PUB7682 World Development Report 1989 Financial Systems and Development World Development Indicators / / / I World Development Report 1989 Published for The World Bank Oxford University Press Oxford University Press NEW YORK OXFORD CORBY LONDON TORONTO NEW DELHI BOMBAY CALCUTTA MADRAS SELANGOR SINGAPORE HONG KONG TAIPEI TOKYO BANGKOK KARACHI LAHORE MELBOURNE AUCKLAND CAPE TOWN JOHANNESBURG DURBAN NAIROBI DAR ES SALAAM KAMPALA JAKARTA IBADAN © 1989 by the International Bank for Reconstruction and Development / The World Bank 1818H Street, NW, Washington, D.C. 20433 U.S.A. First printing June 1989 All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording, or otherwise, without the prior permission of Oxford University Press. Manufactured in the United States of America. The denominations, the classifications, the boundaries, and the colors used in maps in World Development Report do not imply on the part of The World Bank and its affiliates any judgment on the legal or other status of any territory, or any endorsement or acceptance of any boundary. ISBN 0-19-520787-4 clot hbound ISBN 0-19-520788-2 paperback ISSN 0163-5085 The Library of Congress has cataloged this serial publication as follows: World development report. 1978- [New York] Oxford University Press. v. 27 cm. annual. Published for The World Bank. 1. Underdeveloped areasPeriodicals. 2. Economic development Periodicals. I. International Bank for Reconstruction and Development. HC59. 7. W659 330.9' 172'4 78 -6 7086 This book is printed on paper that adheres to the American National Standard for Permanence of Paper for Printed Library Materials, Z39.48-1984. This Report is the twelfth in the annual series as- among Asian countries, although per capita in- sessing major development issues. Like its prede- comes will continue to rise rapidly. cessors, the Report includes the World Develop- The decline in foreign capital inflows means that ment Indicators, which provide selected social and countries will need to rely primarily on domestic economic data for more than a hundred countries. resources to finance investment. Financial systems Chapter 1 reviews recent trends in the world econ- can play an important role in this regard: by mobi- omy and their implications for the future prospects lizing savings and allocating them to the most of developing countries. Chapters 2 through 9 ex- profitable activities, the financial sector enables so- amine the role of financial systems in develop- ciety to make more productive use of its scarce ment, the special topic of this year's Report. The resources. The financial systems of many develop- main points of the Report are summarized below. ing countries are in need of restructuring, how- Economic growth rates among the developing ever. Their present condition reflects the approach countries have varied considerably. In Asia, where to development taken by many countries in the the majority of people live, per capita incomes dur- 1960s and 1970s, an approach that emphasized ing the 1980s have risen more rapidly than in the government intervention to promote economic 1960s and 1970s, but in Latin America and the Ca- growth. Today many countries are revising their ribbean, Europe, the Middle East, and North Af- approach to rely more heavily on the private sector rica per capita incomes have risen by less than 1 and on market forces. For the financial sector this percent a year, and in Sub-Saharan Africa they implies a smaller role for government in the alloca- have actually declined. The external environment tion of credit, the determination of interest rates, has had an adverse impact on growth, but domes- and the daily decisionmaking of financial interme- tic policies have been more important. Countries diaries. Relaxation of these economic and opera- striving to adjust their economies have had consid- tional controls calls for an effective system of pru- erable success in reducing external imbalances but dent regulation and supervision. In most countries less success with internal balance. In the first half improvements in the legal and accounting systems of the 1990s, per capita incomes are expected to will be required to strengthen the financial increase only slowly in Sub-Saharan African coun- structure. tries. The highly indebted countries will grow The industrial and financial policies followed in more rapidly, particularly if there are reductions in the 1970s and 1980s, together with the economic their external debt. Growth is expected to slow shocks of the 1980s, have left many developing 'U countries' financial institutions insolvent. Still, that the pace and sequencing of liberalization many institutions continue to lend to their most should depend on the initial structure of a coun- impaired customers and to accrue unpaid interest. try's financial system and the degree of macroeco- The allocation of scarce resources to insolvent nomic stability. Countries with unstable econo- firms has delayed adjustment. Restructuring the mies and price systems that do not reflect the insolvent firms and institutions is an important scarcity of resources will need to deregulate their part of the adjustment process. financial systems gradually. In countries without Restructuring the financial system provides a fully liberalized markets, policymakers should unique opportunity to reconsider what sorts of in- make sure that interest rates reflect market forces stitutions will be best suited to the economic envi- and that directed credit programs are limited to a ronment of the 1990s. Although commercial banks modest share of total credit. When a country lacks will continue to dominate financial systems in macroeconomic stability, decontrol of external fi- many developing countries, greater emphasis than nancial transactions may cause destabilizing capi- in the past should be placed on ensuring the avail- tal flows. Hence, although the objective is an open ability of a broad array of financial services. Many market, countries should not remove all capital countries should develop contractual savings sys- controls until other economic and financial reforms tems, and the more advanced should develop se- are in place. curities markets. Governments should provide a Like previous World Development Reports, this tax and regulatory environment that is neutral is a study by the staff of the World Bank, and the with regard to different types of financial activities. judgments in it do not necessarily reflect the views Informal financial institutions have proved able to of the Board of Directors or the governments they serve the household, agricultural, and microen- represent. terprise sectors on a sustained basis. Measures that link informal institutions to the formal financial system will improve that service and ensure a com- petitive environment. In recent years some countries have experi- 13. CJ& mented with varying degrees of financial liberali- Barber B. Conable zation. Their experience with both domestic liber- President alization and full or partial decontrol of the capital The World Bank account has been mixed. Nevertheless, it suggests June 1, 1989 This Report has been prepared by a team led by Millard F. Long and comprising Yoon Je Cho, Warren L. Coats, Jr., Eirik Evenhouse, Barbara Kafka, Catherine Mann, Gerhard PohI, Dimitri Vittas, Robert Vogel, and Robert Wieland. The team was assisted by Anastasios Filippides, Lynn Steckelberg Khadiagala, Clifford W. Papik, Anna-Birgitta Viggh, and Bo Wang. The work was carried out under the general direction of Stanley Fischer. Many others in and outside the Bank provided helpful comments and contributions (see the biblio- graphical note). The International Economics Department prepared the data and projections pre- sented in Chapter 1 and the statistical appendix. It is also responsible for the World Development Indicators. The production staff of the Report included Les Barker, Pensri Kimpitak, Cathe Kocak, Victoria Lee, Walton Rosenquist, Nancy Snyder, and Brian J. Svikhart. Library assistance was pro- vided by Iris Anderson. The support staff was headed by Rhoda Blade-Charest and included Trinidad S. Angeles and Maria Guadalupe M. Mattheisen. Clive Crook was the principal editor. iv Definitions and data notes ix Financial systems and development: an overview 1 The economic background 1 Origins of financial distress 2 Prerequisites for financial development 3 Institutions and markets 3 The path to reform 4 Outline of the Report 5 Adjustment and growth in the 1980s and 1990s 6 The international economic environment 6 Structural adjustment policies and challenges 10 Development issues 14 Growth prospects 19 2 Why does finance matter? 25 Finance and growth 26 Risks and costs of finance 32 Government intervention 35 The structure of the financial system 37 3 The evolution of financial systems 41 Development of payment systems 41 Development of trade finance 42 The impact of large-scale industrialization 44 Financial crises 45 Financial systems in developing countries 47 Financial regulation after World War II 49 Financial innovation since the 1970s 51 Current policy concerns in industrial countries 52 V 4Financial sector issues in developing countries 54 Government intervention in credit allocation 55 Macroeconomic policies and financial development 61 The task of financial reform 69 5 Financial systems in distress 70 Economic consequences of financial distress 72 Roots of financial distress 75 Lessons of financial restructuring 77 6 Foundations of financial systems 84 Financial contracts and debt recovery 84 Developing the legal foundations 85 Timely and accurate accounts 90 Prudential regulation of financial institutions and markets 91 7 Developing financial systems 96 Financing investment 96 Building financial institutions and markets 102 Priorities for reform 111 8 Issues in informal finance 112 Informal financial arrangements 113 Semiformal finance 116 Improving finance for the noncorporate sector 118 9 Toward more liberal and open financial systems 122 Recent experiences with financial reform 122 Lessons of reform 127 Components of financial reform 128 Conclusions of the Report 132 Bibliographical note 133 Statistical appendix 145 World Development Indicators 155 Boxes 1.1 Project 1992 and the developing countries 16 1.2 Debt concepts 18 1.3 Foreign equity investment 24 2.1 Life without money 26 2.2 Transaction costs and the supply of credit 30 2.3 Real interest rates and growth 32 2.4 Swapping risk 34 2.5 Deposit insurance 36 2.6 Monetary policy 38 3.1 Marco Polo discovers paper money 42 3.2 Trade financing in Renaissance Italy 43 3.3 Financial swindles 46 3.4 Financial underdevelopment in Nigeria 48 3.5 Indigenous banking in India 48 3.6 Universal banking 50 4.1 Directed credit in Turkey 56 4.2 Lending program for small enterprises in Ecuador 58 vi 4.3 Credit and income redistribution in Costa Rica 59 4.4 The Botswana Development Corporation 60 4.5 The inflation tax 63 4.6 Taxation of financial intermediation in the Philippines 64 4.7 The curb market 67 4.8 Financial indexation in Brazil 68 5.1 Examples of financial distress 71 5.2 Bank solvency and liquidity 73 5.3 How good bankers become bad bankers 77 5.4 The U.S. savings and loan crisis: the lessons of moral hazard 78 5.5 Can banks "muddle through"? 79 5.6 Restructuring a large corporation: a Mexican example 83 6.1 Civil and commercial law in Korea 86 6.2 Financial and economic effects of land tenure in Thailand 87 6.3 Islamic banking 88 6.4 Commercial law enforcement in Pakistan 89 6.5 Elements of a bank supervision system 92 6.6 Investment funds in Egypt 94 7.1 The structure of investment and the capital stock 97 7.2 Corporate finance in theory and practice 99 7.3 The financial history of a Pakistani firm 100 7.4 Housing finance 102 7.5 Bank modernization: Indonesia's experience 104 7.6 Banks in Guinea 105 7.7 Pension funds as a source of term finance 107 7.8 Capital markets in India 108 8.1 Informal finance in Niger 113 8.2 Rotating savings and credit associations 114 8.3 The Grameen Bank: an alternative approach to noncorporate finance in Bangladesh 117 8.4 The Badan Kredit Kecamatan: financial innovation for the noncorporate sector in Indonesia 120 9.1 Financial liberalization in New Zealand 125 9.2 Financial reform in Korea 126 Text figures 1.1 Growth of real GNP in developing countries by region, 1965 to 1988 7 1.2 Real GNP per capita in developing countries by region, 1965 to 1988 7 1.3 Growth of output and trade, 1980 to 1988 9 1.4 Growth of export volume in developing countries by region, 1965 to 1988 10 1.5 Real commodity prices, 1970 to 1988 11 1.6 Saving and investment rates in developing countries by region, 1965 to 1987 12 1.7 Real effective exchange rates in developing countries by region, 1978 to 1988 17 1.8 Domestic and external liabilities in selected developing countries, 1975, 1981, and 1987 22 2.1 Average saving and investment rates and sectoral surpluses and deficits for fourteen developing countries 28 2.2 Indicators of financial depth 31 3.1 The evolution of financial assets in selected countries, 1800 to 1987 45 4.1 Central government borrowing by source, 1975 to 1985 62 4.2 Real interest rates in developing countries and the United States, 1967 to 1985 65 4.3 Financial savings and the real deposit rate in Argentina and Thailand, 1970 to 1987 66 4.4 Prices, production, and bank credit in Colombia 69 5.1 Ratio of new credit to investment in selected developing countries, 1973 to 1979 and 1980 to 1986 74 5.2 Central bank losses and new domestic credit in selected developing countries, 1980 to 1987 75 vii 7.1 Shares of medium- and long-term credit in total credit outstanding from commercial banks and other financial institutions in selected developing countries, 1970 and 1986 98 7.2 Stock indexes in selected developing countries and the United States, 1987 and 1988 110 Text tables 1.1 Selected economic indicators in the adjustment-with-growth and low scenarios 20 1.2 Growth prospects in the adjustment-with-growth and low scenarios 21 1.3 Selected capital flows to developing countries, 1981 and 1987 23 2.1 Saving and growth in developing countries, 1965 to 1987 27 2.2 Average sectoral surpluses in fourteen developing countries, selected years 29 2.3 Growth rates and other economic indicators for country groups with positive, moderately negative, and strongly negative real interest rates, 1965 to 1973 and 1974 to 1985 31 2.4 The institutional structure of selected financial systems, 1985 39 4.1 Average annual inflation rates, 1965 to 1987 63 4.2 Real loan interest rates for selected countries, 1980 to 1986 66 7.1 Equity market indicators, 1987 109 Statistical appendix tables A.1 Population growth, 1965 to 1987, and projected to 2000 145 A.2 Population and GNP per capita, 1980, and growth rates, 1965 to 1988 146 A.3 Population and composition of GDP, selected years, 1965 to 1988 146 A.4 GDP, 1980, and growth rates, 1965 to 1988 147 A.5 GDP structure of production, selected years, 1965 to 1987 148 A.6 Sector growth rates, 1965 to 1987 148 A.7 Consumption, investment, and saving, selected years, 1965 to 1987 149 A.8 Growth of export volume, 1965 to 1988 150 A.9 Change in export prices and terms of trade, 1965 to 1988 151 A. 10 Growth of long-term debt of low- and middle-income economies, 1970 to 1988 152 A.11 Investment, saving, and financing requirement, 1965 to 1987 153 A.12 Composition of debt outstanding, 1970 to 1987 154 C' vul nitions and data notes Financial terms surance companies, and similar institutions that collect long-term savings on a contractual basis. Banks. Financial institutions that accept funds, Curb market. An unofficial money and capital principally in the form of deposits repayable on market. demand or at short notice (such as demand, time, Development finance institutions (DFIs). Finan- and savings deposits). Under the general rubric cial intermediaries that emphasize the provision of "banks" come: commercial banks, which engage capital (loans and equity) for development. DFIs only in deposit taking and short- and medium- may specialize in particular sectorsfor example, term lending; investment banks, which handle se- industry, agriculture, or housing. Although most curities trading and underwriting; housing banks, provide only medium- and long-term capital, which provide housing finance; and so on. In some, particularly those that specialize in agricul- some countries there are universal banks, which ture, also provide short-term finance. combine commercial banking with investment Discount. A reduction from the face value of a banking and sometimes with insurance services. financial contract. Capital market. The market in which long-term Equity finance. The provision of finance in a financial instruments, such as equities and bonds, form that entitles its owner to share in the profits are raised and traded. and net worth of the enterprise. Commercial bills. Short-term debt instruments Eurocurrency market. A market in which assets that are used mainly to finance trade. Examples are and liabilities denominated in a particular currency promissory notes, by which debtors commit them- are held outside the country of that currency. selves to pay to creditors or to their order a stated Financial savings. The portion of total wealth sum at a specified date, and bills of exchange, held in the form of financial assets. which are drawn up by creditors and accepted by Foreign portfolio investment. Investment by for- debtors. Commercial bills that are also accepted by eign residents in domestic capital markets, without banks are known as bank acceptances. Promissory the investors' provision of technology and man- notes issued by large corporations to meet their agement services that usually occurs with foreign general financial needs are known as commercial direct investment. paper. Forward contract. An agreement to purchase or Contractual savings institutions. Occupational sell at a future date a fixed amount of commodities pension funds, national provident funds, life in- or securities at a preset price. ix Fractional reserve banking. The practice by Term finance. Equity or medium- and long-term which commercial banks maintain a reserve of loan finance. highly liquid assets (usually deposits in a central bank) equal to only a fraction of their deposit liabil- Country groupings ities. Hedging. The acquisition of a financial contract For operational and analytical purposes, the World designed to protect the purchaser against a future Bank classifies economies according to their per change in the price of a commodity or security in capita GNP. Other international agencies maintain which the purchaser has an interest. different classifications of developing countries Indexation. A mechanism for periodically ad- (see the table on pages 250-51 for a comparative justing the nominal value of contracts in line with listing). movements in a specified price index. Country classifications have been revised since Leverage. The ratio of debt to equity or of debt the 1988 edition of the World Development Report to total capital employed. and its statistical annex, the World Development Liquid liabilities. Money plus highly liquid Indicators. The principal changes are: (a) the "de- money substitutes, such as savings deposits. veloping economies" group has been dropped, Market capitalization. The total value of out- but references to the specific income groups low- standing securities at present market prices. and middle-income economies have been retained, (b) Money. Currency and other liquid assets. Nar- all economies with a GNP per capita of $6,000 or row definitions such as Ml refer to money used as more are classified as high-income economies, and (c) a medium of exchange. Broader definitions such as the subgroups "oil exporters" and "exporters of M2 or M3 add to Ml money used as a store of manufactures" under "developing economies" value. have been dropped. In addition, "high-income oil Ml. Currency outside banks plus demand de- exporters" is no longer a separate group; "indus- posits, excluding those held by government and trial economies" has been renamed OECD mem- banking institutions. bers, which is a subgroup of the new category high- Ml plus time and savings deposits (other income economies; and a new aggregate, total than large certificates of deposit) at commercial reporting economies, and its subcategory oil exporters banks. have been added. As in previous editions, this Re- M2 plus deposits at nonbank thrift institu- port uses the latest GNP per capita estimates to tions. classify countries. The country composition of Money market. A market in which short-term each income group may therefore change from one securities such as Treasury bills, certificates of de- edition to the next. Once the classification is fixed posit, and commercial bills are traded. for any edition, all the historical data presented are Nonbank financial inter,nediaries. Financial insti- based on the same country grouping. The country tutions, such as building societies and insurance groups used in this Report are defined below. companies, that hold less-liquid liabilities not nor- Low-income economies are those with a GNP per mally regarded as part of the money stock. capita of $480 or less in 1987. Nonperforming loan. A loan on which contrac- Middle-income economies are those with a GNP tual obligations (for example, interest or amortiza- per capita of more than $480 but less than $6,000 in tion payments) are not being met. 1987. A further division, at GNP per capita of Reserve money. Currency in circulation plus de- $1,940 in 1987, is made between lower- and upper- posits (of banks and other residents but not the middle-income economies. government) with the monetary authorities. High-income economies are those with a GNP Rotating savings and credit association (ROSCA). per capita of $6,000 or more in 1987. An informal group of six to forty participants who The Report has always used a specific level of regularly (for example, monthly) make a contribu- GNP per capita as the dividing line between low- tion into a fund that is given in rotation to each and middle-income economies. In previous edi- group member. tions the line between middle- and high-income Seigniorage. The net revenue derived from groups was ambiguous. Industrial market econo- money issue. mies and high-income oil exporters were shown Swaps. The exchange of future streams of pay- separately, but some economies remained in the ment between two or more parties. middle-income group although their GNP per cap- x ita was higher than that of some countries classi- Geographic regions (low- and middle-income fied as high income. The cutoff point of $6,000 for economies) high-income economies in this edition removes that anomaly. Sub-Saharan Africa comprises all countries Low- and middle-income economies are some- south of the Sahara except South Africa. times referred to as "developing economies." The Europe, Middle East, and North Africa comprises use of the term is convenient; it is not intended to eight European countriesCyprus, Greece, Hun- imply that all economies in the group are experi- gary, Malta, Poland, Portugal, Romania, and encing similar development or that other econo- Yugoslaviaall the economies of North Africa and mies have reached a preferred or final stage of de- the Middle East, and Afghanistan. velopment. Classification by income does not East Asia comprises all the low- and middle- necessarily reflect development status. (In this edi- income economies of East and Southeast Asia and tion of the World Development Indicators, high- the Pacific east of and including China and Thai- income economies classified by the United Nations land. or otherwise regarded by their authorities as devel- South Asia comprises Bangladesh, Bhutan, oping are identified by the symbol t) The use of Burma, India, Nepal, Pakistan, and Sri Lanka. the term "countries" to refer to economies implies Latin America and the Caribbean comprises all no judgment by the World Bank about the legal or American and Caribbean countries south of the other status of any territory. United States. Nonreporting nonmembers are Albania, Angola, Bulgaria, Cuba, Czechoslovakia, German Demo- Acronyms and initials cratic Republic, Democratic People's Republic of Korea, Mongolia, Namibia, and Union of Soviet BDC Botswana Development Corporation Socialist Republics. BFN Banco de Fomento Nacional For analytical purposes, other overlapping clas- BKK Badan Kredit Kecamatan sifications based predominantly on exports or ex- BNI Bank Negara Indonesia ternal debt are used in addition to geographic CD Certificate of deposit country groupings. The economies in these groups COOPEC Cooperative d'Epargne et de Credit with populations of more than 1 million are listed CPI Consumer price index below. DFI Development finance institution DTC Deposit-taking cooperative Analytical groupings EC The European Community (Belgium, Den- Oil exporters are countries for which exports of mark, Federal Republic of Germany, France, petroleum and gas, including reexports, account Greece, Ireland, Italy, Luxembourg, Netherlands, for at least 30 percent of merchandise exports. Portugal, Spain, and United Kingdom) They are Algeria, Cameroon, People's Republic of EMBRAER Empresa Brasileira de Aeronáutica the Congo, Ecuador, Arab Republic of Egypt, Ga- FOPINAR Fondo de Fomento para la Pequena bon, Indonesia, Islamic Republic of Iran, Iraq, Ku- Industria y la ArtesanIa wait, Mexico, Nigeria, Norway, Oman, Saudi Ara- FSLIC Federal Savings and Loan Insurance Cor- bia, Syrian Arab Republic, Trinidad and Tobago, poration United Arab Emirates, and Venezuela. GATT General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade