael Ilesanmi, senior social development specialist; Rosa Maria Martinez, social development specialist; Verena Phipps, senior social development specialist; Diana Arango, senior GBV specialist; and Clara Alemann, senior GBV consultant. The study was funded by the State and Peacebuilding Fund (SPF) Grant. We also appreciate the extremely thoughtful comments and suggestions of external peer reviewers Comfort Lamptey, country representative, UN Women; Dr. Zubeida Abukbar, national program analyst, United Nations Population Fund; and Tosin Akibu, project director, Integrated Reproductive Health and Mentoring Project, FHI 360. iii Acronyms and Abbreviations AIDS Acquired Immunodeficiency Syndrome CEDAW Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women FMWASD Federal Ministry of Women Affairs and Social Development GBV gender-based violence ILO International Labor Organization IOM International Organization for Migration LGA Local Government Area NFWP Nigeria For Women Project WAG Women’s Affinity Group iv 1. Introduction Gender-based violence, or GBV, is one of the most gender inequalities. Due to the high prevalence of oppressive forms of gender inequality, posing a fun- female survivors, some organizations, such as UN damental barrier to the equal participation of women Women and the U.K. Department for International and men in social, economic, and political spheres. Development, use the terms violence against women As noted in “Voice and Agency: Empowering Women and violence against women and girls to describe the and Girls for Shared Prosperity,” the World Bank’s focus of their GBV-related work. The United Nations Inter Agency Standing Committee defines GBV as defines these terms as “any act of gender-based “an umbrella term for any harmful act that is perpe- violence that results in, or is likely to result in, physical, trated against a person’s will and that is based on sexual, or psychological harm or suffering to women, socially ascribed (gender) differences between males including threats of such acts, coercion, or arbitrary and females” (Klugman et al. 2014). GBV affects both deprivation of liberty, whether occurring in public or men and women, but women are much more vulner- in private life.” The two terms can therefore be used able because violence reflects and reinforces existing interchangeably (Arango et al. 2014). 1 GBV includes intimate partner violence, nonpart- violence never sought help or told anyone about the ner sexual assault, female genital mutilation, sexual incident. The harmful practices of child marriage and exploitation and abuse, child abuse, female infanti- female genital mutilation are also prevalent across cide, and child marriage (Arango et al. 2014). Such the country; and trafficking in women and children is violence impedes gender equality and the achieve- endemic in Edo State. Conflict in Nigeria’s North East ment of a range of development outcomes. Experi- geopolitical zone has further contributed to a steep encing violence precludes women from contributing to rise in violence targeted against women and children or benefiting from development initiatives by limiting by Boko Haram. Women are increasingly being used their choices and ability to act (UN General Assem- as instruments of war, for example, as suicide bombers bly 2006). The deprivation of women resulting from or through forced marriage, which then makes them violence should be of central concern to governments more vulnerable to stigmatization and rejection by and to societies at large as an intrinsic human rights their families and communities. issue and because of the epidemic’s negative impact The Nigeria For Women Project (NFWP) is a on economic growth and poverty reduction. US$100 million World Bank-funded initiative imple- Exposure to intimate partner violence is linked mented by the Federal Ministry of Women Affairs and with a multitude of adverse physical health outcomes, Social Development (FMWASD) aimed at improving including acute injuries, chronic pain, gastrointesti- the livelihoods of women in targeted areas of Nigeria. nal illness, gynecological problems, depression, and It comprises four components: substance abuse (Taft and Watson 2008). The eco- 1. Building social capital. This component seeks nomic costs of GBV include expenditures on service to build social capital by galvanizing women to provision, foregone income for women and their become members of Women’s Affinity Groups families, decreased productivity, and negative impacts (WAGs) and by strengthening new and existing on human capital formation, which are burdensome to groups to serve as institutional platforms for developing economies. According to a recent World Nigerian women. Its subcomponents involve: Bank report, the estimated costs of intimate partner influencing social norms; and creation and violence across five countries is 1.2–3.7 percent of strengthening of WAGs. GDP, the same as what most governments spend on 2. Livelihoods program. This component sup- primary education (Klugman et al. 2014). ports economically active women in WAGS by providing livelihood grants and holistic and Rationale for the Study targeted skills trainings. Its subcomponents seek In Nigeria, like in other jurisdictions, GBV remains a to support individual livelihoods and livelihood challenge that significantly constrains women’s auton- collectives. omy and opportunities. The Nigeria Demographic 3. Innovations and partnerships. This component Health Survey (NDHS) 2013 (NPC and ICF International aims to use Nigeria’s talent pool to identify and 2014) indicates that 28 percent of women in Nigeria deploy innovations that can transform the social aged 15–49 have experienced some form of physical and livelihood outcomes of women and improve or sexual violence; 11 percent had experienced phys- project delivery, including monitoring and ical violence within the 12 months prior to the survey. evaluation. Almost 45 percent of the women who had experienced 2 Gender-Based Violence: An Analysis of the Implications for the Nigeria For Women Project 4. Project management, monitoring and eval- of GBV in project areas is determined by using infor- uation, and learning. This component aims mation gleaned from nationally representative surveys: to uplift the socioeconomic status of women the “Nigeria Demographic and Health Survey 2013” by advancing policy dialogue; strengthening (NPC and ICF International 2014); the “Nigeria— technical and implementation capacities; and Multiple Indicator Cluster Survey 2016–2017” improving coordination among implementing (UNICEF 2018); and the 2014 “Violence Against partners at the federal, state, and local govern- Children Survey,” funded by the United Nations ment area levels through the deployment of Children’s Fund (UNICEF 2014). However, the major highly qualified technical professionals. focus of this report is to assess community-level perceptions about and risk factors for GBV based on Because of the project’s strong focus on the eco- in-depth qualitative research in the three selected nomic empowerment of women, FMWASD and the Nigerian states and to outline measures to prevent World Bank jointly commissioned an analysis of the and respond to violence against women and girls in prevalence and project-related risks of GBV, using rural and semi-urban contexts using a survivor-cen- field analysis across three Nigerian states. The study tered approach (box 1.1). Key areas covered by the assesses the risks, defines linkages between women’s report include: (1) societal factors—laws, policies, and economic empowerment and GBV risk reduction, and offers targeted recommendations to mitigate risks in project design and implementation. This report Box 1.1. informed by desk and field research in addition to Survivor-Centered Approach to detailed information gathered by the task team from Programming the federal and state governments and from other stakeholders during the project preparation phase. A survivor-centered approach to program- The selected states for field research are from three ming means that everyone engaged in geopolitical zones and represent a variety of socio- violence-against-women programming prior- cultural contexts: (1) Katsina State is rural, and its itize the rights, needs, and wishes of survi- inhabitants are primarily Muslim, monoethnic, and vors. Based on a set of principles and skills monolingual, with the majority of the population designed to guide professionals—regardless Hausa or Fulani; (2) Edo is semi-urban and urban, with of their roles—as they engage with women a population of mostly Christian and migrant com- and girls who have experienced sexual or munities that speak Edo; and (3) Taraba is a mix of other forms of violence, the approach fosters Christian, Muslim, and traditional worshipper (Animist) a supportive environment where a survivor’s communities affected by communal conflict and dis- rights are respected and where she is treated placement from North East Nigeria. Edo and Taraba with dignity and respect. This promotes the are among the six states covered under the first phase survivor’s recovery, helps her identify and of NFWP, which also includes the states of Abia, Niger, express her needs and wishes, and reinforces Kebbi, and Ogun. her capacity to make decisions regarding pos- This study is grounded in comprehensive qualitative sible interventions (UN Women 2011) research, including a desk review and the collection of primary data gathered from the field. The prevalence 1. Introduction 3 Figure 1.1. Structure of the Study: Social Ecological Model of Analysis Social Ecological Model The causes of violence against women and girls are Policy and enabling environment multifaceted, including factors at the individual, rela- National, state, and local laws that tionship, community, and societal levels. This widely reduce inhibitions against the use of violence against women and reinforce gender inequality acknowledged social ecological model (figure 1.1) recognizes that the root cause of GBV is gender Community inequality, namely the societal-level factor of unequal Neighborhoods, schools, and workplaces distribution of power and resources between men and women. Gender-based discrimination and inequal- Interpersonal ity can be expressed through different mechanisms, Families, friends, and including discriminatory laws, unequal access to polit- social networks ical and economic power, socially constructed norms of masculinity and femininity, and gender roles and Individual Personal factors, stereotypes (UN Women 2015). In addition to the root knowledge, attitudes, causes of GBV, other factors operating at the individ- and behaviors ual and relationship levels can affect the probability that a woman or girl will experience violence. These factors include age, education level, alcohol or drug use, poverty, acceptance of violence, unemployment, institutions—related to GBV prevention and response and depression, among many others. in Nigeria; (2) perceptions and understanding of GBV This report uses the social ecological model as the among targeted communities and potential project basis to analyze prevalent GBV risks in Nigeria. It first beneficiaries; (3) community-level drivers of GBV; (4) describes the legislative and policy level frameworks how women-focused livelihood programs can exac- associated with violence against women and girls erbate or mitigate GBV-related risks among women as well as their implementation at the national and and girls; and (5) practical measures to mitigate risks subnational levels. It then provides a detailed analysis throughout the project cycle using available on-the- of specific social norms that have created acceptance ground resources and services. Although this study for or at least a lack of condemnation of GBV at the was undertaken in the context of NFWP, it seeks to community level. Finally, based on field research (the extend its learning and guidance to the larger audi- following section outlines the methodology), it delves ence of those participating in development programs deeper into some of the interpersonal and individ- that could exacerbate the risk of GBV in Nigeria. ual drivers of various forms of GBV in the selected communities. 