Seventeen highly indebted countries are those GD? Gross domestic product deemed to have encountered severe debt servicing GNP Gross national product difficulties: Argentina, Bolivia, Brazil, Chile, Co- GRT Gross receipts tax lombia, Costa Rica, Côte d'Ivoire, Ecuador, Ja- IBRD International Bank for Reconstruction and maica, Mexico, Morocco, Nigeria, Peru, Philip- Development (The World Bank) pines, Uruguay, Venezuela, and Yugoslavia. ICOR Incremental capital-output ratio OECD members, a subgroup of high-income IDA International Development Association economies, comprises the members of the Organi- IFC International Finance Corporation sation for Economic Co-operation and Develop- IFS International Financial Statistics, published ment except for Greece, Portugal, and Turkey, monthly by the IMF which are included among the middle-income IMF International Monetary Fund economies. MFA Multifibre Arrangement xi NTB Nontariff barrier Growth rates are based on constant price data OECD Organisation for Economic Co-operation and, unless otherwise noted, have been computed and Development (Australia, Austria, Belgium, with the use of the least-squares method. See the Canada, Denmark, Finland, France, Federal Re- technical notes of the World Development Indica- public of Germany, Greece, Iceland, Ireland, Italy, tors for details of this method. Japan, Luxembourg, Netherlands, New Zealand, The symbol . . in tables means not available Norway, Portugal, Spain, Sweden, Switzerland, The symbol - in tables means not applicable. Turkey, United Kingdom, and United States) The number 0 or 0.0 in tables means zero or less PSBR Public sector borrowing requirement than half the unit shown and not known more QR Quantitative restriction precisely. ROSCA Rotating savings and credit association All tables and figures are based on World Bank S&L Savings and loan association data unless otherwise specified. The cutoff date for SEC Securities and Exchange Commission all data in the World Development Indicators is SOE State-owned enterprise April 30, 1989. UMOA Union monétaire ouest africaine (West Data from secondary sources are not always African Monetary Union) available after 1987. Historical data shown in this VISA Valores Industriales S.A. Report may differ from those in previous editions because of continuous updating as better data be- Data notes come available and because of new group aggrega- tion techniques that use broader country coverage Billion is 1,000 million. than in previous editions. Trillion is 1,000 billion. Economic and demographic terms are defined in Dollars are current U.S. dollars unless other- the technical notes to the World Development In- wise specified. dicators. xii 7 Financial systems and development: an ovewiew The experiences of the 1980s have led many devel- years financial systems came under further stress oping countries to reconsider their approach to de- when, as a result of the economic shocks of the velopment. Although countries differ in the scale 1980s, many borrowers were unable to service of government intervention and in the extent to their loans. In more than twenty-five developing which they have already stabilized and restruc- countries, governments have been forced to assist tured their economies, most have decided to rely troubled intermediaries. The restructuring of insol- more upon the private sector and market signals to vent intermediaries provides governments with an direct the allocation of resources. To obtain all the opportunity to rethink and reshape their financial benefits of greater reliance on voluntary, market- systems. based decisionmaking, they need efficient financial Conditions that support the development of a systems. more robust and balanced financial structure will A financial system provides services that are es- improve the ability of domestic financial systems sential in a modern economy. The use of a stable, to contribute to growth. By restoring macroeco- widely accepted medium of exchange reduces the nomic stability, building better legal, accounting, costs of transactions. It facilitates trade and, there- and regulatory systems, specifying rules for fuller fore, specialization in production. Financial assets disclosure of information, and levying taxes that with attractive yield, liquidity, and risk characteris- do not fall excessively on finance, governments tics encourage saving in financial form. By evaluat- can lay the foundations for smoothly functioning ing alternative investments and monitoring the ac- financial systems. This Report reviews the lessons tivities of borrowers, financial intermediaries of experience in both high-income and developing increase the efficiency of resource use. Access to a countries and tries to identify the measures that variety of financial instruments enables economic will enable domestic financial systems to provide agents to pool, price, and exchange risk. Trade, the the services needed in the 1990s. efficient use of resources, saving, and risk taking are the cornerstones of a growing economy. The economic background In the past, governments' efforts to promote eco- nomic development by controlling interest rates, In 1988 conditions were generally favorable for directing credit to priority sectors, and securing economic growth in the developing countries. inexpensive funding for their own activities have High-income countries enjoyed steady growth undermined financial development. In recent with low inflation for the sixth consecutive year 1 and grew even faster in 1988 than in 1987. Interest with their development strategies. Toward this and exchange rates were less volatile than during end, they created new financial institutions to pro- earlier phases of the recovery from the worldwide vide funding at low interest rates to the sectors recession of 1982, and prices of the principal com- that were to be at the forefront of industrial devel- modities exported by developing countries rose by opment, or they directed existing institutions to do an average of 20 percent. so. The governments themselves borrowed heavi- Some developing countries have taken advan- ly, both from the domestic financial system and tage of the favorable world environment. Most from abroad, to finance budget deficits and the countries in Asia did well; in several the gross na- needs of state-owned enterprises. In many coun- tional product (GNP) grew at an estimated annual tries banks were also directed to open rural rate of 10 percent. Some countries, however, con- branches in order to mobilize deposits and provide tinued to suffer from misdirected domestic poli- credit to widely dispersed smallholders. cies, excessive indebtedness, and the economic During the 1960s this development strategy shocks of the 1980s. The growth rates of many Af- seemed to be working: many developing countries rican nations remained near zero. The heavily in- grew rapidly. But economic performance during debted economies also continued to stagnate. The the 1970s was more mixed. Despite favorable governments of creditor countries agreed at the terms of trade and an ample supply of cheap for- Toronto summit to grant debt relief to the poorest eign financing, growth in some countries began to and most heavily indebted countries, such as the slow. Except in Asia, only a few developing coun- countries of Sub-Saharan Africa, and early in 1989 tries have grown rapidly in the 1980s. took the first official steps to sanction debt relief for The interventionist approach was much less suc- the middle-income countries. But despite a rise in cessful in promoting financial development. Under the disbursement of funds to the highly indebted government pressure, banks did lend to state en- countries in 1988, net transfers to these countries terprises and priority sectors at below-market in- continued to be negative. terest rates, but spreads were often too small to Future growth in the developing countries will cover the banks' costs. Many of the directed loans depend in part on the policies of high-income were not repaid. Interest rate controls discouraged countries. By ensuring the success of the Uruguay savers from holding domestic financial assets and Round of trade negotiations, the high-income discouraged institutions from lending longer term countries can create a favorable environment for or to riskier borrowers. In some countries, public the exports of developing countries. Tighter fiscal borrowing from commercial banks displaced lend- but easier monetary policy in high-income coun- ing to the private sector; in others, public borrow- tries would bring international interest rates ing financed by money creation led to rapid infla- down, which would ease the burden of debt. This tion. Many countries developed a market for would benefit developing and high-income coun- short-term debt, but only a few have more than a tries alike. But far more important will be the poli- rudimentary system for long-term finance. In sum, cies pursued by the developing countries them- the financial systems of all but a few developing selves. They can improve their growth prospects countries remain small and undeveloped. by continuing to seek fiscal balance and trade re- In recent years the inability or unwillingness of forms. The decline in foreign capital flows has borrowers to repay their loans has become a seri- placed a premium on policies that encourage do- ous problem. Its roots lie in the shocks of the early mestic saving and investment and direct the flow 1980s and in the industrial and financial policies of resources to profitable activitiesin other pursued over the past thirty years. Many countries words, on policies that will improve the perfor- depended on commodity exports and foreign bor- mance of domestic financial systems. rowing to pay for the imported inputs essential to their industrialization programs. For the highly in- Origins of financial distress debted countries in particular, foreign borrowing became expensive as interest rates rose in the late When the developing countries set out to modern- 1970s; it became virtually impossible as foreign ize their economies in the 1950s and 1960s, their commercial banks ceased voluntary lending after financial systems comprised mainly foreign- 1982. Deteriorating terms of trade and interna- owned commercial banks. These provided short- tional recession in the early 1980s further reduced term commercial and trade credit. Governments countries' ability to pay for imports. Many coun- decided to remodel their financial systems to en- tries were forced to reduce their trade deficits. To sure that resources were allocated in accordance promote exports, they devalued their currencies 2 and lowered their tariffs and other trade barriers. are not satisfied, governments may choose to con- Firms in developing countries therefore had to face trol interest rates, but unless that control is flexible abrupt changes in relative prices, often alongside enough to take account of inflation and market recession at home. Many became unprofitable and pressures, it will impede financial development. thus were unable to service their loans. Proper alignment of interest rates is particularly Instead of foreclosing on bad debts, many bank- important for economies that have open capital ers chose to accrue unpaid interest and roll over markets. unpaid loans. In some cases this was because the In the past, governments have allocated credit borrowers were linked to the banks through own- extensively. In a world of rapidly changing relative ership, in others because taking provisions for loan prices, complex economic structures, and increas- losses would have made the banks insolvent. Col- ingly sophisticated financial markets, the risk of lateral was often inadequate, and foreclosure pro- mismanaging such controls has increased. Many cedures were slow and biased in favor of debtors. countries could allocate resources better by reduc- So in many countries it was not thought feasible to ing the number of directed credit programs, the start bankruptcy proceedings. The practice of roll- proportion of total credit affected, and the degree ing over unpaid loans and making new loans to of interest rate subsidization. Governments that cover unpaid interest has undermined the adjust- continue to direct credit should specify priorities ment process: instead of financing new ventures narrowly. An emphasis on credit availability is made profitable by changed relative prices, much preferable to interest rate subsidies, which under- new lending has gone to prop up firms that are no mine the financial process. longer viable. Liberating financial institutions from interest rate Financial institutions in many developing coun- or credit controls cannot, by itself, ensure that fi- tries have suffered large losses: many are insol- nancial systems will develop as intended. The le- vent, and some have actually failed. Bank insol- gal and accounting systems of most developing vency is nothing new, but the scale of the countries cannot adequately support modern fi- problemthe number of insolvent institutions, the nancial processes. Legal systems are often out- size of their losses, and the number of countries dated, and laws concerning collateral and foreclo- affectedis without precedent. Although more sure are poorly enforced. Because collecting debts than twenty-five developing countries took action can be difficult, and because borrowers are hard to during the 1980s to restructure financial institu- monitor and control, lenders have been unwilling tions, many of them dealt with only the largest or to enter into certain types of financial contract. If most seriously affected ones; others remain se- governments overcome such reluctance by direct- verely impaired. Restructuring banks is politically ing banks to make loans that the banks consider difficult, particularly when the banks are public or too risky, losses can result. Governments can in- the principal defaulters are public enterprises, but crease the supply of long-term loans and other experience shows that delay is costly and that types of financing by reducing the risks to losses mount with time. lendersfor instance, by requiring fuller disclo- Reform needs to go beyond recapitalizing insol- sure of financial information and defining and en- vent banks. It must address the underlying causes forcing the lenders' rights. To ensure the stability of bank insolvency as well. Governments can of the financial system and discourage lenders strive to provide macroeconomic stability, which from fraud, it is equally important for govern- generally means reducing their spending. They ments to supervise financial markets and institu- can also undertake the structural adjustments that tions. In the past, supervisors have spent too will lead to a more productive use of resources. much time checking banks' compliance with direc- Restructuring or closing insolvent firms must be tives on credit allocation and too little time inspect- part of this process; otherwise the recapitalized in- ing the quality of their loans and the adequacy of termediaries that continue to lend to them will their capital. once again become insolvent. Institutions and markets Prerequisites for financial development Commercial banks are likely to remain the domi- Countries with stable economies and fairly well- nant institutions for some time. Banks can be made developed and competitive financial markets more efficient by improving their management would benefit from giving market forces more in- systems and increasing the competition they face. fluence over interest rates. Where these conditions Better management requires new lending policies, 3 better loan recovery procedures, more sophisti- vere drawbacks, however. The scale of lending is cated information systems, and better-trained small, the range of services is limited, markets are staff. The entry of new banks, domestic or foreign, fragmented, and interest rates are sometimes usu- can stimulate competition. rious. Nevertheless, these institutions help clients Countries also need to develop other financial that formal institutions often find too costly or institutions, whose services compete with and risky to serve. Some countries have recognized complement those of commercial banks. Nonbank this and have established programs to link infor- financial intermediaries, such as development fi- mal markets more closely with formal markets. nance institutions, insurance companies, and pen- The most successful formal programs for the non- sion funds, are potentially important sources of corporate sector utilize rather than suppress indig- long-term finance. Most of the existing develop- enous systems, take deposits as well as lend, and ment banks are insolvent, however. Where they levy charges that cover costs. are to be restructured, rather than closed or As the developing countries move toward more merged with commercial banks, thought must be sophisticated financial systems, they can draw on given to their future role and viability. Any diversi- the experience of the high-income countries in the fication should build on the experience of their design of instruments and institutions. Some of staffs and on their existing client relationships. As the lessons are cautionary. One lesson is that com- more of the population becomes able to and de- petitive financial markets, although efficient at mo- sires to make provision for retirement, contractual bilizing and allocating funds and managing risk, savings institutions will grow in size. Permitting can still make mistakeswitness the excessive pension funds and insurance companies to invest lending to developing countries that took place in in financial instruments other than low-interest the 1970s and the current savings and loan crisis in government bonds can greatly increase the supply the United States. Another is that market-based of long-term finance to the private sector. financial systems can be unstable and susceptible Many developing countries have benefited from to fraud. This underlines the importance of ade- the creation of money and capital markets. Money quate regulation and supervision. Because finance markets can provide competition for banks, a flexi- evolves rapidly, regulators must continually strive ble means for managing liquidity, a benchmark for for the right balance between stimulating competi- market-based interest rates, and an instrument of tion and growth and limiting fraud and instability. monetary policy. Capital markets can be a source of long-term financeboth debt and equityand The path to reform can help to foster sounder corporate capital structures. Many developing countries have taken steps to- Most developing countries have a long- ward financial liberalization during the past de- established informal financial sector that provides cade. In perhaps a dozen countries, interest rates services to the noncorporate sectorhouseholds, have been fully liberalized; in many more, interest small farmers, and small businesses. Although rates are managed more flexibly than before. Many family and friends are usually the most important countries have curtailed their directed credit pro- source of credit, pawnbrokers provide a substan- grams, although few have eliminated them en- tial amount of credit to those with marketable col- tirely. Competition among financial institutions lateral, and moneylenders to those without. Mer- has been promoted by opening the domestic mar- chants provide financing to their customers, and ket to foreign banks and by authorizing charters purchasing agents advance funds to their suppli- for new banks and nonbank financial intermedi- ers. Rotating savings and credit associations are aries. Several centrally planned economies aim to ubiquitous in the developing world. stimulate competition by extensively restructuring Financial institutions have often been weakened their banking systems. by being forced to channel credit to small-scale In a few countries financial liberalization has borrowers. Because such borrowers do not main- been quite comprehensive. Argentina, Chile, and tain financial accounts, formal lenders find it diffi- Uruguay, for example, carried out extensive re- cult to predict who is likely to repay. Moreover, if forms in the mid-1970s, including the elimination the borrower is in a group favored by government, of directed credit programs, interest rate controls, formal intermediaries may find it difficult to col- and exchange controls. Several Asian countries lect. The informal sector, in contrast, has been able have also moved toward deregulation, but the re- to serve such borrowers. Informal lending has se- forms were introduced more gradually and were 4 less comprehensive. Financial liberalization has tries in recent years and discusses two scenarios sometimes proved difficult. In the Southern Cone for prospects to the end of the century. Even under countriesArgentina, Chile, and Uruguay the more optimistic of these, the developing coun- liberalization ended in disarray: the government of tries face serious economic challenges. Argentina had to reimpose controls, and all three Chapter 2 introduces the main body of the Re- governments had to deal with widespread bank port and examines the role of finance in develop- failures. Turkey's government had to restore inter- ment. It argues that finance matters in more ways est rate controls when real rates rose too high. But than might be immediately apparent. Efficient fi- in Asia, where macroeconomic conditions were nancial systems help to allocate resources to their more stable and reforms were implemented more best uses and are indispensable in complex, mod- gradually, there has been no need to reintroduce ern economies. In many developing countries, as controls. some of their governments have begun to realize, Experience suggests that financial liberalization the financial sector is in urgent need of reform. needs to be undertaken alongside macroeconomic Reform will not be easy, but the difficulties faced reform. Countries that attempted financial liberali- by developing countries as they seek to improve zation before undertaking other reforms suffered their financial systems are not new. Chapter 3 destabilizing capital flows, high interest rates, and charts the history of financial institutions in the corporate distress. Although certain measures industrial countries. It shows an often unsatisfac- should be taken at an early stage, such as the align- tory mixture: innovation in response to the needs ment of interest rates with market forces, overall of growing economies, but many disruptive epi- liberalization cannot succeed unless it is accompa- sodes of financial instability. Failures and fraud in nied by the restructuring of insolvent banks and their financial systems have led governments to firms and by adequate regulation and supervision. intervene extensively. Domestic financial markets need to be competitive Chapter 4 shows that for several decades after to ensure that intermediaries are efficiently run. World War II, regulation of the financial systems in And to avoid the destabilizing capital flows that developing countries was designed to control the proved so difficult to manage in several countries economy rather than foster the safety and sound- attempting deregulation, care must be taken in ness of banks. More than in the high-income coun- opening the capital account. tries, governments used the financial system to The change in many countries' approach to de- pursue their development objectives. This left velopment implies important changes in their fi- their financial institutions weak, and as a result nancial sectors. Countries that wish to rely more many were unable to withstand the worldwide upon private decisionmaking need financial sys- economic shocks of the 1970s and early 1980s. tems that operate on a more consensual basis. For Chapter 5 describes the difficulties of financial in- that, confidence is neededconfidence that the stitutions in many countries and the steps taken by value of financial contracts will not be eroded by some governments to address the problems of inflation and that contracts will be honored. Get- their financial sectors. ting the pricesinterest ratesright is important This experience has led the developing countries for financial development, but this must be com- to reassess their financial policies. A search is un- plemented by other policies as well. Countries also der way for policies that will strengthen the finan- need to create appropriate financial institutions, cial sector so that it can make its full contribution develop better systems of prudential regulation to the efficient use of resources, while keeping its and supervision, improve the flow of financial in- tendency toward instability in check. Chapter 6 formation, develop human skills for managing examines the legal and institutional changes that complex financial operations, and promote good should be part of this reappraisal. Chapters 7 and 8 financial habits. None of these changes will be eas- report in more detail on the current provision of ily or quickly accomplished. financial services to the corporate and noncor- porate sectors and explore ways in which these Outline of the Report services might be improved. Chapter 9 discusses the lessons that can be learned from the develop- Chapter 1 describes the global macroeconomic en- ing countries that have already begun to liberalize vironment that has confronted developing coun- their financial sectors. 5 Adjustment and growth in the 1980s and 1990s Economic performance in the 1980s has varied The prospects for growth in the developing widely among countries and continents. After a countries in the coming decade depend primarily sharp recession at the beginning of the decade, the on their own actions, but also on the environment industrial countries are well into their seventh year created by the actions of the industrial countries. of uninterrupted growth, although at rates lower The industrial countries can promote growth in the than those of the 1950s and 1960s. In parts of Asia, developing economies in three ways: by adopting where much of the world's poverty is concen- fiscal and monetary policies to maintain their own trated, economic growth in the 1980s has been growth while reducing real interest rates, by en- faster than in earlier decades. But in Africa and suring the success of the Uruguay Round of trade Latin America hundreds of millions of people have negotiations and thereby keeping the international seen economic decline and regression rather than trading system open and the volume of trade ex- growth and development (see Figure 1.1). In some panding, and by ensuring that the international countries in Latin America real per capita GNP is community provides the external resources that less than it was a decade ago (see Figure 1.2); in the developing countries need for growth and some African countries it is less than it was twenty adjustment. years ago. Why have some countries fared so much better The international economic environment than others during the 1980s? Economies differ greatly in their structures, in their domestic devel- The world economy in the 1980s was dominated opment strategies and policies, and in the extent to first by sharp recession, then by steady and pro- which they have been affected by external shocks. longed growth in the industrial countries, high Higher real interest rates, reduced international real interest rates, declining real commodity capital flows, and lower commodity prices have prices, massive movements in exchange rates, and made adjustment both necessary and difficult, par- the collapse of voluntary private lending to many ticularly for the highly indebted countries, But developing countries. The recovery of the indus- some governments have been more successful trial countries from the recession of 1982 has been than others in pursuing short-term adjustment strong and so far without interruptionthe second and longer-term structural reform. In addition, longest recovery since World War II. But the mix of markets and agents have varied in the speed with fiscal and monetary policies and the resulting pat- which they responded to new policies and to tern of trade and growth have changed over the changed incentives. past eight years. 6 Figure 1.1 Growth of real GNP in developing countries by region, 1965 to 1988 (average annual percentage change) Sub-Saharan East Asia South Asia Europe, Middle Latin America and Africa East, and North the Caribbean Africa 10 6 4 2 0 LI 1965-73 U 1973-82 U 1982-88 Figure 1.2 Real GNP per capita in developing countries by region, 1965 to 1988 (period average in 1980 dollars) Sub-Saharan East Asia South Asia Europe, Middle Latin America and Africa East, and North the Caribbean Africa 2,000 1,600 1,200 800 400 / 0 LI 1965-73 U 1974-82 U 1983-88 Note: GNP is measured at 1980 prices and exchange rates. 7 The early years of the recovery were led by brisk decline in the world's saving rate, which appears growth in the United States, where tax cuts and to have fallen (the data are imprecise) by 2 percent- increased spending on defense provided the impe- age points in the 1980s, to 11 percent in 1987. Part tus. The expansionary U.S. fiscal policy, combined of this decline is a result of the increase in the U.S. with anti-inflationary monetary policy worldwide, federal budget deficit, which in 1987 amounted to led to high real interest rates (especially in the about 8 percent of world saving of just under $2 United States), an appreciating dollar, and a boom trillion. Lower saving by other governments and in imports and consumer spending in the United declining private saving rates in many countries States. As a result, the U.S. current account deficit also played a role. deteriorated by $100 billion between 1982 and World growth can now be maintained with a pol- 1984. This, in turn, led to expectations of a decline icy mix in which monetary policy loosens as fiscal in the dollar, which were fulfilled between 1985 policy tightens, with the extent of monetary ex- and 1987. pansion determined by concerns about future in- In the Federal Republic of Germany and Japan, flation. This combination, including a significant expansionary policies in 1987 and 1988 were con- reduction in the U.S. budget deficit and other in- sistent with low inflation because of the decline in creases in world saving, would help to reduce real oil prices and the appreciations of the yen and the interest rates. That, in turn, would contribute to deutsche mark. The transition to domestic-led higher investment and thus to growth led from the growth was particularly successful in Japan, where supply side. the growth of consumption, imports, and espe- Lower interest rates would assist growth in de- cially investment (a rise of 11 percent in 1988) sup- veloping countries by reducing the cost of financ- ported continued growth in the world economy. ing new investments and easing the burden of the The worldwide stock market crash of October existing debt. The low interest rates of the 1950s 1987 clouded the outlook for economic growth at and 1960s are unlikely to return, however; real in- the beginning of 1988. But vigorous and concerted terest rates on safe government bonds may be ex- responses to the crash by monetary authorities in pected to remain well above the postwar average the leading financial centers, some fiscal adjust- of 1 percent. ment in the United States, and cheaper oil all com- High interest rates have reduced the extent to bined to permit steady growth with low inflation in which developing countries can rely on foreign the industrial countries in 1988. Indeed, growth in borrowing to finance development. Higher real in- the high-income countries of the Organisation for terest rates lower the ratio of debt stock to exports Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD) that a country can sustain and thereby make net was markedly higher in 1988 than in 1987 (4.2 per- transfers of resources to lenders necessary sooner. cent compared with 3.4 percent). Only at the end Ratios of debt stock to exports that may have been of the yearas fears grew that pressures on capac- sustainable at the interest rates of the 1970s are not ity would increase inflation and that the new U.S. sustainable at the interest rates of the 1980s. administration would not attack the budget More than in the past, developing countries will deficitdid exchange and interest rates show some have to rely on their own saving to finance invest- of the volatility that had characterized the earlier ment. This underlines the need for greater effi- stages of recovery. ciency in their financial systemsboth to encour- age saving and to allocate investment more Interest rates effectively. Real interest rates in the 1980s have been higher World trade than at any time since the Great Depression. They climbed during the early part of the decade, as Growth in the developing world has been affected monetary restraint brought down inflation while not only by the growth of imports by the industrial raising nominal interest rates. One explanation for countries but also by the changing source and the persistence of high interest rates is that nomi- composition of import demand. Figure 1.3 shows nal rates are affected by the fear that inflation will the relationship between world economic growth return. This may help to account for high long- and world trade. The recession of 1982 hurt world term nominal interest rates, but it cannot explain trade overall, but developing country trade fell the persistence of high short-term rates. proportionately more. In general, the volume of Another explanation for high interest rates is the world trade fluctuates more than world growth, 8 and developing country trade is even more vola- - tile. Resilient economies can absorb these shocks and rebound rapidly. For example, open econo- Figure 1.3 Growth of output and trade, mies that depend on manufactured exports, such 1980 to 1988 (annual percentage change) as some of the newly industrialized economies of East Asia, were particularly hard hit by the slump 12 in world trade in 1982. But these outward-oriented countries experienced faster export growth during 10 the 1980s, and their economies have grown much more quickly than those of countries that pursued 8 World trade more inward-oriented policies. Export growth not only contributes directly to economic growth but, more important, also per- 4 '7W mits more imports and a rapid modernization of production. The result is efficient domestic indus- try that meets the market test of international com- World output petition. High export growth among East Asian 0 countries and low export growth in Latin America and Africa have significantly changed the regional 2 distribution of developing country exports during 4 Developing countries' trade the 1980s (see Figure 1.4). The volume of world trade increased by more 6 than 9 percent in 1988the fastest growth in the 1980 1981 1982 1983 1984 1985 1986 19871988 1980s. Trade patterns have been strongly affected by the expansion of domestic demand in Japan and Note: Trade growth is defined as the average of the growth rates for export and import volumes. the delayed effects of exchange rate movements. Source: IMF and World Bank data. Import volume in Japan was up by 17 percent in 1988, compared with an 8 percent increase in the European countries; the yen moved significantly more against the dollar than did the European cur- rencies. The middle-income countries of East Asia countries) to manage demand and exchange rates. sharply increased their exports to Japan, and East Oil price increases and the surge in the value of oil Asian intraregional trade increased by 30 percent. exports put upward pressure on the producers' exchange rates and thereby harmed non-oil ex- Oil and commodity prices ports and encouraged imports. This difficulty known as the Dutch diseasehas been faced by Massive swings in the price of oil and a prolonged high-income countries (such as the Netherlands decline in the real prices of other commodities and the United Kingdom) and low-income coun- have posed short- and long-term adjustment prob- tries (such as Nigeria and Egypt) alike. When the lems for producers and consumers alike in the commodity boom passed, trade deficits followed. 1980s. The real price of oil (deflated by the unit Moreover, in some countries oil taxes supported value of manufactures) more than doubled from public spending programs that have since been 1978 to 1981, peaking at six times its 1973 level. It difficult to curb. As a result of the decline in the then drifted downward for several years, collaps- price of oil since 1982, gross domestic product ing to its pre-1973 level late in 1988, when the mar- (GDP) in the oil-exporting countries grew by only ket price dipped below $11, before quickly re- 1.6 percent annually between 1982 and 1988, com- bounding to $20 in the first part of 1989. The real pared with 5.0 percent between 1973 and 1982. prices of most other commodities continued to de- Countries that depend on commodity exports cline during the 1980s, except for minor price run- should save morerun larger current account sur- ups such as the revival of metal prices in 1988 (see pluses or smaller deficitswhile export revenues Figure 1.5). are temporarily high. It is difficult, however, to The large swings in the relative prices of com- distinguish between temporary and permanent modities (especially oil) have made it harder for changes in commodity prices. Was the upturn in governments (especially in commodity-producing metal prices in 1988 part of a medium-term trend, 9 Figure 1.4 Growth of export volume in developing countries by region, 1965 to 1988 (average annual percentage change) Sub-Saharan East Asia South Asia Europe, Middle Latin America and Africa East, and North the Caribbean Africa 12 10 6 7 / - 0 2 4 [1 1965-73 U 1973-82 El 1982-88 Note: Exports are measured at 1980 prices and weighted by U.S. dollar value. or was it a temporary blip? Moreover, despite the competitiveness and that drew finance from uncertainties, it may be politically difficult for poor abroad by distorting the domestic financial system. producers to take a conservative view of the likely External shocks precipitated the crisis of the 1980s. course of commodity prices. Some exporters of oil But internal structure determined how countries and other commodities, such as Chile, Indonesia, would respond. Faced with changed circum- Kuwait, and Morocco, have succeeded in spread- stances, countries now have no choice but to ad- ing risk, both by diversifying production and just. During the 1980s governments of countries at through financial and fiscal management. But all income levels and, remarkably, of all ideological many others, to their detriment, have not. stripes have come to recognize the need for re- forms to increase economic efficiency and Structural adjustment policies and challenges flexibility. At the most abstract level, adjustment programs "The setback to development in Africa, Latin Amer- use changes in fiscal, monetary, and sectoral poli- ica, and Eastern Europe in the 1980s followed two cies, in regulations, and in institutions to alter rela- decades of rapid growth. Yet this growth was often tive prices and the level of spending and thereby founded on development strategies that failed to redirect economic activity. The real exchange rate emphasize economic efficiency and international and the real interest rate are key relative prices. 10 They affect both economic activity and saving, as well as exports and imports and the rate of invest- Figure 1.5 Real commodity prices, 1970 to 1988 ment. Changes in taxes, subsidies, and quantita- tive controls move resources between sectors. En- suring that adjustment achieves a balanced change Index (1979-81 = 100) in spending and an appropriate sectoral realloca- 150 tion is critical for growth and development. The domestic financial system plays an important role. Nonfuel primary commodities' It mobilizes domestic saving and directs it to the 125 most profitable investments. It Structural adjustment is complicated and slow. is especially difficult nowand all the more 100 AAI" necessarybecause many developing countries 75 Metals and minerals are in dire financial straits. Countries need external resources to offset the costs of adjustment. In the 50 1980s both the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and the World Bank have helped finance economic 25 programs contributing to the adjustment process. Fifty-nine countries received long-term structural 0 adjustment loans from the World Bank between 1980 and 1988. The programs consist of a series of 1970 1975 1980 1985 1988 operations, worked out with the borrower, that are conducted within a medium-term macroeconomic Note: Real prices are annual average prices in dollars, deflated by the annual change in the manufacturing Unit value (MUV) index, framework which is often supported by the IMF. a measure of the price of industrial country exports to developing Many governments have made progress toward countries. a. Based on a basket of thirty-three commodities. restructuring their economies, especially with re- gard to trade reform and exchange rate policy. But further reforms will be necessary. In some cases industrial policies in support of earlier import- substitution strategies have maintained a protec- tionist stance, despite trade reform. In other cases Challenges for successful adjusters inefficient financial systems continue to distort in- terest rates. In many countries the failure of fiscal Successful adjusters, especially those in East Asia, reforms is undermining the adjustment achieved not only increased domestic saving and main- so far and preventing further progress. Unsustain- tained high investment during the 1980s (see Fig- able fiscal deficits create economic uncertainty, ure 1.6) but also achieved export-led growth. In contribute to high inflation, and subvert the do- the future their growth will need to depend less on mestic financial system. external demand; domestic consumers should In East Asia the newly industrialized economies reap some of the fruits of successful investment in and several others have pursued sound macroeco- manufacturing. Domestic saving rates may there- nomic policies and maintained the competitive- fore return to their somewhat lower levels of the ness of their exports. They have generally adapted 1970s. well to the shocks of the 1970s and early 1980s. The Maintaining competitiveness requires support populous economies of South Asia have also for the development of infrastructure and human achieved good results. Their success has more to capital. In most countries such programs are gov- do with macroeconomic stability, prudent fiscal ernment funded. They call for long-term invest- and external borrowing policies, and rural mod- ment strategies. Sound fiscal policy is a pre- ernization than with internationally competitive requisite. trade policies. But economies are not prisoners of Moreover, as the successful adjusters become their geography. Chile has pursued one of the more integrated with the international capital mar- most wide-ranging programs of economic liberali- kets, and as they compete with the next generation zation, despite setbacks in the early 1980s, and of exporters of manufactured goods, the efficient seems to be shedding the problems that beset allocation of domestic saving will become even many of its neighbors. more important. A domestic financial system 11 Figure 1.6 Saving and investment rates in developing countries by region, 1965 to 1987 (percentage of GNP) Gross domestic saving (S) Gross domestic investment (I) 0.1 1965-73 Sub-Saharan 2.0 E 1974-82 Africa 2.1 LI 1983-87 0.5 East Asia 0.4 1.8 2.2 South Asia 3.3 4.0 Europe, 0.4 Middle East, 1.5 and North Africa 1.4 0.1 Latin America and 1.4 the Caribbean 3.7 30 20 10 0 0 10 20 30 Note: Saving and investment are measured at current prices. based on market principles will contribute to this partly attributable to fiscal deficits, which ex- end. panded during the 1980s. Private saving did not increase eitherbut it is extremely difficult to in- Adjustment in Sub-Saharan Africa crease saving when income is falling. Most impor- tant, the combination of slow growth and rapidly The gravest development problems are in Sub- expanding populations reduced per capita in- Saharan Africa, Unfavorable external conditions comes and left many people close to starvation. (including a prolonged fall in the terms of trade of Average caloric intake is no higher than twenty primary goods exporters) and inadequate domestic years ago. policies have caused economic, social, and envi- Nevertheless, some adjustmentpainfully slow ronmental decline. and not always sustainedis occurring. Many After reasonable growth in the 1960s and early governments have started to reduce their role in 1970s, the region's economic performance deterio- the economy and are focusing their spending on rated. Export growth was robust before the 1973 oil priority areas. This means curbing spending on the shock but stalled thereafter; it has recovered some- civil service, on subsidies, and on state-owned en- what but not to previous levels. Saving and invest- terprises. Some African governments (for exam- ment rates fell sharply in the early 1980s (Figure ple, in Ghana) have cut spending by creating a 1.6) and are today less than two-thirds of the de- roster of the civil servants to ensure that only bona veloping country average. The collapse in saving is fide workersand no "ghost" or "phantom" 12 workersare on the payroll. An alternative is to Sub-Saharan Africa. In several countries (Kenya, release workers with a lump-sum benefit. This in- Senegal, and Somalia), fairly strong economic creases the short-run cost of reducing the size of growth in the 1980s has yielded low or nega- the government, and may encourage the better tive growth in per capita GNP. Excessive popula- workers to leave, but in some countries it has pro- tion growth also exacerbates the problems of food vided an impetus for the development of private security, education, urbanization, and environ- entrepreneurship. A sweeping removal of subsi- mental degradation. dies may not be possible, but targeting them to the truly needy further reduces costs; many subsidies Adjustment in the highly indebted countries benefit urban dwellers who are relatively well-off. Ghana's program has kept adjustment on track The shocks of the 1980s also hit the highly in- while helping the poor. Subsidies to unprofitable debted middle-income countries, most of them in state-owned enterprises are a big drain on bud- Latin America, extremely hard. High commodity gets. Several African countries have experimented prices and cheap external financing fueled public with privatization (Niger and Togo), liquidation investment and social welfare programs during the (Benin, Ghana, and Mali), or rehabilitation under 1970s. When the external environment deterio- management contracts (Senegal). Not all of these rated and commodity prices fell, many countries efforts have been successful. postponed adjustment and continued to rely on It is essential to correct overvalued exchange external borrowing. Sharply rising real interest rates. This promotes a more sustainable pattern of rates and falling commodity prices raised the cost consumption, encourages the export sector to di- of external capital dramatically in the 1980s, which versify, and may yield faster export growth. Côte led to a halt in voluntary financing. Wrenching ad- d'Ivoire and Mauritius show how quickly ex- justments became necessary. porters can respond to improvement (and deterio- Per capita incomes in the middle-income debtors ration) in real export prices. declined on average during the 1980s. Restrictive Adjustment also aims to reverse the bias against domestic policies and real devaluations reduced agriculture. Taxes in many poor countries (not only imports, which often led to trade and even current in Africa) discourage domestic food production account surpluses. These policies, combined with and encourage food imports. Better incentives and the lack of external financing, meant that net in- agricultural modernization can raise the incomes vestment in some countries, such as Argentina, of the rural poor, increase food security, and gener- fell to zero. ate foreign exchange. Policies of this sort include The task of adjustment encompasses trade re- price decontrol (Mali, Niger, Nigeria, Somalia, and form, fiscal and public sector reform, and control Uganda) and the reform or abolition of agricultural of inflation and debt. Most of the countries have marketing boards (Nigeria, Senegal, and Somalia). made substantial progress in at least one of these Higher farm output has also been achieved areas. But the macroeconomic situation remains through broadly conceived extension services, unstable, and rates of investment are still low (Fig- which combine changes in farming methods with ure 1.6). improvements in credit delivery, marketing, and Primary budget deficits (that is, excluding debt the supply of inputs. service payments) have been reduced, but public Regional integration has been a political aspira- sector borrowing requirements remain high. Con- tion since African independence. Cooperative ar- solidated, inflation-corrected deficits are still rangements have continued in Francophone Africa nearly double the average for the developing but have often broken down elsewhere. Small in- world as a share of GDP, and interest payments ternal markets and low purchasing power are bar- account for a big share of spending. Since domes- riers to international competitiveness and the ra- tic financial markets are in most cases too shallow tionale for regional integration. As governments to provide financing on the required scale, central have moved to more market-oriented policies, at banks have accommodated government spend- least one impediment to integration has been re- ing by expanding the monetary base. Inflation moved. But even if agreement on its political as- is higher than elsewhere; several of the coun- pects could be reached, the benefits of integration tries have seen triple- and even quadruple-digit wifi not be attained unless regional transport and inflation. communications systems are upgraded. Heterodox anti-inflationary programs (based on Even as economic performance improves, it will wage and price controls and the fixing of the ex- be offset by rapid population growth in much of change rate) have been tried, sometimes repeat- 13 edly, in Argentina, Brazil, and Mexico. Most of in the Chinese economy, the exchange rate adjust- these attempts have met with outright failure. ments of the early 1980s were essential in making Their chief defect has been a lack of fiscal improve- Chinese enterprises more competitive. China has ment. Stabilization programs that leave the funda- become a major exporter of manufactures in a very mentals inconsistent with low inflation are bound short time. The Chinese government also avoided to fail. Where the fiscal deficit has been cut relying too much on external borrowing. It post- appropriatelyas in Mexicothe programs have poned ambitious industrial investment