4 Gender-Based Violence: An Analysis of the Implications for the Nigeria For Women Project 2. Methodology This study primarily relied on descriptive and explana- Table 2.1. tory techniques, drawing from a comprehensive desk Selected Areas for Gathering Field Data review, multiple stakeholder consultations during State Local Government Area country and state visits, field research conducted for Edo Uholor-Oredo (semi-urban) this specific analysis, and other institutional and social Ewossa-Igueben (rural) analyses commissioned by the project. Taraba Ardo Kola (rural) The field research for the gender-based violence Jalingo (semi-urban) (GBV) assessment utilized qualitative and quantitative Katsina Matazu (rural) research methods for collecting data on the socio- Malumfashi (semi-urban) economic conditions of women and understanding of GBV in three states: Edo, Taraba, and Katsina. All GBV prevelance rates are based on data collected through Table 2.2. the “Nigeria Demographic Health Survey 2013” and Focus Group Discussion Sample other nationally representative surveys. Stakeholder Number of Focus Group Discussions consultations were conducted with the Federal and Participant Profile Edo Katsina Taraba State Ministries of Women Affairs and Social Devel- Female youth opment, Office of the Vice President, UN Women, 2 2 2 (aged 18–35) European Union’s Justice4all program, and various Male youth 2 2 2 (aged 18–35) development partners and implementing agencies Female adult groups working on women’s socioeconomic programs. Inter- 2 2 2 (aged 36+) view questionnaires were designed to elicit informa- Male adult groups 2 2 2 tion during four focus group discussions in six local (aged 36+) government areas (LGAs) across the three selected Total number of 8 8 8 interviews or sessions states (table 2.1). Five key informant interviews were conducted in each LGA among traditional rulers; religious leaders; male and female cooperative group Study Limitations leaders; members of women associations; and male, The research study is not representative of the entire female, and youth group members (table 2.2). Fifteen population of women and men in Nigeria. It is qual- semi-structured questionnaires were administered itative research, which provides robust contextual to respondents per LGA across all key groups. Thirty and local information, perceptions, and experiences questionnaires were administered per state, for a total around GBV, with special reference to the three study of 90 across the three states. states. 5 3. Legal and Institutional Context for GBV in Nigeria Policy and Legislative Frameworks of 2003, which provides for detailed protection of a girl The Nigerian legal system is plural: there is child until age 18, seeks to end forced labor and child statutory and sharia law in the northern zones marriages, and is aimed at ensuring health services coexisting with customary law in rural areas. The for pregnant women; (2) the Convention on the Elimi- simultaneous application of this three-tier system nation of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women creates varied degrees of protection for the rights of (CEDAW), ratified in June 1985; (3) the Protocol to the women and children. The country has an active feder- African Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights on the alist political system; and both the federal and state Rights of Women in Africa (Maputo Protocol), rati- governments have the prerogative to pass laws affect- fied December 16, 2004; and (4) the Violence Against ing women and children. A state must pass (domesti- Persons Prohibition Act, which was finally passed in cate) a law for it to be legally binding in that state. 2015, more than 10 years after it was first presented to The federal government of Nigeria has ratified the national assembly. Table 3.1 provides a summary of multiple international laws and conventions to international and regional agreements on GBV, sexual address the historical discrimination and marginal- exploitation, and abuse adopted by Nigeria at the ization of women and girls, including GBV (al-Kyari federal level. et al. 2018). Examples include: (1) the Childs Rights Act 6 Table 3.1. Agreements on GBV and Sexual Exploitation and Abuse Adopted at the Federal Level in Nigeria Title Year Description Status Adopted Convention on the Elimination 1979 • Adopted in 1979, but the general Although the federal of All Forms of Discrimination recommendation 19 on violence against government ratified Against Women (CEDAW) women was not adopted by the CEDAW this in 1985, the committee until 1992. It recognizes GBV as a Nigerian constitution form of discrimination and recommends that requires domestication states take measures to prevent and respond through adoption by to violence against women. the National Assembly and State Houses of • Article 6 calls for states to “suppress all forms Assembly.a of trafficking and exploitation of prostitution of women.” African Charter on Human and 1981 • Calls for the elimination of discrimination Ratified in 1983. Peoples’ Rights against women and the protection of the rights of women and children. • Prohibits all forms of exploitation, particularly slavery. Convention on the Rights of the 1989 • Defines a child as a person under the age Ratified in 1991. Child of 18. • Commits state parties to protecting children from all forms of mental and physical violence, as well as sexual exploitation, child marriage, abuse, harmful traditional practices, and prostitution. African Union Charter on the 1990 • Defines a child as a person under the age Ratified in 2000. Rights and Welfare of the Child of 18. • Commits states to protecting children from physical and sexual abuse. Rome Statute of the International 1998 • Recognizes a spectrum of GBV as war crimes Ratified in 2001. Criminal Court and crimes against humanity, including rape, sexual slavery, forced prostitution, and forced sterilization. Protocol to Prevent, Suppress 2000 • Calls on states to criminalize and take steps Ratified in 2001. and Punish Trafficking in Persons, to prevent trafficking. Especially Women and Children, supplementing the United • Commits states to providing physical, Nations Convention Against psychosocial, and social support to trafficking Transnational Organized Crime victims. Protocol to the African Charter 2003 • Calls on states to protect rights of women Ratified in 2004. on Human and Peoples’ Rights and girls, such as property rights, rights to a on the Rights of Women in Africa consensual marriage, protection against child (Maputo Protocol) marriage, widows’ rights, inheritance rights, and protection against all forms of violence. Sources: Adapted from the World Bank 2018. a. For further analysis of Nigeria and CEDAW domestication, see Nwankwo n.d. GBV = gender-based violence. 3. Legal and Institutional Context for GBV in Nigeria 7 However, these agreements have limited appli- national referral pathway that identifies stakeholders in cation to the states. Two key laws address GBV: the each state for the referral of GBV cases. Child Rights Act and the Violence Against Persons A snapshot of GBV-related legislation and poli- Prohibition Act of 2015, both passed by the federal cies in the states covered by the Nigeria For Women government but not by many of the 36 states, making Project (NFWP), provided below, sets the context and them inapplicable in those areas. Twenty-four states demonstrates the commitments and readiness of state have ratified the Child Rights Act; 12 northern states governments to prevent GBV. have yet to do so. The main barriers to the domestica- tion of these laws are resistance based on entrenched Abia State norms of gender inequity and opposition to con- Violence Against Persons Prohibition Act (2003). cepts around equality and rights that are perceived Domesticated in Abia State in 2004, this law pro- as foreign. In other respects, the law is significantly vides for the protection and enforcement of the less controversial than the Violence Against Persons rights and welfare of persons susceptible of becom- Prohibition Act, except for provisions that set a legal ing survivors of violence. age for marriage and criminalize sexual interactions Abolition of Widowhood Practices Bill (2017). with minors. This bill aims to safeguard widows against all forms The Nigerian government also approved a of discrimination, equalize their opportunities, and federal executive memorandum directing all prevent physically and psychologically harmful government ministries, departments, and agen- practices against them. It has been presented by cies to appoint gender focal persons within their the state ministry at a public hearing but has yet to directorate cadres to mainstream gender equality become law. in various sectoral policies and programming. In 1995, the Federal Ministry of Women Affairs and Social Edo State Development (FMWASD) was created to provide an Female Genital Mutilation Act (1999). This legis- institutional home to address women’s issues. The lation bans and criminalizes the traditional practices 1999 Nigerian constitution, chapter IV, section 42 (I), of female genital circumcision, commonly referred (a) and (b); (2); and (3) prohibits discrimination based to as female genital mutilation, or FGM. on gender, religion, ethnicity, age, or circumstances Inhuman Treatment of Widows (Prohibition) Law of birth. The first National Women Policy was drafted (2004). Enacted in 2001 and amended in 2004, this in 2000, followed by the National Gender Policy of law prohibits the inhuman treatment of widows. 2006. Both aimed to make gender equality a driver of HIV/AIDS Act (2006). This legislation, enacted in growth; promote health, survival, and freedom from 2006, provides people living with HIV/AIDS protec- violence; and create an inclusive society devoid of tion against stigmatization and discrimination. It gender discrimination. The National Plan of Action, mandates that private and public institutions pro- which has a five-year target period (2014–19), includes vide services and extend opportunities to persons a comprehensive strategy for delivering the national without regard to their status. gender policy (FMWASD 2008). The plan prioritizes Agency for the Control of HIV/AIDS (2009). This violence against women and children as a key issue legislation establishes mechanisms for responding and identifies specific actions to prevent and respond to HIV/AIDS, such as the State Agency for Control to this violence. The FMWASD also developed a of Aids and the Governor’s Council on HIV/AIDS. 8 Gender-Based Violence: An Analysis of the Implications for the Nigeria For Women Project Law on Violence Against Women (2007). This law From Policy to Practice seeks to address violations against women and girls Despite many positive policy initiatives, Nigerian in Edo State. legal frameworks are limited—they do not provide Child Rights Law (2007). This legislation, which adequate protection for GBV survivors. A report by prohibits acts that violate the rights of children, the Nigeria CEDAW NGO Coalition (2008) notes that domesticates the Child Rights Convention in Edo the penal code, section 55(4), which is applicable in State. the northern zones, makes legal the “corrective” beat- ing of a child, student, servant, or wife, as long it does The reform-driven agenda of the current Edo State not cause grievous harm. Marital rape is excluded government has led to expectations that there will be from the legal definition of rape in penal legislation in other bills presented to the State House of Assembly to the north and under the criminal code in the south. A strengthen the cause of women’s empowerment, par- report by Amnesty International (2006) notes that dis- ticularly legislation to combat the scourge of trafficked crepancies in the definition of rape by federal, state, women. The Gender Equality Opportunity Bill 2016 sharia, and customary legal systems create a plural and a bill to eliminate violence in private and public life justice system that may be undermining the rights of prohibit all forms of violence against persons are pend- women to seek legal redress. Indeed, current law can ing. The state government is committed to affirmative penalize the victim rather than the perpetrator. Mus- action to seek 35 percent employment opportunities lim women are particularly constrained when seeking for women in governance (The Nation 2017). justice and redress for rape under sharia law because it requires a witness, making it more difficult to secure a Ogun State successful prosecution. Child Rights Act (2003). This law was domesti- The implementation of policies and treaties is cated in Ogun State in 2004 and amended in 2013. constrained. FMWASD is underfunded and lacks the It protects and enforces the rights and welfare of capacity to effectively coordinate and operationalize children. policies or to build its capacity to prevent and respond Violence Against Persons Bill (2016). This bill to GBV. Justice-sector institutions, such as the police, seeks to provide effective remedies for victims of the judiciary, the National Human Rights Commission, violence. The State House of Assembly passed the and Legal Aid Council, lack the knowledge, under- legislation, but it has yet to become law. standing, or capacity to address cases of GBV with a Persons with Disabilities Bill (2017). This legisla- survivor-centered approach. For example, the field tion establishes an office to safeguard people with research found that the police often refuse to inter- disabilities against all forms of discrimination and vene in cases of intimate partner violence, describing equalize their opportunities in all aspects of living. it as a “domestic issue.” Some justice sector offi- It has not yet been assented. cers are unaware of new GBV laws; and deficiencies in operational funding can hinder the execution of The states of Taraba, Kebbi, and Niger have not yet appropriate actions. The presence of female officers domesticated laws providing protection to GBV survi- improves reporting rates among survivors, but their vors. However, Kebbi State has expressed a commit- availability varies from state to state. Many women and ment to domesticate the Child Rights Act. children, particularly in rural and semi-urban areas, are 3. Legal and Institutional Context for GBV in Nigeria 9 completely unaware of the laws and policies that exist In some states, including Lagos, Kaduna, and Enugu, to protect them. While a national GBV referral pathway government institutions like the Ministry of Justice, exists, key stakeholders have not been educated or FMWASD, and the Ministry of Health have established mobilized to take advantage of it. Further, the direc- sexual assault referral centers to respond to immediate tory within the national referral protocol is outdated— GBV-related needs. These centers provide compre- most contacts are unavailable or have transferred to hensive support, including health care, legal services, other ministries. psychosocial support, and physical protection. And Despite these challenges, the institutional and some donor-funded programs and development part- legal context has improved. Some states have ners have trained justice sector institutions, particularly established special units within police stations to the police, to identify and respond to GBV. address issues of GBV with encouraging results so far. 10 Gender-Based Violence: An Analysis of the Implications for the Nigeria For Women Project 4. Prevalence, Norms, and Drivers of Gender-Based Violence Prevalence and Perceptions Figure 4.1. During the field research, participants expressed Prevalence of Sexual Violence varying levels of understanding about what gender-based violence (GBV) is, their perceptions National 7.0 of it, and the terminology they use to describe it. average 3.3 In the project states of Katsina and Taraba, terms include chin mutincin mata (harassment of women), 28.1 Taraba wulankanta mata (degradation/disrespect/abuse), and 13.7 cin zarafin mata (a collective name referring to beat- ing, sexual assault, and public harassment of women). 