programs been more successful. in the late 1970s and again in the early 1980s. More Some highly indebted countries (Costa Rica, recently it has faced difficulties in macroeconomic Côte d'Ivoire, and the Philippines) have adopted policy. Domestic credit has been allowed to ex- fiscal programs with moderate success, although pand too quickly, which has led to inflationary the programs have yet to be sustained. Often, sev- pressures and shortages. eral years of austerity have been followed by a Economic reforms in Eastern Europe, although burst of spending that reverses the earlier gains. similar to those in China, have had less spectacular Such instability retards saving, investment, ex- results, and some countries are in considerable dif- ports, and growth. Nonetheless, some debtor ficulty. Several factors explain this. One is that low countries have made good progress on fiscal re- costs of production, at present exchange rates, form. Chile, Colombia, Mexico, Morocco, and have enabled China to compete successfully Uruguay have all reduced their budget deficits against middle-income exporters of manufactures. through tax reform, higher revenues, and lower In contrast, costs in Eastern Europe are generally spending. higher; competing against the newly industrial- Some countries, again including Chile, Mexico, ized economies of East Asia and the lower-income and Morocco, have also pursued trade reform. For members of the European Community (EC) has example, since 1985 Mexico has liberalized its trade therefore been difficult. Moreover, some of the regime and maintained its competitiveness. Costa countries tried to modernize their industries with Rica and the Philippines have focused on labor- heavy investment financed by foreign borrowing intensive manufactured exports; in these countries and without reforming economic management. the share of manufactured exports increased stead- This proved costly when real interest rates rose in ily between 1982 and 1987, and manufactures now the 1980s. account for about half of all exports. Development issues Adjustment in the centrally planned economies The slow pace of adjustment in many countries is a The centrally planned economies face a formidable major concern. But the task is neither simple nor challenge in moving toward decentralized deci- purely economic. It requires institutional capacity sionmaking and greater reliance on markets. The and political skill. It is inhibited by vested inter- prices of many of their products have little to do ests, for it affects acquired rights, income, benefits, with costs. The responsibilities of managers for rents, and costs. Where economic structures have production and investment are badly defined. Fi- been in place for some time, the pain of adjust- nancial systems are rudimentary, and the tools of ment can be enormous. If reform is to last, it must macroeconomic management are underdeveloped. not be rushed. The burden will have to be fairly Few mechanisms allow labor and capital to be re- shared. And support from the international com- allocated as economic conditions change. munity must be forthcoming. Governments in many of these economies have recognized the need for reform. The task is daunt- Poverty, population growth, and the environment ing, but the benefits could be immense. The expe- rience of China during the past ten years demon- In many countries poverty cannot be separated strates this. The reform of agriculture, the opening from rapid population growth. As per capita in- of the economy to foreign trade, technology, and comes rise, population growth rates eventually de- investment, and the new reliance on incentives in cline. That process has been at work in such coun- the industrial sector have led to an average growth tries as the Republic of Korea and Thailand, as it rate of more than 10 percent a year during the was earlier in the high-income economies. But the 1980s. demographic transition is still at an early stage in Although prices still play a relatively modest role some low-income Asian countries, such as India 14 and Bangladesh. Africa's population is growing countries increasingly discriminate against the de- faster than has that of any other region of the veloping countries. Voluntary restraint agree- world in this century. In some countries fertility ments for steel, bilateral agreements for textiles, rates are close to the biological limit. This strains the tighter Multifibre Arrangement (MFA), and the capacity of the economy to maintain the stan- lower quotas on sugar and other agricultural prod- dard of living and reduces the ability of the gov- ucts have their greatest effect on the exports of the ernment to provide social services, including edu- developing countries. The share of developing cation and health. Yet some societies remain country exports that face nontariff barriers (NTBs) unconvinced of the need to reduce population is roughly 20 percent, about twice the share of in- growth. dustrial country exports. Much of the discussion of The links among poverty, environmental degra- NTBs focuses on manufactured goods, but the pro- dation, and population growth are often direct. As portion of agricultural exports from the developing more and more people in poverty press upon lim- countries facing NTBs is higher (26 percent, com- ited natural resources in rural areas, they begin to pared with 18 percent for manufactures). deplete the stock of renewable resources. In South Another disturbing departure from the principle Asia the long-term deforestation of watersheds has of nondiscrimination embodied in the General caused severe erosion. Population pressure on the Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT) is the in- fragile land base in Africa and the Middle East has crease in bilateral trade agreements. Bilateral ar- become serious. The arid and semiarid areas of the rangements couldalthough they need not world are likely to face a crisis of water scarcity by necessarilydiscriminate against nonmembers 2000. Desertification and deforestationoften (see Box 1.1). If they do, they might greatly harm irreversiblehave reduced the land available for the world trading system. agriculture, wildlife habitats, and recreation. The rise of bilateralism and the increasing use of But not all environmental degradation results nontariff barriers underline the importance of the from the pressure of population growth. Intensive Uruguay Round of trade negotiations. These talks use of hydrocarbons by high-income countries and are tackling complicated issues such as trade in deforestation in sparsely populated tropical areas services, the protection of intellectual property are starting to have global effects. The same is true rights, and the politically contentious matter of ag- of the growing amounts of hazardous materials ricultural trade reform. Progress on agriculture that are generated mainly by industrial countries. would be particularly welcome for some of the Some developing countries are experiencing highly indebted countries, such as Argentina and serious air and water pollution. Increasingly Brazil. Agreements on trade in financial services although with differing degrees of urgency might prepare the way for greater integration of developing country governments are attempting domestic financial systems and international capi- to curb the adverse externalities of growth. tal markets, resulting in improvements in effi- ciency and resource allocation. Protectionism and trade Many developing countries have significantly liberalized trade in the course of their broad struc- The acknowledged success of outward-oriented tural adjustment programs. These steps have ben- development is partly responsible for the move to- efited the countries taking them. However, it is ward market-based policies. Moreover, the high- often believed that countries which liberalize uni- income countries recognize the role of trade in pro- laterally lose a bargaining chip that might have moting growth and industrial development in the been used at the GATT negotiations to increase low- and middle-income countriesand thus have their access to export markets. In fact, credit is accorded them a variety of concessions and prefer- given in the GATT for the binding of (that is, ac- ences. (These include the Generalized System of ceptance of treaty limits on) tariffs. Such commit- Preferences, the EC's Lomé Convention, and the ments can be negotiated and traded even after tar- U.S. Caribbean Basin Initiative.) Despite this, and iffs have been unilaterally reduced. despite the encouraging growth in world trade in Developing countries can also improve their ex- recent years, the world's trading system has be- port prospects by following an appropriate ex- come markedly less liberal. Governments have re- change rate policy. Many developing countries duced conventional tariff protection but have have corrected their overvalued exchange rates in raised other barriers to trade instead. the 1980s; real effective exchange rates have de- Specific "safeguard actions" taken by industrial clined for most developing countries (see Figure 15 Box 1.1 Project 1992 and the developing countries The European Community (EC) plans to "complete the ucts legally marketed in one member state, whether internal market" by 1992 by removing barriers to the manufactured in the EC or imported into the EC, can free circulation of goods, services, and factors of pro- circulate freely throughout the EC. This should be es- duction. The aim is to promote European specializa- pecially welcome to relatively small suppliers in the tion, strengthen competition, and increase efficiency. developing countries, since the added costs of techni- But Project 1992 is bound to have substantial implica- cal barriers are particularly onerous for them. tions for non-EC countries. The EC market accounts for The third measure is the opening up of public procure- about 30 percent of the export earnings of the develop- ment. This will extend to four key areas not covered by ing countries. the relevant GATT code: energy, telecommunications, To achieve the free movement of goods and services transport, and water supply. To the extent that public within the EC, three measures will be required, each of procurement concentrates on high-technology sectors, which has an impact on the developing countries. The the change will matter more to the industrial than to first is the abolition of border controls. These are used to the developing countries. enforce national quantitative restrictions (QRs). They If Project 1992 promotes faster domestic growth with- affect mainly imports of textiles and clothing covered out raising external trade barriers, Europe will import by the Multifibre Arrangement, but other imports from more, and the developing countries would benefit. The developing economies, such as bananas from Latin distribution of the new demand among exporters will America and toys from Asia, are also affected. The EC depend on its composition and on existing trade pref- may convert national QRs into community-wide QRs. erences. The main focus of Project 1992 is on trade in What happens will depend on the outcome of the Uru- manufactures. The effects of the single market on de- guay Round. veloping countries will depend on their competitive- The second measure is the elimination of technical bar- ness and on the EC's trade policy toward them. The riers to trade. This will proceed along two separate ave- nature of EC trade preferences toward different groups nues: mutual recognition (most barriers) and harmoni- of developing countries may also change as a result of zation (health, safety, and environmental regulations). the introduction of a unified market. The principle of mutual recognition implies that prod- 1.7). Countries with an appropriate real exchange community and multilateral organizations, at the rate have usually experienced faster and more sta- very time that developing countries are coming to ble growth than the rest. As development pro- accept it. ceeds, it becomes even more important to adopt and maintain an industrialization strategy that is The debt problem neutral toward production for domestic or foreign markets. Although many developing countries have had In the Uruguay Round the developing countries difficulty in servicing their external debt, from the are for the first time playing a significant role in start of the debt crisis in 1982 the focus has been on multilateral trade negotiations. Thirteen develop- the seventeen highly indebted middle-income ing and industrial countries have formed the countries whose debts are primarily to the com- Cairns Group to promote their common interests mercial banks. This reflects the systemic risk that as agricultural producers. The developing coun- the failure of creditor banks might have posed to tries have recognized their stake in the world trad- the international financial system in the early years ing system. This reinforces the need for a success- of the crisis. Although some banks remain at risk, ful conclusion to the Uruguay Round and for the debt strategy they have followed since 1982 has adherence to the spirit as well as the letter of the sought to remove this systemic risk by building up principles of the GATT. The proposed strengthen- appropriate provisions for doubtful assets. In the ing of the GATT, including its surveillance of coun- past few years the debt problems of Sub-Saharan tries' trade policies, should help to bring this Africa have won official recognition. These prob- about. The failure of the Uruguay Round would lems differ from those of the other highly indebted not only hamper the growth of world trade but countries in that the debt is owed mainly to gov- also represent a rejection of the development strat- ernments. Nonetheless, virtually all the debtor egy that has been promoted by the international countries have been adversely affected by the rise 16 in real interest rates and the decline in commercial bank lending since 1982. Systemic collapse has been avoided. But for Figure 1.7 Real effective exchange rates in most of the highly indebted countries the debt cri- developing countries by region, 1978 to 1988 sis has become a growth crisis as well. In 1988 they grew by less than 2 percent, failing to respond both to high export demand and to the rapid Index (1978 = 100) growth of the high-income countries. (Export vol- 140 ume increased by about 6 percent, and dollar unit values rose by more than 15 percent in a delayed 130 reaction to the sharp depreciation of the dollar.) Latin America Their situation did show one sign of improvement 120 and the Caribbean during 1988, however. The ratio of debt stock to exports declined for the first time since 1982. Nev- 110 ertheless, two major Latin American debtors (Ar- gentina and Brazil) experienced significant eco- 100 nomic instability during the year. Korea has shown that it is possible to grow out of 90 a heavy debt burden. But when commercial cred- Europe, East Asia itors are reluctant to increase their exposure in 80 Middle East countries with debt problems and domestic sav- and North Africa ings are transferred abroad to service the debt, bor- 70 rowers cannot finance the investment they need to Sub-Saharan Africa generate growth. The resources for investment 60 could come from higher domestic saving or from repatriated capital. Before 1982 the highly indebted 50 countries received about 2 percent of GNP a year 1978 1980 1982 1984 1986 1988 in resources from abroad; since then they have transferred roughly 3 percent of GNP a year in the Note: The real effective exchange rate is the trade-weighted ex- opposite direction. Domestic saving would have change rate adjusted for relative inflation. An increase in the index indicates an appreciation of the currency. The regional had to rise by 5 percent of GNPor in other words index values, which are based on a total sample of eighty-three by about a quarterto offset this change in net developing countries, are annual averages weighted by the dol- lar value of exports. transfers. Despite strong fiscal contraction in some Source: IMF and World Bank data. countries, none of the countries has succeeded in restoring adequate net investment (see Box 1.2). The Baker initiative of 1985 stressed the need to maintain net flows of funds from official and pri- vate lenders. Although net flows of long-term cap- duction. These include debt buybacks (in which a ital from official creditors averaged nearly $6 billion debtor buys back part of its foreign debt with ei- a year over the past three years, net flows from ther international reserves or new foreign ex- commercial banks fell to an average of less than $2 change), exit bonds, and debt-equity swaps. In all billion a year. these cases the benefits for the debtor vary accord- During 1988 and 1989, governments and creditor ing to the discount at which it acquires its existing banks alike concluded that debt reduction would debt. In 1988 the commercial banks reached a ma- have to be an element in resolving the debt crisis. jor refinancing agreement with Brazilat $82 bil- Creditor governments agreed at the 1988 Toronto lion, the largest on recordwhich contained finan- summit to grant debt relief to the poorest and most cial innovations allowing for debt reduction. But heavily indebted countries, such as the countries for the highly indebted countries in general, the of Sub-Saharan Africa. The Paris Club subse- net reduction in external obligations achieved to quently agreed on the equivalence among the vari- date has been small. ous types of debt relief granted by different credi- The prolongation of the debt crisis, and particu- tor governments. For private creditors, the menu larly its manifestation in the low growth rates of approach that has been developed since 1986 has heavily indebted countries, led the international created a variety of voluntary methods of debt re- community to reevaluate the debt strategy in 1989. 17 Box 1.2 Debt concepts A variety of concepts are used to measure and assess rate in the early 1980s forced many developing coun- the economic burden of external debt. tries to make net transfers abroad much earlier than Debt stock, which is often reported as debt outstand- they had expected. ing and disbursed, measures the total debt liabilities of Moratoria (the suspension of contractual debt service the debtor. The payment obligation arising from this is payments), arrears (overdue service payments), new debt service and comprises interest and principal pay- money (additional borrowing), rescheduling (changing ments. The debt stock does not necessarily predict the the time profile of repayments without altering the to- debt service because currency revaluations, interest tal debt obligation), and debt relief are all ways of alter- rates, and the maturity structure of the debt all affect ing either the pattern or size of repayment flows. debt service. Forward-looking and sustainable changes in debt Two concepts describe the net effect of borrowing structure are more likely to create the environment and repayments on the flow of financial resources. Net needed for domestic investment and growth than are flows refers to disbursements minus principal repay- arrears or annual renegotiations. ments. It measures whether new financing exceeds Box table 1.2 shows how the burden of debt of the debt being retired. If debt levels remain prudent, net developing countries has changed during the 1980s. flows should be positive in all but the most advanced Debt stocks in Latin America and Sub-Saharan Africa low- and middle-income countries because of contin- have grown as a share of GNP during the 1980s, but ued external financing for domestic investment. Net private credit flows now represent a much smaller transfers refers to disbursements minus interest and share of gross disbursements, especially to Latin principal repayments. Negative net transfers imply America. that total debt service payments exceed gross inflows, Net flows remain positive, except to middle-income that net real resources are being transferred from the East Asia; these countries are repaying debt out of effi- economy, and that a trade surplus is thus required. ciently invested borrowing. In most developing coun- When the real interest rate exceeds the growth rate, tries net transfers have turned sharply negative. Except any borrower must expect eventually to make net in Sub-Saharan Africa and low-income Asia, resources transfers to its creditors. At that stage the borrower's are being transferred to creditors at rates significantly income should have risen sufficiently for its saving to higher than those at which resources were received in finance the transfer. The increase in the real interest 1981. Box table 1.2 Long-term lending to developing countries, 1981 and 1987 (billions of dollars, unless otherwise noted) Europe, Latin All Sub- Middle- Low- Middle East, America developing Saha ran income income and and the countries Africa East Asia Asia North Africa Caribbean Item 1981 1987 1981 1987 1981 1987 1981 1987 1981 1987 1981 1987 Total long-term debt out- standing and disbursed 503 996 50 109 50 102 60 142 134 260 209 384 As a percentage of GNP 23 42 26 85 28 40 8 16 30 47 27 52 Gross disbursements of long-term lending 124 87 11 9 14 11 11 21 28 27 61 20 Private sources 92 49 6 3 10 8 5 10 17 18 53 10 As a percentage of total 74 56 58 32 75 73 45 48 62 68 88 49 Multilateral sources 12 22 2 4 2 2 3 6 2 5 3 6 Net flows' 77 16 8 5 10 9 6 11 14 3 39 5 Private sources Multilateral sources 53 10 2 12 4 1 7 8 2 4 7 7 34 1 2 3 1 0 2 5 2 2 2 3 Net transfersb 35 38 6 2 6 16 4 5 4 12 16 19 Note: Data are based on the sample of 111 Countries participating in the Debtor Reporting System. Gross disbursements minus principal repayments. Gross disbursements minus the sum of interest and principal payments. 18 Although the details of the new strategy are still own. And then the crisis would have taken a very being worked out, the overall framework is clear. different course. Debt reduction will receive official support and of- ficial funding from the IMF and the World Bank, Growth prospects provided it takes place in the context of strong, effective adjustment programs. The strategy will Uncertainty after the stock market crash of 1987 continue to treat each country separately and is reduced expectations of growth early in 1988. likely to evolve as particular countries reach new Those expectations were confounded by a year of agreements with their creditors and official agen- strong growth, which has bolstered the prospects cies. It will aim to reward those countries that have for a gradual return to trend growth of about 3 tried hardest to restructure their economies. Very percent for the high-income OECD countries. Ex- few creditor governments will be willing to con- pansion in Japan and Europe, especially in Ger- tribute resources directly, but they are reviewing many and the United Kingdom, broadens the basis regulatory and accounting obstacles that might im- for sustained growth. Moreover, the high rate of pede debt relief by private creditors. They will also investment in 1988 should increase capacity and encourage the creditor banks to waive the clauses productivity, which will help to ease inflationary in existing agreements that make debt reduction pressures. difficult to arrange. Lingering uncertainties, however, cloud the The new strategy recognizes that debtor coun- medium-term forecast. They concern the policy tries will continue to need new money from changes needed to reduce large domestic and in- abroad. The question arises whether debt reduc- ternational imbalances and to offset growing irifla- tion is consistent with new lending from existing tionary pressures in several of the large econo- creditors. The stakes for banks in some of the mies. The United States can continue to run a larger countries are high enough for them to con- current account deficit only if foreign investors and tinue to provide new money, even as they simulta- governments are willing to purchase its assets. neously agree to reduce debt. But some banks will This, in turn, depends on their expectations with not want to reduce debt and provide new money regard to economic stability in the United States, at the same time. Official financing will continue. the U.S. fiscal deficit, and U.S. interest rates rela- Increasingly, countries will have to look to new tive to those in other economies. Moreover, within forms of external finance, such as direct and port- Europe, major imbalances could strain the Euro- folio equity investment, and to the return of flight pean Monetary System. The scale of these interna- capital. tional imbalances, concern about inflation, and The most critical component of the debt strategy needed adjustments in monetary policy are likely remains continued adjustment by the debtor coun- to cause volatility in interest rates and exchange tries. Without strong adjustment, no debt strategy rates over the near term. can restore growth. It is the goal of the new strat- Accordingly, the World Bank has prepared two egy to ensure that countries that do pursue serious views of the next decade. One scenario is predi- adjustment policies will be able to return to cated on adjustment with growth. It assumes that growth. credible policy actions are taken to reduce the mac- The debt crisis ifiustrates the fundamental ten- roeconomic imbalances within and among the in- sion between dependence on private markets on dustrial countries. Such measures include a pro- the one hand and government intervention on the gram to reduce the U.S. budget deficit, followed othera theme that recurs later in this Report. Be- by an easing in monetary policy (more so in the cause commercial banks were heavily exposed United States than elsewhere). Real and nominal when the debt crisis began in 1982, creditor gov- interest rates therefore fall, as compared with the ernments intervened to ensure the stability of the 1980-88 averages, and the dollar depreciates fur- international financial system. Individual debtor ther against the currencies of the other big indus- governments, such as those of Argentina, Chile, trial countries. Structural adjustment policies of and Yugoslavia, acquired large amounts of private the kind discussed above enable the low- and debt in the belief that doing so would help them to middle-income countries to take advantage of preserve relations with the commercial banks. If growth; the lower interest rates ease their debt the exposure of the banks had been small enough burden. This combination of plausible adjustments to pose no threat to their solvency, they might by both high-income and low- and middle-income have reached agreements with the debtors on their governments yields, overall, good prospects for 19 Table 1.1 Selected economic indicators in the adjustment-with-growth and low scenarios (average annual percentage change) Trend Recent Scenario for 1988-95 for experience, Adjustment Indicator 1965-8 7 1980-88 with growth Low High-income OECD countries GDP growth 3.1 2.7 2.6 2.4 Inflation (local currency) 6.4 5.6 4.2 4.1 Nominal rate of interesta 8.8 10.2 8.6 9.5 Real rate of interestb 3.0 5.5 3.0 4.0 Low- and middle-income countries Merchandise export volume 3.8 5.4 5.1 4.1 Manufactures 12.0 10.0 7.4 5.7 Primary goods 1.3 2.5 2.8 2.7 Merchandise import volume 4.3 0.5 5.7 4.6 Note: The adjustment-with-growth scenario assumes the adoption of policies (by the major industrial and developing countries) that reduce structural rigidities and imbalances and allow for a gradual return to trend through the year 2000. The low scenario assumes that some needed policy changes are not made, interest rates remain high, growth falters, and there is increased protectionism. Average six-month rate on Eurodollar deposits. Nominal interest rate deflated by the GDP deflator for the United States. world growth through the year 2000. Even so, Without appropriate policy changes, the low sce- many low- and middle-income countries would be nario shows growth in the high-income OECD unlikely to achieve the high growth rates they ex- countries slowing to 2.4 percent a year in the me- perienced in the 1960s and 1970s. dium term and through 2000. That is significantly The alternative is the low scenario. It assumes less than the average for the 1970s and 1980s. that the appropriate policy actions are taken nei- Growth in trade is correspondingly lower. More ther in the high-income countries nor in certain of important, the failure to right macroeconomic im- the low- and middle-income countries. Crisis is balances keeps real and nominal interest rates high averted through continued financing of the im- (about 4 and 10 percent respectively). Lower exter- balances, but the low scenario entails great macro- nal demand and higher interest rates reduce the economic uncertainty, higher real and nominal in- prospects for growth in the low- and middle- terest rates, increased protectionism, and lower income countries to below the averages of the growth. 