3.3 Niger These context-dependent terms are used when a 2.3 girl or a woman is beaten; raped; insulted; harassed; 3.0 Kebbi cheated out of money; denied matrimonial rights, such 1.0 as shelter, clothing, or sex; forcibly married; or married at an early age. Abia 5.5 1.0 Sexual Violence 7.7 Edo As shown in figure 4.1, sexual violence is highly 2.0 prevalent in project states and is a cause for com- munity concern. Sexual violence against children is Ogun 4.3 one form of GBV that is reported and channeled into 1.3 conflict dispute mechanisms, which refer cases to the Women (ages 15–49) who have ever experienced police or other legal authorities. Women with disabili- sexual violence (%) ties are twice as likely to experience domestic violence Women (ages 15–49) who had experienced sexual violence in the past 12 months (%) or another form of GBV as other women and up to Source: NPC and ICF International 2014. three times more likely to experience sexual assault by a stranger or acquaintance (NSRP 2015). Marital rape is not viewed as a valid concept. pays the “bride price.” A key informant in Ewossa Most people at the community level believe that explained, “How then can a man forcefully take what is forced sexual relations are acceptable because a his own.” In some communities, this idea is supported woman is thought to belong to her husband after he by the religious belief that refusing sex is a sin. 11 Intimate Partner Violence and attitudes toward wife beating, one World Bank Despite the high prevalence of wife beating, study (Klugman et al. 2014) quantifies and categorizes emotional and economic abuse, and marital rape, 21 countries, ranking Nigeria especially high for major many Nigerians consider intimate partner violence risk factors, including: to be a private issue about which the community Acceptance of wife beating. One in three should not intervene (figures 4.2 and 4.3). As high- surveyed women agree that a man is justified in lighted in the ecological model earlier in this report beating his wife in some cases, including if she (see figure 1.1), tolerant attitudes represent the highest burns the food, argues with him, goes out with- correlated risk factor contributing to the incidence of out telling him, neglects the children, or refuses intimate partner violence (The Lancet Global Health to have sexual intercourse with him (NPC and 2015). Using recent data from a demographic and ICF International 2014). health survey that included domestic violence history Figure 4.2. Figure 4.3. Prevalence of Intimate Partner Violence Tolerant Attitudes Toward Wife Beating National 25.0 National 34.7 average average 19.0 24.7 70.9 66.1 Taraba Taraba 25.6 22.6 16.7 49.8 Niger Niger 4.5 19.6 11.3 73.1 Kebbi Kebbi 5.3 49.5 15.1 35.9 Abia Abia 9.6 35.4 54.4 33.5 Edo Edo 25.0 35.1 13.8 3.0 Ogun Ogun 6.6 23.4 Ever-married women (ages 15–49) who have ever Women (ages 15–49) who agree that a husband is justified in experienced emotional, physical, or sexual violence hitting or beating his wife for at least one specified reason— by their husband or partner (%) burns the food, argues with him, goes out without telling him, neglects the children, or refuses to have sex (%) Ever-married women (ages 15–49) who had experienced physical or sexual violence by their Men ages (15–49) who agree that a husband is justified in husband or partner in the past 12 months (%) hitting or beating his wife for at least one specified reason— burns the food, argues with him, goes out without telling him, Source: NPC and ICF International 2014. neglects the children, or refuses to have sex (%) Source: NPC and ICF International 2014. 12 Gender-Based Violence: An Analysis of the Implications for the Nigeria For Women Project Polygamous marriage. Thirty-three percent of stigma around GBV; the idea that a woman is partially women report that their husbands have more responsible for being victimized under the assumption than one wife (NPC and ICF International 2014). that she must have transgressed in some way from Early forced marriage. Forty-three percent of her socially expected role and therefore deserves girls in Nigeria are married before the age of 18 punishment; fear of family disgrace if the issue is (UNICEF 2016). not addressed privately; and a dearth of and lack of awareness of specialized GBV services. These attitudes Field research in Edo, Katsina, and Taraba con- reinforce the impunity and acceptance of GBV among firm the finding of the 2013 demographic health survivors, their families, and their neighbors, who seek survey (NPC and ICF International 2014) that the to cover up incidents. It is even common for health acceptance rate for wife beating is high. Some providers and justice and security officials to “look the participants believe a husband is justified in hitting or other way” and ignore cases of GBV. beating his wife if he thinks she is of lower economic An overwhelming 95 percent of child survivors status, is disrespectful, refuses to have sex with him, of violence report that they did not seek services or does not fulfill her household duties. Qualitative due to individual-level barriers (UNICEF 2014). findings also demonstrate that GBV, particularly Reasons for not asking for help include fear of retalia- intimate partner violence, is tolerated at the societal tion, feelings of guilt or embarrassment, a sense that and community levels, which is strongly linked to the the violence is not a problem, and not needing or inequitable gender norms that prescribe a woman to wanting services. These are all rationalizations emerg- a household role; deviance from this role can result in ing out of social expectations that normalize GBV, violence. blame the survivor for the violence, and do not pro- Nigeria has one of the lowest rates of help-seek- mote awareness of rights, as well as a weak to nonexis- ing behavior. Among women aged 15–49 who have tent system for protecting children from abuse. survived physical or sexual violence, whether the perpetrator was an intimate partner or not, 45 percent Polygyny and intimate partner violence never sought help or told anyone about the experi- Polygyny—the practice of having more than one ence, only 31 percent sought help from any source, wife—is widely practiced in Nigeria, especially and 12 percent told someone about their experience in the north (see figure 4.4). Polygyny is linked to but did not seek help (NPC and ICF International intimate partner violence, including emotional, verbal, 2014). Help-seeking behavior is at its lowest level and physical abuse. For example, analyzing data from in Nigeria’s Northeast geopolitical zone, where 23 171 countries, McDermott and Cowden (2015) find percent of female survivors of intimate partner vio- a relationship between high polygyny rates and an lence have sought help; and at its highest in Southeast increase in behavioral constraints and health conse- Nigeria, where 37 percent have done so. Forty-eight quences for women and children, including a higher percent of divorced, separated, and widowed women prevalence of female genital mutilation; a 147 percent and 32 percent of currently married women have increase in domestic violence, including nonpartner sought help to stop violence. Help-seeking behaviors and partner rape and honor killings; a higher likeli- among urban and rural women are minimally differ- hood of women contracting HIV/AIDS and an increase ent at 32 percent and 31 percent, respectively (NPC in sex trafficking compared with countries where and ICF International 2014). The extremely low levels polygyny is less common. of help-seeking behavior by survivors is due to: the 4. Prevalence, Norms, and Drivers of Gender-Based Violence 13 Figure 4.4. In some cases, young girls cohabit with men in return Prevalence of Women in Polygynous for financial support (see section on transactional sex Marriage on page 18). This practice often leaves them more National 25.8 vulnerable to emotional, verbal, and sexual abuse from average 6.7 partners due to the absence of a formal commitment 28.3 and the community-level social stigma. Taraba 15.1 Harmful Widowhood Practices Niger 27.7 A widow in Nigeria suffers great hardship from the 4.2 prevalent belief she is “guilty for her husband’s death.” The husband’s relatives subject a woman to 39.2 Kebbi widowhood rites to prove her innocence. Often, women 4.7 in traditional societies are blamed or scapegoated for 9.1 familial or societal problems. They must live with great Abia 3.1 stigma and struggle to survive. Despite widowhood rites, community members find ways to ostracize and 11.9 Edo blame widows for the death of their husbands. For 4.3 example, if the widow faces any misfortune, commu- 23.0 nity members assume it is because she is guilty of Ogun 5.7 her husband’s death and that she took a false “oath of innocence.” In some animist cultures in the north, Currently married women (ages 15–49) by number of co-wives (%) widows are completely ostracized from society and not 1+ 2+ allowed to fully cover themselves or leave the home during the mourning period. The trauma resulting from Interviews conducted for this research reveal these harmful practices prevents widows from living a that many women in polygynous households normal life again. In addition, a widow is usually dispos- secretly save earned income to use as a safety net sessed of all family money, property, and assets without in event that their husbands leave them for another consideration to how she will care for her children. woman. This practice reflects the daily emotional Land ownership laws as well as prevalent customary and economic abuse experienced by women in practices in some states exclude women from property polygynous households. A woman from Katsina State ownership. Because of this, property is held under the explains: man’s name and passed on through a patrilineal lineage “On my wedding night, my elderly aunty within the group. In Southeast Nigeria, a widow’s right told me over and over again—that a to own or even use the land is not secured, and relatives woman has to be patient and tolerating commonly seize the property of the widows. in order to have a very successful family, you must do as your husband tells you all Violence Against Women with Disabilities the time, but she did not warn me that he Women and girls with disabilities are more likely could dedicate so much attention to his to experience GBV and less able to escape, less other wives and disregard me.” likely to speak up, less likely to be believed, and 14 Gender-Based Violence: An Analysis of the Implications for the Nigeria For Women Project less likely to find services they can access. They can and in markets are at risk of multiple kinds of violence, experience verbal, emotional, physical, and sexual including theft, verbal harassment, sexual assault, and abuse from caregivers, family members, colleagues, manipulative “sugar daddy” relationships with adult security agents, classmates, and friends. Globally, males. Female focus group participants for this study women with disabilities are twice as likely to experi- expressed that being around a group of men can eas- ence domestic violence and other forms of GBV and ily lead to harassment or sexual assault. up to three times more likely to experience rape by a Women in male-dominated occupations, such stranger or acquaintance than women without dis- as quarry work, shoe and bag making, farming abilities (Ortoleva and Lewis 2012). A study in Nigeria (subsistence and large-scale cultivation), and cloth found that social myths surrounding women with dis- dyeing are particularly vulnerable to harassment abilities, such that having sex with them brings wealth, and violence. Some of the female participants claim status, and power, make them more vulnerable to that the men often feel threatened by successful sexual violence (NSRP 2015). A woman with a disability women and therefore harass or insult them as a way is also at a disadvantage in terms of escaping poten- of discouraging them from participating. During key tially violent situations. For example, a physical disabil- informant interviews, some men said that they per- ity can create mobility issues that might prevent her ceived women working in male-dominated sectors to from quickly evading danger; or a hearing disability be “too ambitious” or “desperate for money.” Our could prevent her from noticing danger approaching. field research also indicated that membership in some Respondents for this research recalled that students at economic groups, such as cooperatives and trade a school for deaf children with no water facilities were groups, is highly restrictive, ensuring that only men can raped while walking to a nearby stream to fetch water. access their benefits. Women who have formed their They attributed the attacks to the fact that the girls did own groups or who participate in similar activities are not run away because they could not hear the perpe- seen as challenging authority, putting them at greater trators approaching. Women with visual impairments risk of harassment. reported experiencing infringements on their privacy, for example when taking baths. Violence Against Children According to the Violence Against Children survey, Sexual and Physical Harassment in half of all children in Nigeria have experienced Public Areas physical violence (50 percent of girls and 52 per- Our field research revealed a high prevalence of cent of boys). One in four girls (25 percent) and women being publicly harassed, verbally insulted, one in ten boys (11 percent) have experienced sex- and physically abused in public spaces. The harass- ual violence. Among children reporting at least one ment specifically targets women who are economically incident of sexual abuse prior to age 18, 70.5 percent active and who are participating in social life in the of girls and 69 percent of boys experienced multi- public realm. A woman must deal with this type of ple incidents. Females and males aged 18–24 who provocation at the marketplace, at church, at commu- have experienced sexual abuse during childhood are nity meetings, on the street, and at work—especially if significantly more likely to have experienced their first she has ventured into a male-dominated occupation. incident of sexual abuse between the ages of 16 to 17 Lessons learned from various programs on women and (48 and 55 percent, respectively) than at any other age. girls (NSRP 2016) reveal that girls hawkers in the street Almost one third of female respondents (32 percent) 4. Prevalence, Norms, and Drivers of Gender-Based Violence 15 Figure 4.5. experienced their first incident of sexual abuse Children in Project States Involved between the age of 14 and 15, and a nonnegligible in Economic Activities (percent of 20 percent first experienced abuse at or before the population) age of 13. Almost one third of males (29 percent) experienced their first incident when they were 44.1 13 years old or younger. For those whose first sexual 63.7 Taraba 8.7 intercourse was prior to age 18, females (25.5 percent) 80.5 were significantly more likely than males (10 percent) 2.8 to report it as unwanted (UNICEF 2014). 64.9 Children who engage in informal economic 63.3 activities (see figure 4.5), either on their own or Niger 16.6 83.3 to help family members, are especially at risk of 0 sexual exploitation and abuse, especially if they are unsupervised. Girl-child defilement, the sexual assault 54.5 74.7 of a girl under the age of 13 is particularly concerning Kebbi 10.0 in some project areas. Girls who undertake any trade 85.5 or endeavor in the public sphere are reportedly at risk 0.4 of sexual abuse. Respondents explained that some 37.0 people take advantage of these vulnerable girls and 60.3 “violate” them through sexual assault, causing bodily Abia 3.7 76.3 harm, potentially leading to unwanted pregnancies, 1.6 increasing their risk of contracting HIV and other sexually transmitted diseases, possibly triggering pro- 18.0 54.7 longed psychosocial trauma, and sometimes resulting Edo 1.5 in death. 45.0 0 Sex Trafficking 27.8 Nigeria is a source, transit, and destination coun- 47.3 Ogun 10.6 try for human trafficking. According to the most 73.9 recent data from the Global Slavery Index,1 Nigeria 0.8 ranks 32 out of 167 countries with the highest num- Children involved in economic activity (%) ber of slaves—1,386,000; and the National Agency for the Prohibition of Trafficking in Persons for Nige- 1 hour or more per week (ages 5–11) ria reports that the average age of trafficked children Less than 14 hours per week (ages 12–14) 14 hours or more per week (ages 12–14) in Nigeria is 15. The U.S. State Department ranks Less than 43 hours per week (ages 15–17) it as a Tier 2 Watchlist Country in its “Trafficking In 43 hours or more per week (ages 15–17) Persons Report” (2018). According to the Interna- tional Organization for Migration (IOM), in 2016, Source: UNICEF 2017. 1. The Global Slavery Index data for Nigeria is available at www.globalslaveryindex.org/2018/data/country-data/nigeria/. 16 Gender-Based Violence: An Analysis of the Implications for the Nigeria For Women Project “Don’t you see what is happening in the approximately 11,000 women arrived into Italy via the Mediterranean Sea, mostly from Edo. An estimated 80 percent of young women arriving from Nigeria— Mediterranean Sea, how people can see fire whose numbers have soared from 1,454 in 2014 to and get inside, but they are pushed by their 11,009 in 2016—will be forced into prostitution as sex situation. Poverty is the problem. When you get to Libya and see 100 illegal migrants, trafficking victims (IOM 2017b). According to Italian authorities (AP 2018), there are 10,000–30,000 Nige- rian women working as prostitutes on the streets of 60 are from Edo State and 40 from Benin, Italy. Ninety percent of migrant women arriving into and mostly from upper Sakoba. In this axis, Italy from Libya arrive with bruises and other signs of the one going to school is seen as stupid. Mothers organize men to deflower their violence. In general, 83.5 percent of all Nigerians inter- viewed in 2017 report having suffered physical violence of some kind during their journey, most often in Libya girl children to prepare them for the trade. (IOM 2017a). A UN report published in December When you hear that 10 people died in the 2018 records narratives by Nigerian migrants of unlaw- sea, the next week, 20 will move.” ful killings, gang rape, prostitution, arbitrary deten- tion, torture and inhumane treatment, unpaid wages, – Traditional leader, Edo State slavery, human trafficking, racism, and xenophobia in Libya (OHCHR 2018). Over the last three years, IOM has recorded an almost 600 percent increase in the number of potential sex trafficking victims arriving in organ trafficking are murdered and never make it back Italy via the Mediterranean (IOM 2017). to their homeland. Edo State is an internationally recognized sex As this and other research affirms, poverty trafficking hub, with built-in infrastructure and remains the primary risk factor that renders women networks that support the sale of human bodies. and girls vulnerable to sex trafficking (PJI 2018). An astounding 94 percent (UNODC 2006) of all Nige- Limited educational and economic opportunities rian women trafficked to Europe for prostitution hail coupled with parental pressure to support the family from Edo State, and Italy is the primary destination compound their risk. Respondents for this study assert country. A 2003 United Nations Interregional Crime that there has been an upsurge in trafficking since the and Justice Research Institute report concludes that death of Moumar Gadhafi, the former president of “virtually every Benin family has one member or the Libya, who played a key role in regulating the inflow other involved in trafficking either as a victim, sponsor, of illegal migrants by conducting regular patrols and madam or trafficker” (UNICRI 2003). The souls and search-and-rescue operations along the Mediter- bodies of survivors are turned into commodities for ranean coast. One key informant asserted that the financial gain while the survivors themselves are held in empowerment of women and girls would reduce debt bondage, severely abused (often gang raped and trafficking and transactional sex in Edo State, empha- physically assaulted), starved, tortured, or infected with sizing the need for economic empowerment schemes various sexually transmitted diseases before being to address the problem. deported back to Nigeria. Others who are victims of 4. Prevalence, Norms, and Drivers of Gender-Based Violence 17 However, some Nigerian scholars have criticized constructed their involvement in sexual relation- what they argue are overly simplistic paradigms ships as an economic survival strategy or as a way that view women solely as victims of the traffick- to improve their economic status (Babatunde and ing industry. They note that the growing acceptance Durowaiye 2014). In another qualitative study in of transactional sex has made some families quite Edo State, focus group participants—boys and girls wealthy; that women who were once victims have of secondary school age—frequently mentioned the capitalized on their position to become entrepreneur- exchange of sex for goods as a common practice ial “madams” in the Italian sex trade; and that there (Barnett et al. 2011). An ActionAid study reported that is vertical socioeconomic mobility in the industry (Lo male school staff seek out opportunities to obtain Iacono 2014). Madams manipulate and coax other sexual favors, exploiting the poverty of students who women into sex work, who agree due to extreme struggle to pay their fees and who lack uniforms household poverty, parental pressure, and a personal and books. Female students and their parents have relationship with the madam. The Nigerian trafficking complained to authorities about this occurring but industry is distinctive: it is a female-dominated criminal appeared powerless to stop it (ActionAid 2011). enterprise that has a self-reproducing organizational The ActionAid study also noted an increase in structure with vertical mobility (Lo Iacono 2014). This unwanted pregnancies alongside an increase in the analysis explores the complexities underlying the incidence of transactional sex. Unwanted pregnan- sex trade, especially in Edo State, but poverty clearly cies, which are reportedly higher in Edo State than remains the major driver behind women risking their Taraba, are generally common and have a significant lives to engage in sex work. It may seem to some that negative social and economic impact on women and women choose this work, but in fact, pressure from girls. Field research shows that when a man does not family, dire economic circumstances, and false prom- take responsibility for a pregnancy, the woman who is ises influence what may not be an informed choice. left alone with the child is stigmatized and econom- ically vulnerable. One key informant, the head of a Transactional Sex women’s vocational center, explains: Transactional sex is similar to sex work in some “Unwanted pregnancy is common, some- ways. Both involve nonmarital relationships in which times it’s the girl who is careless, some- gifts or cash are exchanged for sex. However, they times she has just been deceived with differ in important ways. With transactional sex, partic- small money, sometimes it could even be ipants are referred to as “girlfriends and boyfriends” that she was forced by her boyfriend …. rather than “prostitutes and clients.” In addition, the Whatever the case—unwanted pregnancy exchange of gifts for sex is part of a broader set of is not openly discussed in this community. arrangements and obligations that might not involve It is a taboo, especially if those involved a predetermined payment (Hunter 2002). In Nigeria, a disagree to marry.” culture of transactional sex has become increasingly more prevalent. A few studies elaborate on this (see Early Marriage below), but there is a dearth of data and analysis of According to 2017 data from the Multiple Indicator transactional sex prevalence and drivers in Nigeria that Cluster Survey (UNICEF 2018), child marriage is could be explored in a standalone study. much more prevalent in the northern than southern One study in the North Central zone shows zones. The state with the highest proportion of girls that young women (aged 16–25) have explicitly married by age 15 is Zamfara at 48.6 percent; the state 18 Gender-Based Violence: An Analysis of the Implications for the Nigeria For Women Project Figure 4.6. with the highest proportion of girls married by age Rates of Early Marriage in Project States 18 is Jigawa at 87.4 percent (UNICEF 2018). Among Among Women (Aged 20–49) project states, the highest rate of girls being married by age 18 is in Kebbi State at 66.9 percent, followed by Taraba State at 43.3 percent (figure 4.6). The culture of National 20.5 average early marriage is extremely harmful to women. Global 44.1 evidence shows that girls married before the age of 18 19.1 have higher rates of repeated unwanted pregnancies, Taraba 43.3 obstetric fistula and intimate partner violence (Erulkar 