1980s. Key factors underlying these two scenarios are How does the adjustment-with-growth scenario summarized in Table 1.1. With adjustment, real in the high-income countries affect the growth GDP growth in the high-income OECD countries prospects of the low- and middle-income coun- averages 2.6 percent over the medium term (1988- tries? The answer largely depends on their own 95) and rises to trend growth of about 3 percent by policy adjustments and on population growth. the year 2000. Inflation measured in local curren- East and South Asian countries, which have stable cies averages about 4 percent a year. Some adjust- macroeconomic environments and a substantial ment by the United States as well as other in- share of manufactures in exports, are expected to creases in world saving lower real interest rates to grow at about 6 percent a year (see Table 1.2). 3.0 percent from their average of 5.5 percent in the Some of them are likely to "graduate" to the high- 1980s. Merchandise exports of the low- and income category. Moreover, because their popula- middle-income countries should grow by more tion growth is expected to slow, per capita income than 5 percent a year, with the demand for manu- in some countries rises by more than 5 percent a factured exports rising at more than 7 percent a year. Per capita income in the region as a whole year. A bias toward investment helps to raise com- rises by 4.3 percent a year. Prospects for internal modity prices in nominal terms, but in real terms financing of investment in physical and human (deflated by the unit value of manufactures) they capital are good. Even in the low scenario, the are expected to continue to decline through 1995. Asian development effort is expected to continue This underlines the need for the developing coun- to succeed. tries that rely on primary commodity exports to As structural adjustment proceeds, real GDP diversify their economies. growth in Sub-Saharan Africa is expected to aver- 20 age 3.2 percent a year through 1995, before acceler- shift in the macroeconomic policy mix of the indus- ating in the second half of the decade. But with trial countries that is part of the adjustment-with- population growing at nearly the same rate, per growth scenario. Under this illustrative scenario, capita real income for the region stagnates. Even debt stocks are reduced by 20 percent over three with an optimistic view of adjustment, the region's years. per capita income will not return to the level of the The reduction in net resource transfers in the mid-1960s over the projection horizon. More, and form of interest payments associated with the re- more effective use of, external financing will be duction in debt stocks could be as much as $5 bil- needed to keep Sub-Saharan Africa from falling lion to $6 billion over three years. If the reduction further behind. These prospects reinforce the view in interest payments is used to import needed in- that policies-internal and external-require con- vestment goods, investment rates would rise by tinued adjustment. several percentage points. As a result of the debt If certain countries in Latin America and in Eu- reduction, GDP for the highly indebted countries rope, the Middle East, and North Africa make the could be about 1 percent higher at the end of the necessary economic adjustments, and if these poli- three years. cies revive investment, these regions could do bet- Even though all countries are treated similarly in ter over the next decade than they have in the this scenario, some countries fare better than oth- 1980s. Per capita income is expected to grow again ers because countries react differently to increases in Latin America, but at only about 1 percent a in imports and investment. For example, the po- year; this rate is probably insufficient for the eco- tential increase in GDP for Argentina, Brazil, Mex- nomic revitalization that is necessary for Latin ico, and Nigeria could be as much as 2 percent America to keep pace with other parts of the each. Recent initiatives envisage different coun- world. Per capita income should grow more tries receiving different levels and kinds of debt strongly than hitherto in the developing countries reduction on the basis of their adjustment of Europe, the Middle East, and North Africa. But programs. without internal reform, external stimulus, and The models underlying this scenario tie invest- lower interest rates, there is a real danger that the ment directly to resource flows and thus omit two economic situation in much of the middle-income key unquantifiable elements in debt reduction. world could deteriorate further. First, a reduction in the debt overhang is likely to increase the probability that the country can meet Debt reduction scenario future interest obligations; this will significantly improve the investment climate and thereby both Recent discussions of debt relief suggest a third increase investment and at some stage encourage scenario. This combines a reduction in the debt the return of flight capital. Second, if debt reduc- burden of the highly indebted countries with the tion leads to a sharp decline in new money, and Table 1.2 Growth prospects in the adjustment-with-growth and low scenarios (average annual percentage change) GDP growth GDP per capita growth Scenario for Scenario for Trend Recent 1988-95 Trend Recent 1988-95 for experience, Adjustment for experience, Adjustment Country group 1965-87 1980-88 with growth Low 1965-87 1980-88 with growth Low Low- and middle-income countries 5.0 4.0 4.6 3.7 2.7 2.0 2.7 1.8 Excluding China and India 4.8 2.6 3.8 3.0 2.2 0.2 1.5 0.7 Sub-Saharan Africa 3.4 0.5 3.2 3.1 0.6 -2.5 0.1 -0.1 Asia 6.2 7.3 6.0 4.9 4.0 5.5 4.3 3.2 Europe, Middle East, and North Africa 4.6 2.9 3.5 2.8 2.4 0.7 1.6 0.8 Latin America and the Caribbean 4.7 1.7 3.1 2.3 2.1 -0.6 1.2 0.4 Seventeen highly indebted countries 4.6 1.3 3.2 2.3 2.0 -1.2 1.0 0.2 High-income OECD countries 3.1 2.7 2.6 2.4 2.3 2.1 2.1 1.9 21 Figure 1.8 Domestic and external liabilities in selected developing countries, 1975, 1981, and 1987 (percentage of GNP) Côte divoire 120 100 80 I 60 40 20 0 1975 1981 1987 India Thailand Domestic liabilities Long-term external debt 80 80 60 60 40 40 20 20 0 0 1975 1981 1987 1975 1981 1987 Note: Domestic liabilities are defined as total liquid liabilities of the financial system (International Financial Statistics, line 551), expressed in local currency. External debt is total long-term debt outstanding and disbursed, expressed in U.S. dollars at current exchange rates. Source: IMF and World Bank data. possibly even to an increase in negative net trans- Beyond the debt crisis fers, investment will drop. These considerations reinforce the view that continued and powerful All the evidence points to continued low capital structural adjustment by the debtor countries re- flows to the developing countries in the coming mains the most important ingredient in dealing decade. Official flows cannot fully offset the sharp with the debt problem. reduction in private flows. This underlines the 22 Table 1.3 Selected capital flows to developing countries, 1981 and 1987 (billions of dollars) Official development assistance Foreign Official direct Total grants investment Country group 1981 1987 1981 1987 1981 1987 All developing countries 24.5 30.4 14.5 20.0 10.2 9.5 Sub-Saharan Africa 7.1 11.1 4.9 7.3 1.3 0.8 Middle-income East Asia 1.8 2.2 0.9 1.5 1.8 2.5 Low-income Asia 5.3 7.2 2.7 3.5 0.2 1.3 Europe, Middle East, and North Africa 8.2 6.3 5.1 5.0 1.3 0.8 Latin America and the Caribbean 2.1 3.6 0.9 2.7 5.6 4.1 Note: Data are based on the sample of 111 countries participating in the Debtor Reporting System. Data exclude Certain countries with significant flows associated with offshore banking activities. Source: OECD and World Bank data. need for developing countries to adopt economic source of financing for economies at all levels of policies that increase domestic saving and ensure income (see Table 1.3). It frequently brings addi- that resources are used as efficiently as possible. In tional benefits: access to new technologies or to this, the financial sector can play a crucial role. markets in which the foreign investing firm is ac- There is little doubt that over the past fifteen tive. It is also likely to bolster competition in do- years many developing countries have relied too mestic markets. During the 1980s foreign direct in- much on external borrowing and too little on do- vestment in developing countries has been stable, mestic resources. In a sample of thirty-eight devel- averaging $10 billion to $15 billion a year (about oping countries for which data on the liabilities of 10-15 percent of total capital inflows). The relative the domestic financial system were available, ex- stability of the aggregate flow masks important ternal debt at the end of 1986 exceeded domestic changes in its size, sourcing, and composition in debt by more than 50 percent. For Latin America, different low- and middle-income countries. The external debt was on average two-and-a-half times direction of foreign direct investment is strongly greater than domestic bank liabilities. This shows influenced by political and economic stability and how much these countries have come to depend by policies toward trade and capital flows. Restric- on external financing. Figure 1.8 illustrates the tions on profit repatriation and access to foreign range of experience. In countries with rapidly ex- exchange are especially important (see Box 1.3). panding external debt and shallow domestic finan- Foreign direct investment has to be serviced cial systems, such as Côte d'Ivoire and the Philip- through profit remittances, and it may be a more pines, external liabilities were two to five times expensive source of finance than borrowing. But as greater than domestic bank liabilities. India and long as it provides access to international markets, Thailand, in contrast, have relatively deep domes- better technology, and greater domestic competi- tic financial systems; they have consciously limited tion, it should be welcomed by most developing their recourse to external financing. economies. One lesson of the debt crisis is that commercial Other forms of risk sharing between developing bank lending at floating rates is not the ideal form countries and the international capital markets of financing for long-term development. It exposes have been very little developed to date. Some oil the borrower to interest rate and exchange rate bonds have been sold, and some deals have been fluctuations, and it does not tie the borrower's collateralized by commodity exports. The rapid fi- payments to the outcome of the investment. Alter- nancial innovation of the past decade can be ex- native forms of finance-foreign direct and portfo- pected to spread to developing countries in due lio investment and commodity bonds, for exam- course. ple-distribute risk between creditor and debtor. Foreign aid also remains an important source of Borrowing countries may also hedge their cur- external finance, particularly for low-income coun- rency exposures by adjusting the currency compo- tries in Sub-Saharan Africa. Some industrial coun- sition of reserves and borrowings to reflect the tries, notably Japan, have expanded their overseas likely impact of exchange rate and commodity development assistance in the 1980s. By early 1989 price changes on their future cash flows. Japan had extended nearly 90 percent of the $30 Foreign direct investment has been an important billion program announced in 1987 to "recycle" 23 Box 1.3 Foreign equity investment Economic policies that promote sustainable growth are attracted large flows which, along with domestic in- also likely to attract foreign equity investment. Investor vestment, have contributed to rapid growth. surveys show that growth and stability of the host Mauritius shows that policies to provide incentives economy are key factors in determining the attractive- for foreign investment can work, provided the macro- ness of a foreign investment. In part, this is because economic environment is stable. To attract foreign in- equity investment is relatively illiquid and sometimes vestment and diversify from its traditional reliance on requires a lengthy development phase before earning raw sugar, it adopted an Export Processing Zone pro- positive returns. When the foreign investment pro- gram in 1970. Mauritius successfully expanded the duces for the host market, as in Brazil and Korea, the share of manufactures from almost nothing to 24 per- investor's concern with the long-term macroeconomic cent of total exports by 1977. But growth slowed in the environment is reinforced. late 1970s and early 1980s, partly because of failures in Industrial and trade policies also strongly influence macroeconomic policy (currency overvaluation, fiscal foreign investment. Outward-oriented strategies sup- overexpansion, and a tax policy that discouraged do- ported by tax, foreign exchange, and other policies mestic saving). Foreign investment plummeted. The usually attract more foreign equity investment, espe- country adopted a structural adjustment program in cially to the export processing sectors. Transparent and the early 1980s that called for better credit allocation, an consistent investment policies are important. Singa- expansion of term finance for the private sector, and pore, for example, treats foreign investments on essen- investment policies aimed at further export diversifica- tially the same terms as domestic investments. It has tion. Growth and foreign investment have revived. funds to developing countries. Saudi Arabia con- the return of flight capital and to ensure that do- tinues to provide 3 percent of GDP in development mestic and external resources are made available aid, and Kuwait has recently provided 2 percent. and are put to productive use. And creditors need In general, however, low oil prices in the 1980s to be more imaginative in their lending; they must have prevented the high-income oil-exporting tailor the form and maturity of financial flows to countries from maintaining their aid programs. the characteristics of the projects being financed. Moving beyond the debt crisis calls for effort by The creativity of the international capital markets debtor and creditor alike. Credible and sustainable should be brought to bear on the problems of the structural adjustment is necessary to encourage debtor countries. 24 Financial systems provide payment services. They way to overcome these difficulties, but profitable mobilize savings and allocate credit. And they investment opportunities may exceed the re- limit, price, pool, and trade the risks resulting sources of the individual enterprise. Investment by from these activities. These diverse services are the public sector is another answer; in this case used in varying combinations by households, busi- additional savings are mobilized through the tax nesses, and governments and are rendered system. But excessive centralization brings its own through an array of instruments (currency, checks, difficulties, especially in gathering the information credit cards, bonds, and stocks) and institutions needed to make sound investments. Efficien- (banks, credit unions, insurance companies, cy therefore requires a balance among internally pawnbrokers, and stockbrokers). A financial sys- generated resources, centrally organized saving tem's contribution to the economy depends upon and investment, and market-based financial the quantity and quality of its services and the effi- arrangements. ciency with which it provides them. Market-based arrangements are voluntary. As Financial services make it cheaper and less risky such they are driven by the desire for profit, tem- to trade goods and services and to borrow and pered by concerns about risk. Competition ensures lend. Without them an economy would be con- that transaction costs are held down, that risk is fined to self-sufficiency or barter, which would in- allocated to those most willing to bear it, and that hibit the specialization in production upon which investment is undertaken by those with the most modern economies depend. Separating the timing promising opportunities. of consumption from production would be possi- Such arrangements may take many forms but ble only by first storing goods. The size of produc- tend to mirror an economy's complexity and politi- ing units would be limited by the producers' own cal orientation. Informal finance, such as loans capacity to save. Incomes would be lower, and within families and between friends or from pawn- complex industrial economies would not exist. brokers and moneylenders, is still important in Finance is the key to investment and hence to many countries. But as economies grow, these ar- growth. Providing saved resources to others with rangements need to be augmented by the services more productive uses for them raises the income of that only formal institutionscommercial banks, saver and borrower alike. Without an efficient fi- collective investment institutions, and capital nancial system, however, lending can be both marketscan supply. For example, by transform- costly and risky. Self-financed investment is one ing the size and maturity of financial assets, formal 25 Box 2.1 Life without money "Some years since, Mademoiselle Zelie, a singer In some countries neighbors help one another to build gave a concert in the Society Islands in exchange . . their houses without payment (gotong rogong in Java, for a third part of the receipts. When counted, her barn raising in the United States). share was found to consist of three pigs, twenty-three The economy of ancient Egypt operated for 2,000 turkeys, forty-four chickens, five thousand cocoa nuts, years before the invention of money (although pre- besides considerable quantities of bananas, lemons and cious metals served as a medium of exchange for some oranges . . . as Mademoiselle could not consume any transactions). Even after several surrounding states considerable portion of the receipts herself, it became adopted coinage, the government of Egypt opposed necessary in the meantime to feed the pigs and poultry the use of money. The Inca Empire of Peru may not with the fruit.'' have used money as a medium of exchange, despite W. S. Jevons being exceptionally rich in gold and silver. Some reli- Money and the Mechanism of Exchange gious societies (including the almost self-sufficient Je- (Jevons 1898, p. 1) suit Republic of Paraguay in the sixteenth and seven- teenth centuries) and authoritarian or paternalistic Even in modern economies many transactions do not communities (such as the large haciendas of Latin Amer- involve money. For example, barter is used to escape ica) make little or no use of money, at least for internal taxation and regulation. In developing countries most transactions. exchanges within extended families are handled with- Nonmonetary transactions tend to be aspects of a out cash. The multiple incomes of an extended family longstanding social compact, whose individual parts offer a substitute for insurance, pension plans, and so- cannot be valued separately. But in advanced econo- cial security. In many areas of the world, share- Inies most exchanges are impersonal. As Mademoiselle cropping involves a series of nonmonetary transactions Zelie discovered, trade can be quite costly without a concerning inputs, land tenure, crop sales, and so on. widely accepted medium of exchange. institutions can mediate between the many small past three decades Hong Kong, Japan, the Repub- depositors who prefer liquid assets and the few lic of Korea, and Singapore have had among the large borrowers who need long-term loans to fi- world's highest per capita income growth rates de- nance investment. They can provide other useful spite their relatively poor resource endowments. services too: insurance, hedging (using options Resource-rich Argentina has hardly grown at all. and futures contracts), and so on. In a diversified The biggest difference between rich and poor is market-based system, governments retain a key the efficiency with which they have used their re- role as prudential regulators, because experience sources. The financial system's contribution to has shown that financial marketsessential growth lies precisely in its ability to increase though they arecan be prone to instability and efficiency. vulnerable to fraud. Finance and trade Finance and growth The financial system makes its biggest contribution Malthus predicted that growing populations and to growth by providing a medium of exchange. In fixed amounts of land and other natural resources a barter economy, trade requires a "mutual coinci- would ultimately stifle economic growth. But natu- dence of wants." It is therefore limited by the ral resource endowments have declined in impor- costly search for trading partners. Specialization is tance in most high-income countries. In Great Brit- discouraged in economies with no medium of ex- ain, for example, the value of land and minerals change, so their productivity is low. Money facili- was 60 percent of the value of all tangible assets in tates specialization by reducing trading costs and 1688 but only 15 percent in 1977. In fact, natural linking different markets. The adoption of a stan- resources have not determined wealth. In 1870, dard unit of account serves the same goal (see Box Australia, a country rich in natural resources, had 2.1). twice the per capita income of Switzerland, which Historically, economies moved first from basic has few; today Switzerland's per capita income ex- self-sufficiency to barter trade and then to trade ceeds Australia's by more than half. During the against commonly accepted commodities such as 26 Table 2.1 Saving and growth in developing countries, 1965 to 1987 Country group by Gross national Gross Change in GDP growth rate savingslGDP investmentlGDP GDP/investment M2/GDP High growth (over 7 percent) Seven countries 28.0 28.6 26.3 43.Oa Excluding China 23.2 26.7 33.1 Medium growth (3-7 percent) Fifty-one countries 18.5 22.6 23.6 31.2 Low growth (less than 3 percent) Twenty-two countries 19.0 19.0 10.1 23.8 Note: Data are weighted averages times 100 and are based on a sample of eighty developing countries. M2 is currency in circulation plus demand, time, and savings deposits at banks. Investment is gross domestic investment. a. Because of lack of data, average is for 1977-87 only. Source: IMF, International Financial Statistics, and World Bank data. gold. Maintaining inventories of commodity lation, and attitudes toward thrift. The services money was costly, and the safekeepers of gold and provided by government, such as social security, other commodity monies soon learned the advan- can affect saving, as can taxes and government tages of allowing the direct exchange of deposit deficits. Macroeconomic and political stability af- certificates. Such economizing on the use of com- fect expectations and thus affect saving. Whether modity money gave birth to deposit money and financial variables affect the saving rate is still an banking. The continuing search for cheaper means open question. of payment led to paper money, credit cards, and Liquidity and ease of access may make financial electronic transfers. instruments a more attractive home for savings. Most developing countries have a widely ac- And financial services may encourage saving if cepted medium of exchange, although they will they raise the net returns. Higher interest rates need more advanced payment systems as their raise the return, but they can also enable savers to economies become larger and more complex. But, achieve a target stock of financial wealth with a some countries, particularly in Latin America, lower saving rate. The effect of higher interest have failed to provide a currency with a stable rates is therefore ambiguous. Empirical estimates value. In inflationary economies local currency be- range from a large positive effect to no effect at all. comes less acceptable as a medium of exchange. Although interest rates have an uncertain effect Inflation also undercuts money's use as a unit of on the amount people save, their effect on the account: it makes financial contracts riskier, re- form in which people save is clear. High interest duces the information imparted by relative prices, rates favor financial over nonfinancial forms of sav- and distorts the allocation of resources. ing. A recent study using 1985 data for eighty-one developing economies found that the ratio of liq- Finance and saving uid liabilities to GNP (a measure of financial depth) rose by 0.75 percentage point in response to a 1.0 Saving determines the rate at which productive percentage point increase in the nominal interest capacity, and hence income, can grow. On aver- rate paid on deposits. However, the ratio fell by age, the more rapidly growing developing coun- 1.70 percentage points in response to a 1.0 percent- tries have had higher saving rates than the slower- age point increase in the rate of inflation. (This growing countries (see Table 2.1). These rates are asymmetry may reflect the fact that some liquid influenced by many factors. In analyzing them it is liabilitiescurrency, for examplepay no interest useful to distinguish between the flow of "saving" and thus cannot fully compensate savers for infla- and the stock of "savings." In this Report, "sav- tion. It may also reflect a risk premium that rises ing" will always refer to the flow of real resources with the inflation rate.) Overall, higher real inter- that are not consumed in the period under study est rates are likely to lead to financial deepening as and that are therefore available for investment. savers switch some of their saving from real to "Savings" will refer to the stock of accumulated financial assets and from foreign to domestic as- saving, or wealth. An increase in the stock of fi- sets. Conversely, the negative real interest rates nancial assets will be called "financial deepening." that many countries saw during the 1970s discour- Many factors affect the saving rate: the rate of aged the holding of financial assets. income growth, the age composition of the popu- Governments can influence financial saving in 27 other ways too. By imposing direct taxes on banks, in the next section, the amount saved in financial by requiring banks to hold noninterest-bearing re- form affects the productivity of investment. serves at the central bank, or by forcing banks to invest in low-interest government bonds, they re- Finance and investment duce the return on bank deposits. Historically, governments raised finance by debasing commod- The financial system intermediates only part of a ity money. Today they do the same by granting country's total investment, because firms and themselves a monopoly in the creation of currency. households finance much of their investment di- The rent earned from this monopoly is called sei- rectly out of their own saving. Only when invest- gniorage (see Chapter 4). The more governments ment exceeds saving is it necessary to borrow, just rely on it for revenue, the less savers are inclined as when saving exceeds investment it is necessary to hold their wealth in financial form. As discussed to lend. The financial system's task is to move ex- Figure 2.1 Average saving and investment rates and sectoral surpluses and deficits for fourteen developing countries (percentage of GNP) Saving Sector surplus Investment Sector deficit -A Households Self-financed investment Business Government 1.9 Foreign 2.0 1.9 2.0 Financial sector 7.0 6.9 Note: Data are based on the sample of fourteen developing countries listed in Table 2.2. Source: Honohan and Atiyas (background paper). 28 Table 2.2 Average sectoral surpluses in fourteen developing countries, selected years (percentage of GNP) Country and period Households Business Government Foreign Cameroon, 1980-84 4.0 -9.4 2.7 2.8 China, 1982-86 7.0 -8.1 0.3 0.8 Colombia, 1970-86 3.5 -4.6 -0.2 1.3 Côte d'Ivoire, 1971-78 1.5 -7.7 1.3 4.4 Ecuador, 1980-85 5.1 -6.8 -2.5 5.0 India, 1970-82 5.5 -1.2 -5.5 1.1 Korea, Rep. of, 1980-85 7.0 -13.4 1.1 5.2 Malaysia, 1980, 1985-86 16.8 -7.2 -12.2 1.7 Philippines, 1983-85 9.1 -7.0 -3.6 2.9 Portugal, 1977-79, 1981 14.3 -16.1 -7.3 7.6 Thailand, 1981-83 6.8 -6.5 -4.3 5.7 Tunisia, 1977, 1980-84 2.1 -13.7 2.5 9.1 Turkey, 1971-81 7.7 -11.0 -0.9 3.2 Yugoslavia, 1970-85 7.0 -8.2 0.7 1.2 Average (weighted) 6.9 -7.0 -1.9 2.0 Self-financing ratio' 215 55 72 Note: Sectoral surpluses may not sum to zero where figures have been derived from independent sources. a. A self-financing ratio is a sector's saving divided by its investment, expressed as a percentage. This ratio overstates true self-financing to the extent that there is intrasectoral borrowing or lending. Data are derived from the weighted sectoral saving and investment averages shown in Figure 2.1. Source: Honahan and Atiyas (background paper). cess saving from economic units in surplus to all the information, transaction, monitoring, and those in deficit. enforcement costs that would be involved if the Figure 2.1 shows the average saving and invest- resources were lent to someone else. No complex ment rates for fourteen developing countries. contracts, collateral, or other devices are required Households saved 12.9 percent of GNP and in- to reduce the risks inherent in lending. The short- vested 6.0 percent; that left them with a surplus of coming of self-finance is that an individual's in- 6.9 percent of GNP. Businesses saved 8.6 percent vestment opportunities may not match his or her of GNP and invested 15.6 percent; that left them resources or may be inefficiently limited by them. with a deficit of 7.0 percent of GNP. The foreign Even though the financial system intermediates sector was a net lender and the government a net only part of total investable resources, it plays a borrower. The financial sector is the channel for all vital role in allocating saving. In the early stages of these flows. Note that the country-by-country sec- development, relatives, friends, and moneylend- toral balances which underlie these averages vary ers may be the only sources of external finance. As widely. Table 2.2 shows the balances for each of the financial system grows, local banks, then na- the countries that are aggregated in Figure 2.1. The tional financial institutions, and finally securities surplus of the household sector, for instance, markets and foreign banks become sources of ranges from Côte d'Ivoire's 1.5 percent (in 1971- funds for investors. Smoothly functioning finan- 78) to Malaysia's 16.8 percent (in 1980-86). cial systems lower the cost of transferring re- Taking the fourteen countries together, Table 2.2 sources from savers to borrowers, which raises the shows that businesses financed 55 percent of their rate paid to savers and lowers the cost to borrow- investment from their own saving (in the form of ers (see Box 2.2). The ability of borrowers and depreciation allowances and retained earnings). lenders to compare interest rates across markets Governments financed 72 percent of their invest- improves the allocation of resources. ment from their saving (that is, from the excess of Historically, the quality of investment has been taxes and other income over consumption spend- at least as important for growth as the quantity. ing plus transfers). And households as a group Although the fastest-growing countries had higher financed all of their investment from their saving. rates of investment than the others in Table 2.1, Altogether, roughly half of all investment was self- empirical studies generally find that less than half financed. the growth in output is attributable to increases in An advantage of self-finance is that, in combin- labor and capital. Higher productivity explains the ing the acts of saving and investing, it internalizes rest. Higher labor productivity reflects better 29 Box 2.2 Transaction costs and the supply of credit The impact of financial intermediation and interest rate to supply Xd in the expectation of earning (after deduct- ceilings on credit can be demonstrated geometrically. ing expected costs) a. For that amount of credit bor- In the diagrams in Box figure 2.2 the horizontal axis rowers would be paying r. Transaction costs introduce measures the quantity of borrowing or lending per unit a wedge between the cost to borrowers and the return of time (X), and the vertical axis measures the cost of to lenders, which reduces the amount lent. borrowing (r) and the return for lending (1). The econ- Banks or other intermediaries exist, in part, because omy's demand for credit is depicted in the first dia- gram by the downward-sloping curve labeled D. Its they are able to reduce the transaction costs of borrow- ing and lending. This is reflected in the curve 5b The 1 negative slope reflects, in part, the increasing quantity wedge between the cost to borrowers and the return to (per unit of time) of profitable investment as the cost of lenders is now the banks' spread. Assuming that bank borrowing declines. The upward-sloping curve labeled spreads are less than the costs of direct lending, the S depicts the economy's supply of credit, the amount amount lent increases from Xd to Xb, the return to of saving offered to others either directly or through lenders increases from 1d to and the cost to borrowers intermediaries such as banks. Its positive slope reflects, falls from ra to Tb. The better banks are at reducing in part, the increasing share of total saving provided transaction costs, the greater these effects. Reducing for financial assets as their return rises relative to the taxes on banking (such as unremunerated reserve re- return on real assets or investment abroad. If there quirements, which are a part of these costs) has the were no transaction costs or interest rate regulations, same effect. the market-determined rate of interest would be r = The third diagram shows the effect of an interest rate and the amount of credit per period would be X. ceiling (the horizontal orange line at ir). If the ceiling is It is costly, however, for lenders to locate credit- applied to deposit rates, it will reduce the amount lent worthy borrowers directly. In the center diagram, the (to X) and raise the cost to borrowers (to ic). If the amount lenders must charge borrowers to cover that ceiling applies instead to lending rates, banks will set cost is reflected in the curve Sd. The vertical distance deposit rates at i, deducting transaction costs. The between this curve and the supply of funds curve (5) is amount deposited (and lent, when abstracting from re- the amount of these transaction costs (including the serve requirements) will be X. The excess demand for cost of covering the expected defaults). If lenders had credit (X, - X) cannot be satisfied, and lenders will to find borrowers on their own, they would be willing ration the available supply. Box figure 2.2 The supply of and demand for credit r,i r1, r=I x x x x, health, skills, education, and work effort; higher tern, financial depth increases. The financial sys- capital productivity reflects technical progress and tems of higher-income countries are usually the more efficient use of saving. deeper (as measured by the ratio of liquid liabilities As more saving moves through the financial sys- to GNP) than those in poorer ones (see Figure 2.2). 30 They are also deeper in the most rapidly growing countries than in the slowest-growing countries (as shown by the ratio of M2 to GDP in Table 2.1). Figure 2.2 Indicators of financial depth Faster growth, more investment, and greater fi- nancial depth all come partly from higher saving. Percentage of GNP In its own right, however, greater financial depth 80 also contributes to growth by improving the pro- ductivity of investment. Investment productivity, as measured by the ratio of the change in GDP to investment (the inverse of the incremental capital- 60 output ratio-ICOR), is significantly higher in the faster-growing countries, which also have deeper financial systems (Table 2.1). This suggests a link 40 between financial development and growth. How might this work? It was noted above that positive real interest rates favor financial saving over other 20 forms of saving and therefore promote financial deepening. Provided that intermediaries are good at selecting viable projects, greater intermediation will ensure that the better investments are fi- 0 nanced and will thereby increase the average pro- Less than $450 to $3,000 to More than ductivity of investment. Table 2.3 groups the coun- $450 $3,000 $7,200 $7,200 tries of Table 2.1 that had meaningful interest rate Per capita income data according to their real interest rates: positive, moderately negative (0 to -5 percent), and LI Liquid liabilities (M3) strongly negative. The first group had lower infla- Li Ml tion rates, deeper financial sectors, moderately [I] Currency higher investment rates, and significantly more productive investments than the others. Note: Data are unweighted averages by income group. Ml is the More important, the growth rates of the coun- sum of currency and demand deposits. Liquid liabilities are the sum of Ml, time and savings deposits, and other deposits at tries with positive real interest rates were consider- financial institutions. ably higher on average than those of the others. As Source: Neal (background paper). the world economy adjusted to the first oil price shock of the early 1970s, productivity and growth fell nearly everywhere. But the fall was much Table 2.3 Growth rates and other economic indicators for country groups with positive, moderately negative, and strongly negative real interest rates, 1965 to 1973 and 1974 to 1985 (average percent) 1965-73 1974 -85 Negative Negative Indicator Positive Moderately Strongly Positive Moderately Strongly Real interest rate 3.7 -1.7 -13.7 3.0 -2.4 -13.0 GDP growth rate 7.3 5.5 4.6 5.6 3.8 1.9 M3/GDP 28.9 27.0 29.1 40.3 34.0 30.5 Investment/GDP 21.4 19.7 21.4 26.9 23.2 23.0 Change in GDP/investment 36.7 31.1 21.7 22.7 17.3 6.2 Change in real M3/real saving 18.7 12.7 6.4 16.6 8.2 -0.9 Inflation rate 22.2 7.1 40.2 20.8 23.9 50.3 Volatility of inflation rate 17.1 5.3 27.2 12.2 9.1 23.5 Note: Real interest rates were calculated from nominal rates according to the following formula: 1(1 + r) 1(1 + p) - 11 x 100, where r is the deposit rate and p is the inflation rate. Inflation is the percentage change in the consumer price index (CPI). M3 is currency plus the sum of nonbank deposits of the public at all identified deposit-taking institutions. Real saving is gross domestic savings deflated by the average annual CPI rate. Volatility of inflation is the absolute deviation of the inflation rate from its level the year before. Source: Gelb (background paper). 31 Box 2.3 Real interest rates and growth Most developing countries have periodically held their indicated in the simple regression, the association is interest rates below market-clearing levels. These artifi- strong and appears to operate primarily through the cially low interest rates have "repressed" their finan- effect of greater financial depth on the productivity of cial systems, shrinking financial assets in real terms investment. (Note, however, that countries with re- especially at times of high inflation. If financial depth pressed financial systems often suffer serious distor- promotes economic growth, artificially low real interest tions in other sectors of the economy as well. The rates may be an obstacle to development. strong relationship between real interest rates and A background study for this Report estimated the growth may therefore reflect the correlation between relationship between real interest rates and growth for macroeconomic imbalances and price distortions, par- the thirty-three developing countries with populations ticularly the negative association between high infla- of more than 1 million and acceptable data for the pe- tion rates and growth, as well as financial repression.) riod 1965-85 (the same countries that are grouped by Box figure 2.3 plots some of the country data used in interest rates in Table 2.3). When the data for these this study. The value of each country's average invest- countries were averaged over each of two periods, ment rate (horizontal axis) is plotted against its average 1965-73 and 1974-85 (to take into account the marked growth rate (vertical axis) for the second period (1974- deterioration in growth of virtually all countries after 85). Although higher investment rates are associated the first oil shock), higher real rates of interest on short- on average with higher growth rates, the figure shows term deposits were indeed associated with faster that the relationship is loose. The differences between growth. In a simple regression where GY is the growth growth rates and investment rates reflect differences in rate, R is the real interest rate, and SHIFT is the dummy the productivity of investment. Any line drawn from for the second period the origin represents a given growth-investment ratio J2 = 0.45 (the inverse of the incremental capital-output ratio); if GY = -0.12 + 0.20R + -0.02 SHIFT all investments were equally productive, differences in (-2.5) (5.2) (-3.4) growth rates would reflect differences in investment However, assessing the impact of interest rates on rates only, and all points would fall on a line that repre- economic performance is not straightforward. Causa- sents the average productivity of investment. In the tion could run in either direction. To analyze the associ- figure that linelabeled "average productivity of ation between interest rates and growth, this study de- investment' 'corresponds to the sample average. composed the relationship into a chain of relationships Thus the position of points with respect to the line more likely to run in one direction. The hypothesized reflects differences in the productivity of investment chain ran from interest rates to financial depth and to among the sample countries, with those above the line saving and from financial depth to the productivity of being more productive than the average and those be- investment. low it less. The resulting estimates showed that higher real in- The blue squares depict countries with positive real terest rates (obtained by raising repressed rates toward interest rates, the white squares those with moderately modestly positive levels) are associated with increased negative rates, and the red squares those with strongly financial depth and with a modest increase in saving negative rates. Investments in all the countries with and investment. In the second link in the hypothesized positive real rates were more productive than average. chain, financial depth was strongly associated with Investments were generally less productive than aver- more productive investment. When the estimates of age in the countries with strongly negative real rates, each link are put together, they suggest that, although four of which actually had negative growth rates over real interest rates have a smaller effect on growth than the period. greater in the countries with negative real interest investment was almost four times higher. Note, rates. Overall, output grew almost three times however, that many of the countries with positive faster, on average, in the countries with positive real interest rates also had more stable macroeco- real interest rates than in the countries with nomic policies and more open trading systems, strongly negative rates. Further analysis suggests which should also raise growth rates. that positive real interest rates helped growth mainly by improving the quality of investment and Risks and costs of finance not just by increasing the quantity of investment (see Box 2.3). Although the rate of investment was Lending is risky. Intermediaries must cover the only 17 percent higher in the countries with posi- costs of devising contracts that limit risk, of moni- tive real rates, the average productivity of their toring and enforcing those contracts, and of losses. 32 Box figure 2.3 Real interest rates, investment, productivity, and growth in thirty-three developing countries in 1974-85 D Positive real interest rates D Moderately negative real interest rates (0 to -5 percent) Strongly negative real interest rates (less than -5 percent) GDP growth rate (percent) 9 LI Republic of Korea Algeria 0 Singapore 0 Pakistan D Indonesiafl Thailand Malaysia Sri Lanka hidia o Tunisia Ecuador Brazil- J Mexico Turkey Tanzania O Portugal Yugoslavia Senegal\ Morocco ines U Chile E \ Sierra Leone I Côte d'Ivoir I Malawi Venezuela 0 Uruguay Peru Zambia Argentina Average productivity of investment' Nigeria LI Zaire U Ghana Jamaica I- 0 5 10 15 20 25 30 - 35 40 45 Investment/GDP (percent) a. Line represents sample average. Source: Geib (background paper). The extent of financial contracting depends on the caused by unexpected changes in pricesin inter- extent to which cultural, legal, and institutional ar- est or exchange rates, for example. Liquidity risk is rangements can reduce these costs. If they remain the risk of being unable to sell financial assets prohibitive, businesses will prefer to rely on self- quickly, except at a steep discount. In addition, finance. there is the risk that the default of one or a few large borrowers will endanger the whole financial Risks system. This is called systemic risk. Informational asymmetries are one source of Financial contracts involve credit risk, price risk, credit risk. Entrepreneurs have "inside" informa- and liquidity risk. Credit risk is the danger that the tion about their own projects and creditworthi- borrower will default. Price risk is the risk of loss ness. Lenders can reduce credit risk either by de- 33 Box 2.4 Swapping risk All economic activities are subject to a wide variety of A-rated firm may be able to borrow in both dollars and technical, economic, and financial risks. Many risks are yen at a lower rate than a B-rated firm, it may have a amenable to actuarial calculations and can be covered comparative advantage in borrowing in yen because of by straightforward insurance policies, but others are its greater name recognition. Yet the second firm may not. Financial systems can help to overcome some risks desire yen debt, perhaps because it exports to Japan. A by redistributing them among market participants. currency swap allows both firms to borrow where they Some types of risk can be limited through portfolio have a comparative advantage (thus reducing market diversification; other risks can be hedged by using an segmentation), swap loans and repayment streams to appropriate instrument, such as a forward contract or match their desired risk profiles, and end up with a option. The key to any hedge is to find a counterparty lower cost of funds. The same principles are at work willing and able to take the other side of the contract. when a firm borrowing at fixed interest rates swaps Financial institutions have become adept at inventing payment streams with one borrowing at floating rates. hedging instruments and arranging hedging contracts The importance of hedging devices is clearest when between different parties. there are none. For example, in many developing One hedging instrument has become quite popular countries firmsincluding those with foreign currency in the 1980s and has contributed greatly to the growing liabilitiesare prohibited from holding foreign cur- integration of national financial markets. It is the rency assets and cannot buy forward contracts; this "swap." Swaps involve the exchange of future streams limits their ability to hedge their foreign exchange risk. of payments between two or more parties and enable Similarly, developing country farmers, who cannot the participants to convert debt servicing obligations participate in world futures markets, are unable to from one currency into another or from fixed to floating hedge the substantial risks associated