2013). The harmful effects of child marriage are not 15.5 Niger just limited to the girl, but affect the prospects of her 50.1 child. Children of young mothers are likely to be less 27.5 educated and have poorer health and financial pros- Kebbi 66.9 pects than children born to adult mothers (UNFPA 2013). In Nigeria specifically, with limited resources, 3 Abia parents tend to invest less in the education of girls, 10.6 who are destined to be married. Girls are relegated to 5.9 domestic roles, such as caring for younger siblings or Edo 14.5 supporting the family through petty trading or hawk- ing. Girls are married off at a young age for dowry, to 5 Ogun reduce household expenses or to do a favor for the 19.9 spouse—who is usually much older than the girl—and Women ages 20–49 who were married: his family. Early marriage is also seen as a pathway, Before the age of 15 as one participant explained to “avoid waywardness Before the age of 18 among girls that may result in unwanted pregnancy Source: UNICEF 2017. thereby bringing shame to the family.” These girls are deprived of an education; live under harsh restrictions on their mobility and decision making; and suffer seri- to avoid promiscuity or waywardness.” Disaggregation ous health consequences related to early childbirth, by age reveals generational differences of support for including prolonged labor, vesico-vaginal fistulae, the practice in Taraba State: 17 percent support among recto-vaginal fistulae, and sometimes death. adult women, 5 percent among adult men, 3 percent Early marriage is more common in rural areas. among male youth, and 2 percent among female In Katsina State, this study finds that cases of forced youth. Figures 4.7 and 4.8 illustrate state-specific snap- early marriage are not viewed as GBV in rural Matazu shots of these attitudes. but that there is strong opposition to the practice in semi-urban areas. Similarly, in Taraba State, 71 per- Drivers cent of respondents in the semi-urban area of Jalingo Social Norms indicate that early or forced marriage are forms of GBV, The social ecological model emphasizes the role but only 27 percent of respondents in the rural settle- that community-level, socially constructed gender ment of Ardo Kola believe this to be the case. Instead, norms play in shaping individual attitudes toward many believe that forced marriage can be “necessary GBV. These views are ultimately critical to either 4. Prevalence, Norms, and Drivers of Gender-Based Violence 19 Figure 4.7. Community- and Household-Level Perceptions on Prevalence of GBV EDO Intimate partner violence Rape KATSINA Girl-child defilement Intimate partner violence Female genital mutilation Forced marriage Early pregnancy Public harassment Sex/girl trafficking Public harassment TARABA Points of consensus Intimate partner violence across states: Early marriage Intimate partner violence Public harassment of women Forced marriage competing with men Public harassment Rape Unwanted pregnancy Figure 4.8. State Profiles of Affected Persons KATSINA EDO Female children Married and unmarried Young boys women People with disabilities Girls Child street hawkers Child street hawkers Female students in college (mostly girls) or in higher education TARABA Women Points of consensus among people affected by Child street hawkers (mostly girls) gender-based violence: Female students in college Women or in higher education Young girls Child street hawkers (mostly girls) Female students 20 Gender-Based Violence: An Analysis of the Implications for the Nigeria For Women Project preventing or facilitating violence. Social norms are actual behaviors of individuals in groups. In addition to shared beliefs about what is typical and appropriate the research conducted in selected states, this study behavior in a valued reference group. They are rules builds on the work of the Voices for Change program, of behavior to which a person conforms in the belief which was funded by the U.K. Department for Interna- that most of the other people in the group conform tional Development. It identifies and categorizes social to them and that most of the group believes that they norms that contribute to GBV in Nigeria generally. should conform to them. These norms shape mutual Box 4.1 lists these norms and their relationships with expectations of appropriate behaviors and thereby the specific forms of GBV. Box 4.1. Harmful Social Norms Around Gender-Based Violence Intimate Partner Violence Sexual Violence Men are socially superior to women and have Sex is a man’s right in marriage; it is the wife’s the right to assert power over them. duty to bear but not enjoy it. A man has the right to “correct” or discipline Women who work all day, especially in the a woman’s behavior if he considers it formal sector, are tired at the end of the day, “disrespectful,” “childish,” or “idle.” so a man must forcefully take what is his. A man has the right to control his wife’s Girls are responsible for controlling a man’s mobility and access to social and economic sexual urges. Victims of sexual assault are opportunities. blamed for the type of dress they wore. Physical violence is an acceptable way to Sexual violence is an acceptable way of putting resolve conflicts within a relationship. a woman in her place or punishing her. The woman is responsible for making a It is taboo to discuss sex and sexuality. marriage work. Being the victim of sexual assault or other Domestic violence is a “private affair.” sexual violence is shameful. This norm discour- Discussing intimate partner violence is taboo. ages victims from disclosure. Reporting abuse is disrespectful. Sexual Harassment Financially independent women are difficult Empowered and influential women are proud to control. and promiscuous. Divorce is shameful. This view is especially If a woman is dressed “indecently” or in a prevalent in the south, where a divorced revealing manner than she “is asking for it.” woman is considered promiscuous, Movements by women that are undisclosed, “wayward,” or incapable of being controlled “suspicious,” or that occur late at night mean by her superior—the man. that they want sexual attention. A dowry or bride price (a financial payment (continued) from the husband to the bride’s family) is equivalent to purchasing and thus owning a wife. 4. Prevalence, Norms, and Drivers of Gender-Based Violence 21 Box 4.1. Continued Transactional Sex • Children should not determine or be part • Economically independent, unmarried woman of decisions that involve their lives or well- derive their wealth by dating men for money. being. A child’s status in society and within a • Sexual favors for economic gains are accept- family is low. able in some circumstances. This attitude is • Physical punishment as a form of correction specific to Edo and some other semi-urban and instilling values is an acceptable and areas. normal part of child rearing. Widowhood • Female circumcision is necessary for a girl • Widows should show solemn dedication to become a woman and for the community to their husbands by shaving their hair and to accept her; it is a cleansing rite a woman restricting themselves to their home. needs before she can deliver a child; uncircum- • A woman should be suspected of wrongdoing cised woman are unclean; circumcision reduces if her husband dies. promiscuity by lowering excessive desire in women. Child Maltreatment • A girl should be married by the time she • A female child has less value than a male child reaches puberty before she becomes promis- because a girl leaves her family for another cuous and uncontrollable. through marriage. • Female children have less social and economic potential than male children. These social norms clearly indicate that, in many teachings, further solidifying discriminatory gender areas covered by this study as well as those served roles and keeping women in a vulnerable position. by the Voices for Change program, there is social An unmarried woman has more freedom of acceptance of wife beating, and there are legal movement than a young married woman. However, and communal sanctions regarding a man’s right to each is at risk of being labelled a “wayward girl” and discipline and control female behavior. The environ- being ostracized for participating in certain types of ment therefore condones GBV, including in project work—mainly male dominated occupations—or for areas. There is stigma associated with a woman who working late at night. These attitudes put women seeks a divorce to escape an abusive environment, who work outside the home at higher risk of sexual which leads to her being socially isolated. Many con- harassment or nonpartner assault. This point of view is sider the discussion of GBV as taboo or a “domestic” more entrenched in areas where harmful social norms issue, except child sexual assault, which most people against women are particularly prominent, such as in think is a serious issue. Many people justify these Katsina State. social norms with particular interpretations of religious 22 Gender-Based Violence: An Analysis of the Implications for the Nigeria For Women Project Interpersonal and Individual Factors “In the past, it was considered shameful Gender roles for a parent to have a girl child abroad for An economically active woman may attain some prostitution, but in recent times having a financial independence, but this does not translate child abroad is a status symbol … mothers into a change in her social role as the provider of brag about their new status and become care for the household. Even if a woman participates in economic activities requiring hours of manual labor, influential in the family and community, her primary duties are to care for household needs, to as a result of the wealth and assets that the support her husband, and to dress modestly. Boys are child enables the parent to have, through taught to be aggressive due to their role as protectors. the illicit practice.” They are raised to carry out strenuous tasks, such as hunting, shooting with bows and arrows, farming, and – Key informant interview participant, Edo State protecting the family. Girls are raised to perform more subservient tasks, such as sweeping, scrubbing walls, and collecting firewood. They are taught to cook for Another interesting finding of this research the family so that they can become good wives and involves a recent increase in the social acceptance mothers in the future. Other gender role expectations of transactional sex and sex trafficking. In Edo for a woman include wearing the hijab outside the State, this change of attitude is attributable to the home (for muslim women), cooking and cleaning, rais- drastic improvement in socioeconomic status that ing children with good moral values, seeking permis- families of sex workers experience. As a result, many sion before leaving the home, and more generally to men have begun supporting the trafficking of their be a “good wife” or a “good woman.” wives to enrich themselves. As one male respon- When a woman deviates from this role, either by dent explains: “Poverty will make a man swallow his contributing more to the household income than pride and send his wife abroad.” He also recounts a her husband or by neglecting her wifely duties, specific example of a man who sent his wife abroad such as cooking, caring for children, or having to earn money through sex work. The man was able sex with her husband, it can lead to tension and to construct a concrete building with the money his conflict. Such a deviation is a major contributor to wife earned. Whenever the man was ridiculed, he intimate partner violence in households. Women would boastfully reply “dollar ewa-wa,” or “dollars participating in male-dominated occupations, such as are not taboo.” When the wife returned, the couple quarry work, are blamed and abused by their hus- performed cleansing rites and are now back living bands and families-in-law for not fulfilling their wifely comfortably together as a couple. The trend toward a or domestic duties. common acceptance of transactional sex as a means However, the recent economic recession, of socioeconomic mobility is also evident in other which affected many families, did allow some parts of Nigeria, including educational institutions, space for women to participate in economic as described earlier in the section on transactional activity and contribute more to household incomes. sex. However, these findings are based on limited But while attitudes have evolved toward accept- research; there is a need for more targeted research ing women working outside the home, they are still on GBV and transactional sex. expected to fulfill their domestic roles, especially in 4. Prevalence, Norms, and Drivers of Gender-Based Violence 23 “The moment you tell your man that you to fulfill their strictly defined gender role as family provider; and if a man is criticized by his wife, it can don’t feel like having sex, just tonight lead to conflict. His need to feel a sense of control can o! not that you say that always—he simply manifest as intimate partner violence. The incidence jumps to the conclusion saying that you of this violence increases as men feel heightened have exhausted all your strength at the pressure to provide for their families, for example, when the school year resumes, during festive seasons, quarry and are unable to give him attention and at community