with fluctuations interest rates. Swaps exploit the segmentation of finan- in the "world" prices of their crops. In these circum- cial markets that causes differences in the markets' per- stances producers are likely to invest less and produce ception of different borrowers. Thus, although a triple- less. veloping their own expertise in the selection of availability and quality of information about bor- borrowers or by relying on information from insti- rowers (individuals, enterprises, or financial inter- tutions such as credit rating agencies. Measures mediaries), by improving the design and enforce- that increase the information available to lenders, ment of loan contracts, and by enlarging the range such as the strengthening of accounting and audit- of instruments so as to permit greater diversifica- ing requirements, improve lenders' ability to iden- tion of portfolios. Risk cannot usually be elimi- tify the borrowers with the best investment oppor- nated altogether, but the irreducible risk can often tunities. When information is poor, lenders can be transferred to those more willing to bear it. discriminate between borrowers only in very Loan maturities, the choice of adjustable or fixed broad terms. interest rates, equity and venture capital arrange- To cover risk, lenders raise the interest rate they ments, and collateral or cosigner requirements are charge on loans. But this may be partially self- all examples of different risk assignments. Much defeating, because the more creditworthy borrow- recent financial innovation has been driven by at- ers may choose not to borrow, which would leave tempts to exploit comparative advantage in risk the lender with less creditworthy clients. (This is bearing (see Box 2.4). the problem of adverse selection.) Furthermore, to cover the higher cost of borrowing, clients may Transaction costs take on riskier projects. (This is the problem of moral hazard.) Because of their limited ability to The services offered by financial institutions re- identify risks and monitor behavior, lenders tend quire the collection and processing of a great deal to require collateral and to ration credit to the most of information and the design, monitoring, and creditworthy borrowers rather than to charge enforcing of contracts. Providing these services is higher interest rates on riskier loans. Borrowers expensive. Financial institutions must cover ad- with little collateral are likely to be the most af- ministrative costs (essentially payroll and rent), fected by credit rationing. taxes, the cost of capital and of adhering to govern- Financial risk can be reduced by improving the ment regulations, and losses from default. They do 34 so by charging fees for specific services and inter- enforcement help to reduce the risk of loss. Com- est on loans. petition, however, is the most effective way to The burden of costs will shift between the parties keep transaction costs low. Access to a wide range according to the arrangements adopted. Informal of institutions and markets, including interna- financial entrepreneurs rely on personal knowl- tional markets, stimulates competition. edge of borrowers; their information costs are low. In more advanced systems information and en- Government intervention forcement become more expensive. In the early stages of financial development, banks build the Governments intervene in the provision of finan- cost of gathering credit information into their cial services for many reasons. Historically, they spreads. Later, firms supply more information on have controlled the means of payment, both to their own behalf. A corporation issuing bonds or guarantee its soundness and to collect seigniorage. equities must provide investors with information More recently, governments have tried to use their about itself. Firms send audited accounts to their control of money creation to influence the level of shareholders and to the tax authorities. They may economic activity and their control of the allocation pay a credit rating agency to grade their securities. and pricing of credit to influence the composition Transaction costs are also borne by depositors, of investment. (Chapter 4 discusses the recent ex- investors, and government agencies. Depositors perience of the developing countries with policies incur costs in visiting bank branches and waiting of this sort.) They have also intervened to ensure in line to cash checks. Investors devote resources that financial intermediaries behave prudently. to analyzing information. Government agencies Fractional reserve banking systems (in which usually bear some of the costs of monitoring and banks hold only partial reserves against liabilities enforcement. A securities and exchange commis- and lend out the rest of their deposits) have suf- sion may be called upon to certify the accuracy of fered from occasional instability, excessive risk tak- information provided in corporate prospectuses; ing, and fraud. The liabilities issued by banks in deposit insurance corporations may assume re- response to the demands of depositors are short- sponsibility for monitoring deposit institutions. term, highly liquid, and supposedly low-risk. Government agencies generally cover their costs Loans, by contrast, are usually longer-term, less by levying fees on issued securities or collecting liquid, and riskier. This difference is one reason premiums from insured institutions. banks charge borrowers more than they pay de- Spreads between borrowing and lending rates positors. But because banks are so highly and between buying and selling prices reflect the leveraged, relatively small losses on loans can intermediary's costs, expected loan and trading leave them unable to honor their liabilities. When losses, reserve requirements, and taxation. Com- the public suspects that a bank is insolvent, the mercial banks' spreads vary with the size and risk result is often a run on the bank, which sometimes of loans. The average spread between lending spreads to other, solvent, banks. The drain of bank rates and the cost of funds in a high-income coun- reserves causes a multiple contraction in bank try is between 2 and 3 percentage points. In nonin- credit. When runs become widespread, as they oc- flationary developing countries, spreads are simi- casionally did in the nineteenth and early twenti- lar to those in industrial countries, but because the eth centuries, financial panic can trigger a collapse range of services offered may be more limited and of the credit-payment process and a sharp operating procedures more cumbersome, deposi- recession. tors' and borrowers' combined transaction costs Governments have devised ways of dealing with may be higher. Spreads in inflationary countries bank runs. When they occurred, central banks can be more than 10 percent, although that reflects acting as lenders of last resortprovided liquidity the burden of high reserve requirements as well as by rediscounting sound loans. In several high- transaction costs. Prime borrowers may be able to income countries the government provided de- acquire funds through international markets for a posit insurance. By guaranteeing the value and li- fee as low as one-tenth of 1 percent of the amount quidity of deposits up to a certain size, deposit raised. Although spreads tend to be narrower in insurance was designed to prevent runs from start- direct transactions than in intermediated ones, the ing (see Box 2.5). The lender-of-last-resort facility difference is partly offset by the additional costs was designed to prevent them from spreading. borne by the principals. Although prudential regulation has a different High accounting standards and strong contract rationale than economic regulation aimed at alter- 35 Box 2.5 Deposit insurance Most high-income and a few developing countries and should never be insured. This contrasts with the have established deposit insurance schemes. Deposit savings and loan associations in the United States, insurance guarantees the nominal value and liquidity which, in addition to having insure deposits, do most of deposits up to a certain size. The insurer is an insti- of their short-term borrowing from the Federal Home tution, generally government-owned, established for Loan Bank System, which lends according to less de- that purpose, and funded with premiums paid by the manding standards (see Box 5.4 in Chapter 5). An ines- institutions whose deposits are insured. Deposit insur- capable fact of deposit insurance is that it places greater ance can help to establish confidence in the safety of responsibility on government to see to it that insured saving with banks (or other covered institutions) in institutions behave prudently. countries with limited banking habits. The principal With or without insurance, depositors would be fully targets of deposit insurance are small, unsophisticated protected if banks were closed and liquidated the mo- depositors who are least able to assess the soundness ment their capital fell to zero. This is not a practical of a particular depository. By assuring depositors that possibility: the condition of a bank cannot be known to their money is safe even if the depository is not, de- inspectors minute by minute and, because liquidation posit insurance supplements the central bank's lender- takes time, asset values can decline before liquidation of-last-resort role in forestalling bank runs. can be completed. However, up-to-date market ac- Like all insurance, deposit insurance suffers from the counting, frequent inspection, and swift action by in- risk of moral hazard. Because insured depositors no spectors to close insolvent banks are clearly important longer need to be concerned about the quality of their in minimizing losses. In some countries the laws estab- depository's assets, market regulation of bank behav- lishing deposit insurance provide the mechanisms for ior is reduced. A considerable degree of market regula- exactly such steps. Furthermore, the enhanced super- tion can be retained if deposit insurance coverage is visory capability that sometimes accompanies the es- limited to relatively small deposits. The interbank de- tablishment of deposit insurance can and should be posit market, which has become an important source of used to spot problems in bank management and in short-term liquidity for all advanced banking systems, banks' portfolios well before insolvency occurs and to can impose a significant measure of discipline on banks compel banks to take corrective action. ing the allocation of resources, it too affects the pie, of monitoring and control of bank managers structure and efficiency of the financial sector. For by stockholders and depositors. Innovative finan- example, many governments have honored the lia- cial entrepreneurs have often been able to evade bilities of insolvent financial institutions even the rules; those intent on deceiving bank exam- when there was no formal insurance. Government iners have often succeeded in hiding losses for guarantees and lender-of-last-resort facilities, some time. however, changed the behavior of both depositors Many countries have therefore moved in recent and bankers. Depositors and other buyers of bank years to strengthen the role of the private sector in liabilities that were either explicitly or implicitly in- monitoring and controlling financial enterprises. sured no longer had to monitor banks to protect Some have set higher capital requirements for fi- the value of their deposits. Bankers no longer had nancial institutions. This ensures that the owners to worry about runs, so they could make riskier have an adequate stake in the efficiency with loans. Governments therefore had to regulate and which depositors' resources are used. Similarly, supervise the system. stringent audit and reporting requirements make Deposit insurance, coupled with regulation and an institution's financial condition visible to depos- supervision, has reduced the problem of bank runs itors and investors. And yet some governments but has been less successful in preventing fraud have also covered losses that in the past would and excessive risk taking by banks, as the present have been borne by market participants. This runs widespread insolvency among the financial institu- counter to the principle of allowing market signals tions of the developing countries makes clear (see a greater role in supervising the system. Chapter 5). And high-income countries have not The task of balancing efficiency, which requires been exempt (see Box 5.4). It is often argued that freedom to act, and stability, which evidently re- government supervision is not an efficient substi- quires a degree of government regulation, is ex- tute for market supervisionin the form, for exam- tremely difficult. Some theorists argue for an un- 36 compromising market-based approach, but in Households also need credit. Street vendors, for practice all governments have chosen some form example, need short-term finance to purchase of supervision. If markets are to judge, price, and daily stocks. Small farmers need seasonal or allocate risk correctly, governments must clearly medium-term credit to buy capital. Would-be define the areas in which they have taken homeowners need long-term mortgage financing. responsibilityand allow losses to be incurred in Households are often unable to convince financial those that are not insured. (Chapter 6 discusses institutions that they are creditworthy. So they prudential regulation in more detail.) turn to lenders who do not require formal business records or collateralto family and friends or to The structure of the financial system local pawnbrokers and moneylenders. (Chapter 8 examines informal finance in greater detail.) The financial system consists of many institutions, instruments, and markets. Financial institutions BUSINESSES. Wealthier households and corpora- range from pawnshops and moneylenders to tions have more complicated financial needs. They banks, pension funds, insurance companies, bro- require check and wire transfer payments; de- kerage houses, investment trusts, and stock ex- posits in larger amounts and at longer maturities; changes. Financial instruments range from the letters of credit; guarantees; purchase and sale of commoncoins, currency notes, and checks; foreign exchange; underwriting; advice on finan- mortgages, corporate bills, bonds, and stocksto cial, accounting, and tax matters; and so forth. The the more exoticfutures and swaps of high fi- business sector is invariably a net borrower; it nance. Markets for these instruments may be orga- needs short-term credit to finance inventories and nized formally (as in stock or bond exchanges with long-term funds to finance capital expansion. Nev- centralized trading floors) or informally (as in over- ertheless, it also holds a substantial share of gross the-counter or curb markets). For analytical pur- financial assets. For example, in 1984, businesses poses, the system can be divided into users of fi- held 48, 49, and 64 percent of demand deposits in nancial services and providers. Korea, Malaysia, and Tunisia respectively. Users of financial services The business sector includes public as well as private enterprises. Public enterprises are gener- Financial institutions sell their services to house- ally in capital-intensive industries such as utilities holds, businesses, and government. The bound- and transportation. In developing countries many aries between these sectors are not always of the larger manufacturing firms are publicly clear-cut. owned as well. Many public enterprises have been run not to generate profit but to provide employ- HOUSEHOLDS. The household sector includes ment and to supply goods and services at reason- small, mainly unregulated firms and individuals able prices. Because many have incurred losses, Their main financial needs are for payment ser- they have been unable to finance their investment vices, for liquid assets in which to save, and for from retained earnings. Public enterprises have relatively small amounts of credit. They seek con- been heavy borrowers in both domestic and for- venience (nearby branches, for example), simplic- eign markets. Their losses have been a drain on ity, liquidity, and security. national saving. After making their own investments, house- Some of the largest corporations can meet most of holds as a group have surplus resources to lend their demand for financial services by themselves (Figure 2.1). Hence, they demand convenient as- and may even be able to supply financial services to sets to hold. This demand, as well as the demand others: trade credits to their customers, for instance. for a medium of exchange, may be met by cur- They can also tap financial markets directly by issu- rency. To a lesser extent it may be met by bank ing their own financial instruments (commercial pa- deposits, although hoarding commodities or par- per, bonds, equity securities, and so on). Yet direct ticipating in informal saving arrangements are al- financing has been negligible in most developing ternatives. Accumulated investment in housing countries and unimportant in most high-income is a large part of the nonhiquid wealth of house- ones. In France, Italy, Japan, and the United King- holds at all but the poorest income levels. As dom, for example, stocks and bonds financed an av- incomes rise, insurance and contractual savings erage of less than 9 percent of corporate investment; schemes (life insurance and pensions) also become 30 percent of it was financed with bank loans and the important. rest from internally generated funds. 37 GOVERNMENT. As well as being regulators of tem to serve development or other goals. They their financial systems, governments are among have directed credit, often at subsidized interest their clients. All governments use payment ser- rates, to priority sectors. Many developing country vices. In most developing countries, governments, governments own banks or other financial institu- like businesses, are net borrowers, and they use tions and thus play a direct role in allocating re- the financial system as a source of funding for cur- sources. Monetary policy is conducted through the rent and capital spending. In industrial countries, financial sector (see Box 2.6). The influence of gov- government deficits are financed mainly by selling ernments on the amount and pattern of invest- securities to the public. In developing countries ment has therefore been much greater than their they are usually financed by borrowing from own investment spending would suggest. banks. In Sierra Leone, Zaire, and Zambia, for ex- ample, more than 70 percent of bank credit has Providers of financial services gone to the government in recent years, and in Mexico 55 percent. Much of that credit was sup- Financial systems differ from country to country, plied by the central banks, which thereby in- yet there are many similarities. In addition to the creased the stocks of reserve money in these coun- central bank, most countries have five main classes tries. The inflation caused by excessive monetary of financial institution: deposit and credit institu- growth has greatly retarded the development of tions, contractual savings institutions, collective the financial sector in developing countries, espe- investment institutions, securities markets, and in- cially since interest rates have often been held formal financial enterprises. (Chapters 7 and 8 dis- down. cuss the services provided by these parts of the Governments have also used the financial sys- financial system in more detail.) Casualty insur- Box 2.6 Monetary policy Governments intervene in finance partly to control the market operations. When the central bank buys a secu- supply of money and credit. When the budget deficit is rity, it pays with a check drawn on itself, thereby in- large, governments often cover it by creating money. creasing its liabilities. Open market operations cannot Excessive creation of money to cover budget deficits is be used in a system without an established govern- the most common cause of inflation. When the fiscal ment bill market. Monetary control with open market deficit is not a consideration, the objective of monetary operations leaves the allocation of credit to market and credit policy is usually to maintain stable prices. forces. Governments have various tools to control the mone- The degree of integration with world financial and tary aggregates. Perhaps the most common technique capital markets also affects the execution of monetary in developing countries is for the central bank to spec- policy. An open and fully integrated economy that ify credit ceilings for each commercial bank. Such ceil- chooses to maintain fixed exchange rates would have ings have been criticized because they discourage com- to maintain the money supply at the level demanded at petition and the mobilization of deposits. the "world" price level and interest rate. Any other Another approach is for the central bank to fix the quantity of money would result in changes in the for- amount of deposit liabilities that can be created by the eign exchange reserves of the central bank. The central banking sector by imposing reserve requirements and bank's purchase or sale of foreign exchange would re- controlling the quantity of reserves available to banks. place open market operations as the tool for determin- Central banks often control the level of reserves ing bank reserves and, hence, the money supply. through the refinancing facilities they provide to com- A fixed exchange rate constrains the central bank's mercial banks. But if refinancing is used to channel ability to create money and is thus a potential source of credit to preferred sectors, it cannot easily be used for monetary discipline. A market-determined exchange monetary control as well. Other countries use the rate restores a measure of domestic monetary indepen- movement of government deposits between commer- dence. With either fixed or floating exchange rates, cial banks and the central bank to control the level of central banks will need to set reserve requirements at reserves. In countries with more developed financial levels comparable to those in other countries if banking systems, central banks adjust bank reserves, and hence business is not to be driven abroad. Noninterest- the money supply, through the purchase or sale of gov- earning reserve requirements are a tax on banks and as ernment securities. These transactions are called open such will affect their competitiveness. 