festivals. Similarly, the incidence of in bed.” GBV increases during the planting season, when men feel pressure to invest their money and hard labor – Female quarry worker, Taraba State without seeing much financial return; the incidence rate decreases during the harvest season. Many men feel an enormous burden and great stress about their more conservative areas, which puts great social and inability to adequately provide for their families; this economic pressure on women and results in increasing often provokes them into violence toward women. This mental and physical stress. research suggests that many quarrels begin when a woman who is unable or reluctant to pay some of the Extended family bills borrows money from a neighbor or friend. This research found that relatives on a husband’s In addition, as previously indicated, illegal side of the family—his mother, father, sisters, and migration, including to engage in sex work, is fun- brothers in-law—give sole credit for any success or damentally a survival mechanism for people living socioeconomic improvement of a household to his in poverty. Regardless of the hardships that migrants efforts; they therefore expect to reap its benefits. face in transit, flows continue to rise. A community In some instances, this results in a wife who seeks to leader explains that while many traditional leaders sustain and safeguard her own income-generating strongly encourage people not to risk the lives of their activity being subjected to violence as her immediate children at sea, their efforts have been unsuccessful and extended family believe themselves entitled to because they cannot provide any alternative financial any gains. A woman who earns more than her hus- support. band, and/or has more decision-making authority than he, can be seen to be challenging the authority of the matriarch—often the husband’s mother, which can “There are more quarrels in the home if you then spark conflict between husband and wife, put- ting her at greater risk of being victimized by intimate dare ask for money for an item as cheap as partner violence. matches—he pounces on you as though you have asked for gold. And this is all Economic stress because he is broke.” Participants cited poverty-induced tensions, espe- cially due to macroeconomic stressors in Nigeria, – Female respondent, Katsina State as major drivers of conflict, tension, and GBV in the home. Many men feel frustrated by their inability 24 Gender-Based Violence: An Analysis of the Implications for the Nigeria For Women Project Belief in male superiority “Nobody likes to suffer and travel through In many areas where field research was conducted, the desert, at times when the boat is the male is clearly perceived as the superior sex. unstable in transit people are thrown out This view is tied to his role as the breadwinner and the into the water … but the number of those patriarch who makes all decisions. Some people use religious and cultural arguments to justify the man’s illegally migrating is still on the rise … superiority and woman’s subservience. Some men say They go there because they believe that their that wife beating and marital rape is justified if the wife parents have been suffering and migration refuses sex, does not dress modestly, or is disrespect- is a way of saving them from poverty.” ful to her husband. Many women interviewed for this study also support the idea that abuse is sometimes – Male respondent, Edo State justifiable because they share the basic belief that men are superior to women. In many cases, when men Assertion of female autonomy cannot establish financial supremacy over their wives Women whose socioeconomic status improves due due to a lack of economic opportunities, they resort to to a livelihood or women’s empowerment program violence to exert control and power in another way. must also deal with the negative repercussions of being perceived as “uncontrollable,” “wayward,” or “promiscuous.” Many people think that the increasing “If a man cannot establish his authority voice of women in households regarding decisions economically over his family members, he such as how to spend money is disrespectful, prideful, would tend to do so physically.” and aggressive toward the family. These attitudes can result in conflict and tension, resulting in acts of vio- – Female respondent, Katsina State lence against the women. Household power dynamics change if a woman becomes financially independent; a man can feel threatened by the change and is then Women’s Economic more likely to use violence to reestablish his control Empowerment Programs over decisions and resources. Women’s empowerment programs in Nigeria aim at reducing gender inequality. These programs seek to: “A man is proud and conscious of his (1) provide women with socioeconomic opportunities by providing them with access to better information position as the head of the home… an and skills to improve their livelihoods; (2) improve empowered woman who does not respect women’s ability to make decisions; and (3) give women her husband, or is authoritative in her a greater voice in public and private spaces. Activities demeanor will attract battering from her implemented under these projects encourage women to leave their homes to participate in trainings and husband, and dislike from his relatives.” group meetings and teach them skills to help them – Female respondent, Bini, Edo State become more vocal in their communities. As women develop their voices and agency, as some begin to 4. Prevalence, Norms, and Drivers of Gender-Based Violence 25 earn more than their partners, enjoy their improved threatened. This is especially true in Nigeria, where inti- socioeconomic status, challenge traditional gender mate partner violence is closely linked with such pro- roles, become more active in public spaces, and exer- grams. Figure 4.9 illustrates key linkages, and box 4.2 cise more autonomy in decision-making, entrenched presents evidence from the field to demonstrate how household- and community-level power dynamics are this dynamic unfolds for many women and girls. Figure 4.9. Impacts of Women’s Economic Empowerment Programs in Nigeria and Their Implications for Gender-Based Violence Increased restrictions on women’s movement Women attend Jealousy-induced tensions and intimate partner violence meetings and trainings Shaming and bullying of women for not fulfilling their household responsibillities Experience of physical, verbal, and psychological violence Widows benefit from by family and community members due to harmful norms schemes for better that blame a widow for the death of her husband incomes and livelihoods Women participate in Increased risk of sexual assault incited by hatred male-dominated sectors or jealousy or economically Sexual, verbal, and physical harassment compete with men Societal ostracization for “doing men’s work” Reduced poverty-induced gender-based violence associated with transactional sex and prostitution Women’s Reduced incidence of child marriage and more money incomes improve available to invest in education of girls Jealousy-induced tensions and intimate partner violence 26 Gender-Based Violence: An Analysis of the Implications for the Nigeria For Women Project Box 4.2. GBV Among Economically Active Women and Girls: Voices from Nigeria Physical, Sexual and Verbal Harassment Women Entering Male-Dominated of Economically Active Women in Occupations Public Spaces “One man even told me, saying, Madam why you “People argue often. At homes, schools, markets, come and do laborer work? That your husband is etc… but I have seen tense arguments happening irresponsible.” Woman from Taraba State at locations like public garages or areas with more groups of area boys…Yes, these places where you are “No matter how much money she will make, I don’t a decent woman or not, you will always get provoked think I will allow my woman or sister to stay out and harassed.” Man from Taraba State late into the night selling or providing any form of service. It is not in our traditions that women should “There are more young girls that hawk. Most hustle that much—it would seem as if there is no married women are not allowed to do business man in her life.” Male from Taraba outside of their homes; these girls mostly hawk food items or snacks. Their customers are mostly adult On Female Gender Roles males or young males since most of the stores are owned and run by men. Often men harass girls, they “If you are woman and you really want to be even touch them in private places and the girls are taken seriously anywhere in this community, then usually too ashamed to talk about it because they you will have to appear looking decent, respectfully fear that he may not pay up or even refuse to buy dressed and well covered at the essential areas.” from them tomorrow.” Woman from Katsina State Woman from Taraba State “There was a time I saw a Lebanese woman in Kano “We have our culture and values, children spend selling beautiful abbayas, I would have loved for my more time with their mothers, this is why a woman wife to do this—to wake up in the morning, open has to do her business at home so that she is not her shop in the market and do her thing, but I am seen mingling with the wrong set of people that scared about how she would get home in case she will negatively influence what others think of her, closes late. She could easily fall pray into the hands especially the young ones that she is raising.” of all those rough guys and nothing will happen if Man from Katsina State she is raped or assaulted.” Man from Katsina State 4. Prevalence, Norms, and Drivers of Gender-Based Violence 27 The Potential for Women’s Economic issues, HIV, and violence against women living in rural Empowerment Programs to Prevent or South Africa. The tested intervention combined micro- Reduce GBV financing with 10 participatory training and skills-build- There is considerable evidence to suggest that ing sessions on HIV, cultural beliefs, communication, women’s economic empowerment interventions, and violence. After two years, a cluster-randomized including targeted activities to promote gender trial revealed a 55 percent reduction in reports of equality, can reduce rates of intimate partner physical and sexual violence toward women by their violence, transactional sex, and other forms of partners; economic assessments suggest that such GBV over the long term. Women can become less interventions are also cost-effective. vulnerable to economic violence, which gives them A paper reviewing evidence for interventions to better bargaining power and allows them to influence reduce the prevalence and incidence of violence decision making. Financial independence also allows against women and girls showed that group-based a woman to leave an abusive relationship because programming, especially in low- and middle-in- she can meet the needs of her family rather than come countries, have seen promising results in being completely dependent on her husband. Studies the prevention and reduction of GBV (Ellsberg et suggest that the best approach for reducing GBV is to al. 2015). Group training programs provide entry combine economic empowerment and gender equity points for normative changes in attitudes, with men efforts and to coordinate with nontraditional partners, and women each addressing underlying expectations such as male peers of women, religious and tribal around male and female roles and behavior. These leaders, and community groups (Goetz and Gupta programs also support the development of communi- 1996; Kim and Watts 2005). For example, a random- cation and conflict resolution skills through a process ized controlled pilot study evaluated the incremental of critical reflection, discussion, and practice. An impact of adding a gender dialogue group com- example of this is “Stepping Stones,” a program that ponent to an economic empowerment program for uses participatory learning to build HIV-risk aware- women in Côte d’Ivoire on rates of intimate partner ness, knowledge, and communication. Group-based violence. The groups, comprising women and their delivery of an intervention, with separate groups for partners, sought to change gender norms. When men and women, resulted in a significant reduction of compared with a control group, these efforts proved reported cases of intimate partner violence in East- successful in reducing: (1) the acceptance of intimate ern Cape, South Africa (Jewkes et al., 2008). When a partner violence; (2) the incidence of physical and sex- women’s economic empowerment program is cou- ual intimate partner violence; and (3) the incidence of pled with interventions to mitigate GBV, it can reduce economic abuse (Gupta et al. 2013). Life skills courses levels of intimate partner violence, address harmful embedded in women’s empowerment programs can gender norms, and create an enabling environment reduce early marriage rates (Pande et al., 2006). Kim et for women and children to thrive at the community al. (2007) examined the impact of using both liveli- and societal levels. hood and empowerment strategies to address gender 28 Gender-Based Violence: An Analysis of the Implications for the Nigeria For Women Project 5. Informal and Formal Services Available for Survivors Informal Services Informal institutions are usually the only redressal Findings from the 2013 Nigeria Demographic services available in most rural and semi-urban areas. Health Survey (NPC and ICF International 2014) Shelters, hospitals, psychosocial, and legal aid for suggest that many survivors of gender-based survivors, are confined to urban centers and the state violence (GBV), especially in rural and semi-urban capital. There is also much stigma attached to report- areas, use informal pathways to report and settle ing cases of GBV, especially intimate partner violence, cases. Informal systems, such as family networks and sexual harassment, harmful widowhood practices, and local community structures, are geographically closer female genital mutilation, because the community and can respond to such cases more quickly. Repre- frequently sanctions the action or considers it a private sentatives of traditional and informal institutions are matter. Table 5.1 provides an overview of the local usually community members themselves, so most GBV-redressal mechanisms, and figure 5.1 illustrates household-based incidents, such intimate partner the reporting chain for community-level, GBV-related violence, harassment, or abuse by family members, complaints in most of rural and peri-urban Nigeria. are reported to someone who is already familiar with Parents, guardians, and relatives. The first point the household members, including the perpetrator of contact in reporting cases of GBV is a parent, and the victim. Community members are also more guardian, or close relative of the survivor. Respondents aware of communal dynamics and factors underlying explain that the survivor is primarily responsible for incidences. Offences such as sexual assault, causing disclosing the incident. Interviews with adult women of unwanted pregnancies, theft, and strong disagree- and female youth groups indicate that women in a ments resulting in threats or fatalities are reported to community or household are usually the first to receive the Nigerian Civil Defense Corps or to police. information about incidents regardless of if they occur at home or in public. Table 5.1. Community-Level Redressal Mechanisms for Gender-Based Violence Type of GBV Redressal Mechanisms Verbal abuse and tension Verbal report to parents or other relatives Beating Verbal report to traditional leaders or, if severe, report to police; stigma against reporting Cases of denied pregnancy a Relatives or police Harassment None; police notified if situation escalates or results in a fatality Sexual assault Relatives, traditional leaders, and police Forced marriage None GBV = gender-based violence. a. These are cases where the biological father denies paternity and assumes no responsibility toward the pregnancy or the child. 29 Figure 5.1. GBV Reporting Chain at the Community Level Chief, chief's wife, Civil society organizations, Parents, family, and and other gender-based police, and/or other guardians violence support groups formal agencies Most cases are addressed or resolved at one of these stages. Traditional/tribal mediation and settlements. support to survivors in an informal manner and esca- The next level for reporting GBV cases involves con- lates serious cases to the police and security agencies. tacting the ward/traditional leader, the chief (onoghe), Most cases of harassment or intimate partner violence the chief’s wife; and groups of elderly and experienced leading to violence against women are kept within women—known as adan in Ewossa and ikhewo in families or communities. Cases are reported to security Uholor, to settle the dispute and provide counsel to agencies only if there is severe physical harm. the survivor. Chiefs are frequently involved if there is a violent confrontation with the survivor’s family or Formal Services friends and the suspected perpetrator. Usually, cases The Federal and State Ministries of Women are resolved through mediation or forgiveness, and Affairs have prioritized the mitigation of GBV sometimes through monetary compensation. A severe in the national gender policy and action plan. In case may escalate to the police station, especially if it 2008, the Federal Ministry of Health worked with involves items or assets of high monetary value or if it the World Health Organization and a host of other results in a fatality. partners to produce the first national GBV referral Some cases escalate to semi-formal or formal policy and guidelines, primarily focused on clarifying structures, including civil society, community and broad intervention policy principles and the roles and faith-based organizations, the police, and security responsibilities of stakeholders. They clearly define agencies. In some areas, international nongovernmen- the responsibilities of government institutions and tal organizations, civil society organizations, and com- officials, including health and social welfare officers, as munity-based organizations refer cases of GBV and well as protocols for case management and referral to provide integrated confidential information and data services (FMWASD 2013). They also include a referral to the police. There used to be a disconnect between directory—mostly outdated—of focal points at the community representatives, the police, and the Nige- ministry, women rights organizations, legal services, ria Civil Defense Corps, but civil society groups are and health services for survivors in each state. increasingly bridging it. In Edo State, for example, the Formal services available to survivors of GBV Enoghe’s Wives Association provides counseling and include: 30 Gender-Based Violence: An Analysis of the Implications for the Nigeria For Women Project Shelters housed in state ministries. These Centre, for example, survivors of rape or sexual shelters seek to provide refuge to GBV survi- assault—whether man, woman, or child and vors. By law, a shelter must be located in every regardless of when the incident occurred—can state ministry. They should provide a secure receive free and comprehensive medical care, home for survivors escaping abuse. However, counseling, legal aid, and aftercare services due to budget constraints and improper man- delivered in a professional and timely manner to agement, sometimes shelters exist but are not assist them in overcoming the trauma. Most of functional, lacking water or electricity; some are the referral centers are located inside hospitals too unsanitary for people to inhabit. In addi- or medical centers, which protects victims from tion, there are shelters provided by civil society any associated stigma. They are currently oper- organizations; some include counseling and ational in the states of Lagos, Enugu, Kaduna, health support, such as Project Alert, Women Kano, Akwa Ibom, Niger, Jigawa, and Yobe, with Rights Advancement and Protection Alternative, interest among international donors to expand Women Aid Collective, and Action Health. them to other states. Police stations. The police are occasion- Legal aid services. The International Federation ally asked to respond to sexual assault cases of Women Lawyers, Nigeria is a network of through gender desks, however, these are not lawyers who provide legal support to survivors, available in numerous states. Reportedly, police often at no cost. Other women’s rights organi- officers do not even register cases of intimate zations also provide legal services for free, but partner violence because they consider it to most vulnerable rural populations are unable to be a domestic issue; instead, they suggest that access such services. the survivor resolve the problem at home. Most Health services. This study does not assess police officers have no training with a survi- health services for survivors, including the vor-centered approach, which leads to breaches availability of first aid, postexposure prophylaxis, of ethical guidelines and confidentiality con- and emergency contraceptives. However, such cerns. Some civil society and international orga- services are available in some states in hospitals nizations have provided relevant training and located in state capitals or city centers. They are capacity building and have linked the police to also available at tertiary and secondary facili- partners to improve their response. However, in ties funded by the President’s Emergency Plan areas with conflicting legislative frameworks for for AIDS Relief (PEPFAR) across the country. survivors, even the best trained police officials Accessibility remains an issue for many survivors have very limited authority to act. due to long distances, transportation costs, and Sexual assault referral centers. These centers limited physical mobility. provide holistic medical and psychosocial ser- vices to sexual assault survivors. At the Mirabel 5. Formal and Informal Services Available for Survivors 31 6. GBV Risks and Mitigation Plan Triggering Risks women’s rights and social inclusion are threatened, The “do no harm” principle, first introduced in the development practitioners are minimally obligated to context of humanitarian work, applies to vulnerable pay attention to these dynamics so that they do not populations that could be harmed inadvertently by inadvertently exacerbate them. project interventions. It applies to gender just as it The specific risks of gender-based violence (GBV) does to conflict (Garred, Booth, and Barnard-Webster that will likely be triggered by the Nigeria For Women 2018). It recognizes that action taken in a given context project (NFWP), which aims to mobilize and enhance is never neutral. The programming actions of develop- the participation and voice of Nigerian women and ment agencies, governments, and partners will affect improve their livelihoods, are outlined below. relationships, for better or worse. In contexts where 32 Intimate partner violence. Potential changes in household-level power dynamics are envisaged due to women’s improved livelihood opportunities, their increased mobility, their participation in Wom- en’s Affinity Groups (WAGs) and public forums, and a demonstration of their greater confidence and self-esteem. The authority of male figures and women matriarchs in the household, such as a mother-in-law or a husband’s first wife, may be challenged, resulting in increased sanctions as well as verbal and physical abuse against the beneficiaries. Increased vulnerability to sexual assault. Wom- en’s increased presence in public spaces, including Recommendations for commuting to and being present at meeting venues, GBV-Sensitive Project Design training centers, processing centers, markets, and To mitigate the risks of GBV and to ensure the project farms, could increase their vulnerability to sexual has effective prevention and response mechanisms in assault. Such violence might be used as a tool to limit place, NFWP should incorporate the following ele- women from participating in male-dominated eco- ments into the project design: nomic activities and responsibilities. Ensure that families, including husbands, are Harassment. Harassment includes verbal and aware of the project’s aims, objectives, activities, physical abuse as well as inappropriate language and benefits. There are effective models aimed and touch. Women face harassment in marketplaces, at improving household relations and gender churches, community meetings, on the street, and at dynamics that the project can use to reduce the work due to social taboos that restrict women from incidence of GBV. fully participating in markets and critical sectors, espe- Make sure that information campaigns reach cially male-dominated occupations. the most vulnerable through multiple commu- Transactional sex. Due to the prevalent culture nication channels to ensure that beneficiaries in some areas, project participants may be at risk of are aware of potential risks and that they are sexual exploitation by a facilitator, a trainer, or other equipped with information on how and where to implementing entity in return for project benefits; this get support, protection, and services. can occur wherever there is a power disparity. Ensure the involvement of community members, Harmful widowhood practices. Widows are religious leaders, community groups, and male vulnerable and are often the sole providers for their gatekeepers for project buy-in. families. They suffer GBV in the form of offensive widowhood rites and being forced to give up their money and assets. Widows benefitting from the NFWP could experience backlash from community members who enforce these rites, and this could lead to widows being ostracized and separated from their children. 6. GBV Risks and Mitigation Plan 33 Incorporate a robust behavior change commu- Ensure that project activities involving women nications campaign alongside other behavioral take place in the morning or afternoon to reduce change interventions to challenge harmful gen- their need to seek permission and the risk of der norms that promote GBV, including: travelling in the evening. – Correct misconceptions regarding the reli- Make sure that the social accountability frame- gious teachings and texts used to justify GBV work, the human resources manual, and the by mobilizing religious leaders and scholars project implementation manual consider GBV who can provide accurate information; risks, develop community-driven mechanisms – Promote ideas about the shared roles and and reporting to monitor the risks, and empower responsibilities of men and women in pro- women to address them in a survivor-centered viding for the family; and deliver the tools manner. needed to apply these ideas through tar- geted group dialogue activities, which can Action-Oriented reduce GBV induced by economic stress; and Risk Mitigation Plan – Change the negative narrative around The NFWP should incorporate specific measures to “empowered women,” by instead using a effectively prevent and respond to GBV-related risks in locally relevant concept, such as adaze, which a survivor-centered manner, as outlined below. means a virtuous, peaceful, hard-working, and kind-hearted woman who is considerate GBV Service Mapping and is always happy to assist her husband As part of the project’s local government area (LGA) and to help both her extended family and her diagnostics exercise, the project should map services neighbors. for GBV survivors that include health services—first Work with informal and formal GBV service aid, postexposure prophylaxis, and emergency con- providers at the community, state, and national traceptives—as well as psychosocial services, legal level, especially with actors already active in this aid, police, civil society organizations, and any other space to: strengthen service delivery and survi- informal structures that could support survivors. Apart vor-centered response and improve the quality from identifying these structures, actors leading the of services through quality support. assignment should be given tools to assess minimum Use WAGs as a platform to provide immediate service standards. This will ensure that survivors are psychosocial, emotional, and referral support to provided with adequate support. Where capacity does survivors. not exist, the project should invest in technical assis- Hold group meetings and trainings in safe tance to improve the quality of services. spaces that are acceptable to the community’s ethical and moral standards, and do not expose Behavior Change Campaign women to many men. Utilize existing safe space The campaign should focus on addressing negative programs in the country. social norms that perpetuate GBV with activities that have demonstrated positive results in reducing GBV risks and incidence in other contexts. Three key activi- ties are suggested: 34 Gender-Based Violence: An Analysis of the Implications for the Nigeria For Women Project 1. Messaging disseminated through project-related of GBV-related issues. In Nigeria, the Voices for communications Change program engaged with religious and Key messaging can be embedded in commu- traditional leaders to promote gender equality. nications to emphasize how the project will As a result, over two-thirds of the 403 religious invest in women to support the well-being of and traditional leaders who took part in the their households. Link the increase in women’s workshops have taken actions against discrimi- income and livelihoods to improved education, natory beliefs that prevent young women from health, and nutrition outcomes for the family; realizing their socioeconomic potential, directly and stress the importance of community mem- sharing their gender-justice messages with more bers, especially men, in enabling the participat- than 400,000 people through sermons, confer- ing women’s success. ences, and workshops. Many more have been To decrease the sense of insecurity and compe- indirectly reached through the participation of tition among men, emphasize entry points for religious and traditional leaders in radio, televi- men to participate and benefit from the project, sion, and social media (Voices for Change 2017). including as community facilitators, champions This model could be replicated in the project for women’s advancement, business counsel- states. ors, and social audit committee members. The Such trainings should aim to influence beliefs project’s communications team should develop around and understanding of intimate partner state-specific resource guides to improve violence—considered a “private affair”—and understanding of GBV and to generate aware- promote the community’s responsibility in sup- ness of existing national- and state-level laws porting GBV survivors and ensuring their safety. that protect women and children. Information leaflets and community mobilization and sensiti- 3. Gender dialogue groups zation activities should create awareness around These community group models engage men what constitutes GBV, including harassment, and women in discussions around child-rear- sexual assault, and verbal abuse. As part of this ing, household budgeting, and nonviolent effort, existing services and support for survi- conflict resolution to reduce GBV, especially vors identified in the LGA diagnostic should be intimate partner violence. Some organizations disseminated. operating in Nigeria have modules to facilitate such activities. For example, the International 2. GBV prevention programming targeting Rescue Committee, which has developed and community actors, including local leaders, chiefs, implemented such groups in other countries, and opinion makers works extensively in Nigeria and could serve Chiefs, youth leaders, and prominent men in as a partner in providing technical assistance the community can serve as role models and to the Ministry of Women Affairs and Social champions for women. There have been var- Development to operationalize this effort. ious approaches taken by partners that have effectively utilized this approach for violence prevention efforts and to improve understanding 6. GBV Risks and Mitigation Plan 35 Equipping WAGs to be GBV First Responders Training for Project Implementers to Due to the very limited availability of services for GBV Effectively Mitigate and Respond to GBV survivors, especially in remote rural, rural, and semi-ur- with a Survivor-Centered Model ban project areas, some community-level capacity Key NFWP implementers at the federal, state, LGA, should be built to respond to risks. Women’s groups and ward levels should receive training on monitoring have been trained in other countries to provide this GBV risks and responding in a survivor-centered man- type of first-level survivor-centered response in the ner, including basic training about what constitutes form of psychosocial support, first aid, and referral to GBV, policies and legislation that protect survivors, services. As part of the various trainings offered by and key steps to take when an incident is reported. WAGs supported under NFWP, a subset of women Implementers should receive: (1) training on conduct- should be trained with the basic competencies to ing ethical consultations to monitor GBV risks; provide this response. The United Nations Population (2) guidance about specifications in the codes of con- Fund is a potential partner in this effort. It has trained duct, the importance of visible signage around project nonspecialist women in other countries—and even sites, and other communications and sensitization in Northeast Nigeria—to provide such support at the activities to ensure communities are informed about community level. The project should, where possible, the codes for project staff and implementing partners; select community-level health care providers, such as (3) information on available services and partners for nurses and traditional birth attendants, to participate referrals based on national guidelines; and (4) training in the training because they are more likely to have on confidentiality and protocol to respect a survivor’s basic knowledge about the type of health support that decision regarding follow-up actions (legal or other). survivors need. Codes of Conduct to Protect Beneficiaries Use of Safe Spaces for Meetings, Ensure that implementing partners, including facilita- Trainings, and Other Project Activities tors, trainers, and contractors, adhere to specific codes The LGA diagnostic should identify safe spaces for of conduct that restrict behaviors with the potential to women to convene, such as community centers, harm beneficiaries. These codes should be included in training centers, homes, or other sites sanctioned implementing partners’ contracts and should spe- by women and men in the community, to ensure the cifically prohibit engaging in any actions that could safety of women and minimize their vulnerability. The contribute to sexual exploitation and abuse—defined project should explore the use of these safe spaces as sexual relations with anyone below the age of 18. for confidential reporting of GBV-related complaints Project staff and implementing partners should be about the project and as an entry point for identifying briefed and trained so they understand and imple- cases and providing support to survivors. The project ment these rules; they should be held responsible should leverage existing initiatives, such as the United for providing this information to all contractors with Nations Population Fund support for friendly safe whom they engage. Community members should also spaces for women and girls in Northeast Nigeria and be sensitized on the codes of conduct so they can the adolescent girls’ safe spaces program. hold actors accountable if such incidences take place during the course of the project. 36 Gender-Based Violence: An Analysis of the Implications for the Nigeria For Women Project Grievance Redress Mechanism and Immediate Actions to Reduce Risk Social Accountability Framework The key actions that the NFWP could undertake to There should be specific protocols in the project’s reduce the risk of GBV, sexual exploitation, and abuse grievance-redress mechanism and social account- over the short to medium term include the following. ability framework to monitor and respond to GBV Establish linkages with the Domestic Violence risks. The use of safe spaces and representatives and Sexual Abuse Response Team (DVSART) ini- from WAGs to report GBV should be explored during tiative in project states. This recent initiative by the implementation. The project should utilize innovative Office of Vice President has set up teams in 12 states citizen engagement platforms that will allow confi- to strengthen the coordinated response to GBV by dential reporting, especially through technological improving services for survivors. Teams include rep- tools and other communication platforms, such as resentatives from the police department, the Human mobile phones, radios, and dry erase boards. The Rights Commission, State Ministry of Women Affairs grievance-redress mechanism will develop protocols and Social Development, civil society organizations, specific to GBV complaints that allow for confidential sexual assault referral centers, and the ministries of reporting. It will have a response mechanism in line justice and health, which have assumed responsibility with the urgency of the complaint. Serious GBV cases for rapidly responding to cases of GBV. The Federal will be escalated to the state and federal project coor- Ministry of Women’s Affairs and Social Development dinating units and to the World Bank task team leader (FMWASD) should engage in a policy dialogue with for a real-time response. 6. GBV Risks and Mitigation Plan 37 the Office of the Vice President to expand these Leverage the experience of the Lagos State gov- teams, ensuring an integrated, formal response for sur- ernment institutions for GBV response. The project vivors in project states. Adequate resources should be and FMWASD should engage with the Lagos State mobilized in operationalizing these teams to deliver government, which has been working on this issue services to the most marginalized groups. through multiple initiatives, as well as other develop- Leverage GBV service mapping completed by ment partners with global experience in this area, to other World Bank projects. Various World Bank proj- develop a GBV action plan grounded in good practice. ects have commissioned service mappings in various To do this, FMWASD should organize a study tour to states to identify and assess GBV services available Lagos for representatives from project states to learn to survivors. The project should use these reports to from their successful experience in curbing GBV, sex- ensure that timely and survivor-centered referrals are ual exploitation, and abuse through systematic efforts available to project beneficiaries in overlapping states. and services for survivors. For example, the Rural Accessibility and Mobility Proj- Work with the sexual assault referral center net- ect in Nigeria is mapping these services in the states work. In project states where centers are available, the of Kebbi, Abia, and Ogun. The NFWP team could eas- project should include them in its referral network and ily use and disseminate this information among project establish an active partnership with them to ensure implementers and beneficiaries. survivors have access to their services. Collaborate with the donor partner group on Establish partnerships and collaborate with law gender, the GBV subsector working group, and enforcement officials and the judiciary. This is vital other development partners. NFWP should estab- because these officials are aware of existing laws to lish effective partnerships that will allow it to mobilize protect and support women seeking redress. 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The SPF is kindly supported by: Australia, Denmark, Germany, The Netherlands, Norway, Sweden, Switzerland, The United Kingdom, as well as IBRD.