38 Table 2.4 The institutional structure of selected financial systems, 1985 Assets as a percentage of total gross assets of the financial system As a percentage of GNP Specialized Contractual Collective Long-term debt Net Total Central Deposit lending savings investment securities financial external Country banks banks institutions institutions institutions and equities' assets debt Developed markets Australia 5 31 14 17 1 33 Canada I 33 2 26 8 30 165 France 6 56 10 7 5 16 109 Germany, Fed. Rep. of 4 41 14 9 2 30 158 Japan 2 45 9 6 7 30 300 Sweden 4 27 18 16 1 35 United Kingdom 1 35 1 26 3 34 188 United States 2 28 7 19 4 40 210 Average 3 37 9 16 4 31 188 - Emerging markets Argentina 32 43 11 5 0 10 80 Brazil 27 32 12 2 4 23 59 50 Chile 14 44 1 11 1 28 75 145 India 10 47 6 12 1 24 65 19 Korea, Rep. of 9 53 14 4 10 10 66 57 Malaysia 7 34 12 13 3 32 247 52 Nigeria 23 46 2 3 7 19 49 26 Pakistan 21 65 1 2 1 11 45 39 Philippines 30 38 14 3 3 14 38 82 Portugal 20 72 1 2 1 4 124 85 Thailand 16 55 12 1 0 17 89 47 Turkey 33 54 4 6 0 3 27 50 Venezuela 20 46 25 1 0 8 65 74 Average 20 48 9 5 2 16 79 62 Note: Total financial system assets are the assets of all the institutions shown in this table plus the stock of outstanding securities and equities. To eliminate double-counting caused by the assets of one institution being the liabilities of another, net financial assets have been approximated by the sum of total liquid liabilities (IFS, line 551) plus securities and equities. To deflate these stocks by the flow of GNP, five-quarter arithmetic averages are constructed from year-end data for 1984 and 1985, assuming constant exponential growth during the year. a. The sum of government bonds, corporate bonds, and corporate equity. Source: IMF, International Financial Statistics, and World Bank data. ance companies are also generally considered part termediaries and contractual savings institutions of the financial sector, but they are not discussed in hold a much larger share of financial assets in high- this Report. income countries than they do in developing ones. Table 2.4 compares the structure of the financial The relatively small domestic financial sectors of sector in high-income countries with its structure the developing countries stand in sharp contrast to in some of the more advanced developing coun- their relatively large reliance on foreign financing. tries. Banks in developing countries hold a bigger Different financial institutions provide services share of all financial assets (48 percent) than they that are both complementary to and competitive do in industrial countries (37 percent). The table with each other. Deposit institutions offer payment understates this dominance, because the develop- and liquid deposit facilities, and contractual sav- ing countries included are those with the most so- ings institutions provide ihiquid savings opportu- phisticated financial systems. When central banks nities that cater to the longer-term needs of cus- are included, the predominance of the banking tomers. Collective investment institutions offer sectors of most developing countries is even small investors the benefits of professional man- greater, for the central banks in the sample hold 20 agement and low-cost risk diversification, encour- percent of the financial sector's assets in develop- aging them to diversify their savings into market- ing countries compared with only 3 percent in de- able securities. On the lending side, commercial veloped markets. In addition to issuing currency banks have traditionally provided working capital and overseeing the operation of the payment sys- and trade finance, but longer-term lending is gain- tem, the central bank acts as banker to the govern- ing with the spread of universal banking. Factor- ment and to other banks. In contrast, nonbank in- ing companies specialize in financing inventories 39 and receivables, whereas development banks and ties in the form of commercial paper and thus fur- leasing companies provide long-term investment ther reduce the market power that large banks may finance. have in the domestic banking sector. Finally, capi- Money and capital markets provide investment tal markets enable contractual savings and collec- instruments appropriate for contractual savings tive investment institutions to play a more active and collective investment institutions, whose ser- role in the financial system. vices to the saving public are thereby improved. The complementary and competitive interaction The efficient functioning of financial markets also of financial institutions has policy implications. To depends on institutions that lend and borrow little promote an efficient financial system there must be on their own account: investment banks, securities competition, but the system must also offer an ar- brokers, and credit rating agencies. Commercial ray of services. Rather than restrict the growth and banks also improve the working of financial mar- diversification of the main banking groups, gov- kets by providing credit and payment facilities to ernments in the larger economies would be wise to market makers and other market participants. promote greater competition by encouraging Different financial institutions and markets com- money and capital markets, specialized credit in- pete for a limited pooi of savings by offering differ- stitutions (such as leasing and factoring compa- ent instruments. Money and capital markets in- nies), and contractual savings and collective in- crease competition between suppliers. Money vestment institutions. Economies too small to markets give merchant banks, or commercial support such specialized institutions can spur banks with limited branch networks, greater ac- competition by allowing economic agents to buy cess to funds. Because such banks specialize in financial services abroad. lending to larger corporations, the corporate loan The financial systems of many developing coun- market may be highly competitive, even though a tries are inadequate, or less efficient than they few large domestic banks may continue to domi- could be, or both. Efficient financial systems help nate the retail deposit market. countries to grow, partly by mobilizing additional Money markets also provide large corporations financial resources and partly by allocating those and nonbank financial institutions with efficient resources to the best uses. As economies develop, short-term instruments for investing their liquid so must the financial systems that serve them. The funds and thus compete directly with commercial next chapter illustrates the central role of finance in banks' traditional deposit facilities. They also en- development by reviewing the evolution of finan- able large corporations to issue short-term securi- cial systems since preindustrial times. 40 The evolution of financial systems In preindustrial economies, finance was largely ting around the regulations. In recent years the concerned with the development of a medium of focus has shifted back to deregulation, partly in exchange. Barter was inefficient, transaction costs response to financial innovation and partly to pro- were high, and the lack of a medium of exchange mote competition and efficiency. limited the extent of the market and the opportuni- The evolution of financial systems ought to cast ties for specialization. With the growth of nonlocal light on two questions that are of interest to policy- trade, the development of payment media became makers in developing countries. What role should linked to the financing of trade. Otherwise, apart financial systems play in promoting industrializa- from the financing of governments and seaborne tion and development? And what role should gov- trade, borrowing and lending were mostly infor- ernments play in creating such systems? mal and on a small scale. The spread of urban society, and above all the Development of payment systems advent of large-scale industrialization in the sec- ond half of the nineteenth century, altered the role The search for an efficient medium of exchange that finance had to play. Finance was now con- gradually led to the monetization of precious cerned with mobilizing resources for large infra- metals. As a result the payment mechanism be- structure projects and for investments with heavy came simpler and safer. The new monies facilitated capital requirements that exceeded the capabilities trade and provided a store of value and a unit of of small family firms. account. Governments played an important part in The systems that emerged often suffered from this change by owning and regulating mints and fraud and mismanagement. They proved unstable thus ensuring the quality and acceptability of and experienced frequent crises. Speculative ma- coins. But they were also frequently responsible nias, fueled by financial institutions, caused for debasing coins by lowering their weight or mounting concern, and after the Great Depression adulterating them with less precious metals, such of the 1930s governments began to supervise their as copper. financial systems more closely. But government in- Metallic payment was a big step forward. Gradu- tervention was by no means entirely successful. It ally, however, paper-based instruments, which made the financial system less flexible, and al- were cheaper and more convenient, came to re- though it reduced fraud it did not eliminate it. place coins and bullion. Payment orders, letters of Moreover, economic agents proved adept at get- credit, and negotiable bills of exchange evolved 41 with the expansion of nonlocal trade in Europe. quently introduced in Japan. In Europe, bank These were particularly useful in triangular trade, notes (representing promises to pay on demand) because only net settlements had to be made in were issued in the seventeenth century by gold- specie. Commercial bills known as hundi were smiths, notaries, and merchants, who gradually developed in India. In Japan, the need for cash developed into bankers. Banks created by special was reduced by the use of bills and rice warehouse charter, such as the Bank of England, also issued warrants and by the development of clearing notes. In the colonies of North America, a chronic facilities. shortage of bullion led to the issue of land-backed The direct role of governments in creating paper- certificates, which circulated as paper money. based credit instruments was limitedalthough The overissue of bank notes often undermined they provided the legal framework that was neces- the credibility of paper money and led to financial sary for their use. Governments played a greater crises and the suspension of the notes' convertibil- part in the development of paper money. They ity into bullion. This happened in the American were involved either directly (as in China) or indi- Carolinas and France in the eighteenth century, rectly (which was more common), through grant- and in several European and Latin American coun- ing the right to issue paper money to private bank- tries in the nineteenth century. Attempts in the ers. China invented paper money in the ninth nineteenth century to regulate the supply of gold- century. The ruler, acutely aware of the problems backed bank notes in England stimulated the use of paper money, enforced acceptance with the of checks drawn on bank deposits to make pay- threat of death and by strictly limiting issuance ments and thus promoted the spread of a more (see Box 3.1), although there were many later in- efficient and versatile instrument of payment. The stances of overissue. Paper money was subse- growing use of bank notes issued by different bankers led to the creation of clearing facilities, which were later extended to cover the clearing of checks. Box 3.1 Marco Polo discovers As central banks evolved to cope with the recur- paper money ring financial crises of the latter part of the nine- "In this city of Kanbalu [Beijingi is the mint of the teenth century, they came to monopolize the note Great Khan, who may truly be said to possess issue. This led to the eventual adoption of fiat the secret of the alchemists, as he has the art of moneythat is, paper (and later credit) money not producing money . . He causes the bark to be . backed by bullion. Fiat money solved the problem stripped from . . mulberry-trees . . . This . . . is of loss of confidence in bank notes issued by indi- made into paper, resembling, in substance, that vidual banks, but not the problem of overissue of which is manufactured from cotton, but quite paper money by the central bank. Many countries black. When ready for use, he has it cut into pieces of money of different sizes, nearly square, in Asia, Europe, and Latin America suffered epi- but somewhat longer than they are wide . . . The sodes of hyperinflation after governments had coinage of this paper money is authenticated with used the central bank's printing presses to finance as much form and ceremony as if it were actually their deficits. of pure gold or silver; for to each note a number of The twentieth century has seen further innova- officers, specially appointed, not only subscribe tion in payment instruments, including plastic their names, but affix their seals also . . . The act of cards and electronic transfers. These were devel- counterfeiting it is punished as a capital offence. When thus coined in large quantities, this paper oped primarily to improve the efficiency of pay- currency is circulated in every part of the Great ments rather than to promote expansion of trade. Khan's dominions; nor dares any person at the In most countries, central banks now play an im- peril of his life, refuse to accept it in payment. All portant role in the payment system: they provide his subjects receive it without hesitation, because, clearing and settlement facilities to banks and to wherever their business may call them, they can other institutions that offer payment services. dispose of it again in the purchase of merchandise they may require; such as pearls, jewels, gold, or silver. With it, in short, every article may be pro- Development of trade finance cured." Marco Polo In preindustrial economies, governments bor- The Travels of Marco Polo, Book II, Chapter 24 rowed to pay for wars, and seaborne trade was (Komroff 1926, pp. 156-57) financed, as it had been since classical times, by so- called bottomry loans (a combination of loan and 42 Box 3.2 Trade financing in Renaissance Italy The businessmen and bankers of northern Italy's Re- ies. For a fee, the bank could pay the exporter as soon naissance city-statesparticularly Genoa, Florence, as the shipment embarked. The importer would then and Venicedeveloped many of the fundamental prac- pay the bank's agentadding a feewhen the ship- tices of modern finance. Their innovations included ment arrived. For an additional fee the same bank double-entry bookkeeping and the provision of credit might even insure the shipment. through discounted promissory notes. One of their Over time, the Italian banks developed this vital most important innovations, however, was trade trade-financing function. The leading Florentine bank- credit. ing family, the Medici, acquired agents or correspon- Suppose that a Florentine textile manufacturer re- dents in Europe's trading cities and made itself indis- ceived a potentially profitable order from Barcelona pensable in the continent's commerce. Probably in the and had the means to fill it. Two things might keep him thirteenth or fourteenth century, the bankers invented from accepting the business. First, the importer might a variation that limited the degree to which their own not pay until he received the goodsperhaps not even capital was tied up over the course of the transaction. until he had sold them. Meanwhile, the exporter This was the "acceptance," or "four-name paper." would have to pay for materials, labor, storage, and The Barcelona agent (name 1) would sign a document I shipment. Second, having produced and shipped his "accepting" the liability of the importer (name 2) to the goods, the exporter would have to bear the risk that the exporter (name 3), and the document would be con- importer might simply fail to pay. And there was no veyed to the banker in Florence (name 4). The banker court to which the exporter could take the Barcelona would disburse (after subtracting a discount) to the ex- merchant. porter against this acceptance. The banker could then Commercial banksthat is, banks which specialize in sell the acceptance at a discount in the Florentine finan- financing commercecame into being to solve such cial market and thus replace most or all of the cash the problems. By providing short-term finance (working bank had disbursed. After some weeks the importer capital), commercial banks enabled such merchants to would pay the agent, the agent would pay the bank, pay for materials and labor in advance. They solved the and the bank would repurchase the acceptance, con- second problem by having trusted agents in major cit- cluding the operation. insurance contract, which was repayable upon the Italy, for instance, made significant advances in safe completion of the voyage). Otherwise, bor- trade finance (see Box 3.2). rowing and lending were mostly on a small scale Apart from granting charters to trading compa- and were limited to trade credit, short-term loans nies and note-issuing banks, governments pro- to farmers, and loans for nonbusiness purposes. moted financial development indirectly, through The financial system comprised money changers the preservation of peace or the waging of wars and moneylenders and a few private bankers who and through their success or failure in maintaining dealt mostly with wealthy individuals, accepting macroeconomic stability. War finance was the spur deposits for safekeeping and providing loans. In for many of the innovations of this periodthe addition, tax farmers helped to administer the tax creation of the Bank of England and other char- system by collecting and transferring taxes, and tered banks, for example, and the issue of govern- various religious establishments offered their ser- ment bonds. vices as safekeepers. Urbanization and the capital requirements of in- The expansion of commerce was driven by the frastructure projects toward the end of the eigh- spread of trade fairs from medieval times and by teenth century created a need to mobilize new fi- advances in maritime technology in the fifteenth nancial resources. But the onset of the Industrial century. It led to the accumulation of large per- Revolution had relatively little impact on finance: sonal fortunes in Europe. Deposit banking and the capital requirements of early industrial enter- general and maritime insurance evolved to meet prises were small. Many owners came from pros- the growing needs of merchants and wealthy indi- perous trading or artisan families that were diver- viduals. The creation of trading companies with sifying into manufacturing; such owners provided special charters and limited liability gave rise to the most of the capital from their own resources. Fami- issue and informal trading of company securities. lies, friends, and wealthy private investors pro- The pace of financial development differed from vided the balance. Banks supplied mainly short- country to country; the city-states of northern term working capital, which was routinely rolled 43 over. Even so, bankers and industrialists (foundry cepted deposits, made long-term loans, issued and owners, brewers, textile manufacturers, and so on) underwrote corporate securities, and took equity developed close relationships, mainly through positions in industry. Universal banking first ap- cross partnerships. peared in Belgium and France, but it was more successful in Germany and Switzerland, where its The impact of large-scale industrialization introduction coincided with the expansion of tech- nologically advanced industries. In these coun- Financial development accelerated with the expan- tries, the leading commercial banks developed sion of the railways and, especially, with the ad- close links with industry and played a crucial role vent of large-scale industrialization in the second in raising long-term industrial finance and promot- half of the nineteenth century. Advances in me- ing industrial concentration and efficiency. chanical and electrical engineering and the increas- In Japan, major legal and regulatory reforms ing scale of production of electricity and chemicals were implemented after the Meiji Restoration in meant that industrial enterprises needed more 1868. The aim was to modernize Japan's economy capital. This required a big change in industrial and promote industrialization. Traditional trading finance. houses, such as Mitsui and Sumitomo, were able The possibility of incorporating joint-stock com- to develop into large banks alongside newly estab- panies with limited liability made it easier for en- lished banking groups. The emergence of zaibatsu terprises to attract the capital they needed to grow. groupsfamily-based conglomerates with wide- Stock exchanges evolved to facilitate the issue and ranging interests in industry, commerce, banking, trading of debentures and shares. Banks and in- and financespeeded economic development. Ini- surance companies expanded their operations. tially, leading banks within zaibatsu groups pro- Several new types of institution were formed, in- vided long-term finance to their partner enter- cluding occupational pension funds and invest- prises and only short-term credit to others. Later ment companies, although these were small to be- on, as the zaibatsu firms became more self- gin with. Savings banks, credit cooperatives, and sufficient financially, their banks provided long- farmer banks, mortgage banks, building societies, term finance to other enterprises and in effect be- and savings and loan associations began to meet came universal banks like those in Germany. the financial needs of farmers, traders, savers, and In Britain, the preference of the big joint-stock homeowners, all of whom had been neglected by banks for short-term self-liquidating investments the commercial banks. Most of the financial insti- limited their provision of long-term finance for in- tutions that we are familiar with today appeared dustry. A relatively high concentration of private before the end of the past century. wealth fueled equity and bond finance, initially Different institutional structures and financial through informal channels but later through orga- practices emerged among the industrializing coun- nized securities markets. But weaknesses in the tries. These have had a pervasive impact on the British securities markets (and especially the use of functioning of financial systems and have given misleading prospectuses by undercapitalized and rise to a persistent debate about the role of finan- often unscrupulous company promoters) under- cial systems in promoting industrialization and mined investors' confidence in new industries economic development. But except in the United such as electricity and chemicals. This delayed States, where chartering provisions prohibited in- large-scale industrialization. Traditional industries terstate banking and prevented the emergence of that could finance their investment from internal nationwide banking, governments' involvement funds continued to prosper, however. in shaping the organization of financial systems As noted above, chartering restrictions pre- was limited to changing the legal framework to vented commercial banks from developing into na- allow the creation of joint-stock banks and nonfi- tionwide institutions in the United States. As a nancial corporations and enacting subsequent reg- result, the New York Stock Exchange became a ulatory changes to govern the operations of large substantial source of finance for industry. The re- corporations (see Chapter 6). payment of the federal debt after the American In Germany, several other continental European Civil War and the accumulation of bank balances countries, and Japan, the banking sector became and trust funds in New York increased the supply an important source of finance for industry. Banks of investment funds. Private banks, which were operated as "universal" banks, engaging in both allowed to operate as universal banks, maintained commercial and investment banking: they ac- considerable influence well into the twentieth cen- 44 tury. They assisted in the formation of America's big industrial groups, as did the large New York Figure 3.1 The evolution of financial assets joint-stock banks and the trust and life insurance in selected countries, 1800 to 1987 companies. Until at least the turn of the century, Percentage of GNP Industrial leading American commercial banks operated Countries 250 more like German universal banks than British de- posit banks, and their relations with industry were Deposits' Germany much closer than in Britain. 200 Stock exchanges developed from informal trad- Great Britain ing in the shares and debentures of chartered trad- 150 ing companies, which appeared in Britain, the Netherlands, and other countries in the sixteenth Japan and seventeenth centuries. By the middle of the 100 Ai1 nineteenth century, stock exchanges were domi- nated by domestic and foreign government bonds 50 i' "P, United States and, to a lesser extent, by the bonds and shares of railway and other public utilities. The securities of industrial companies were relatively unimportant, 0 except on the New York Stock Exchange. How- Developing ever, all the major countries had informal sources 25o countries of equity and long-term debt finance for industry. Corporate equityb India Stock exchanges became a more important source of industrial finance as industry's capital require- 200 ments grew in the second half of the nineteenth Mexico century. 150 At the turn of the century, bond and equity mar- kets were already well developed in Britain and the 100 AIR United States. But much like the present situation in most developing countries, the financial sys- tems of the big industrial economies were domi- 50 nated by commercial banks (see Figure 3.1). Insur- ance companies and other institutions accounted 0 for only small shares of total financial assets. Financial crises 250 In preindustrial economies financial crises were Insurance and pension reservesc 200 usually caused by war, natural disaster, or the de- basement of the currencyalthough in the few centuries before the Industrial Revolution, the fail- 150 ure of private or state-chartered banks had some- times precipitated wider financial instability. With 100 the growth of banking and the expansion of securi- ties markets in the nineteenth century, however, a system's stability began to depend on the sound- 50 ness of its institutions. Ways therefore had to be found to provide liquidity to institutions in dis- 0 tress. Bigger and more complicated loans, ex- 1800 1840 1880 1920 1960 1987 tended over longer maturities, increased the risks Note: There are some differences in definitions and coverage of default and fraud on both sides. This underlined across countries. Deposits with banks and other institutions. the need for prudential regulation and for laws to Data refer to both listed and unlisted companies. make financial contracts easily enforceable. Accumulated reserves with insurance companies and pension funds. Financial crises often began as speculative ma- Source: For 1800-1965: Goldsmith 1985; for 1965-87: central bank nias, linked as a rule to foreign conquest; discov- reports. 45 Box 3.3 Financial swindles Swindles have taken many forms, from chain letters to upward. When the bubble burst and the share price wildcat banking, from penny stock scandals to insider collapsed, the directors of the South Sea Company trading. A typical swindle is the Ponzi scheme. It takes were held in breach of trust and ordered to make good its name from Carlo Ponzi, a Bostonian of the 1920s. the losses of investors out of their own funds. His idea was to lure investors by promising very high Penny stocks are stocks that sell for pennies but have returns on the basis of a plausible but fictitious plan. great potential according to their promoters. Modern He used the capital provided by latecomers to pay ear- swindlers use telemarketing (thanks to cheap long- her investors. The scheme collapsed when the inflow distance phone rates and computerized telephone dial- of new money was inadequate to cover the outflow. ing) to reach thousands of people. By manipulating Few swindles are pure Poozi schemes. Most mix gen- stock prices and exaggerating the prospects of their uine investment with insider trading. An early exam- companies, they induce greedy and gullible investors ple of insider trading was the South Sea Bubble of to part with their money. When investors want to sell, 1720. John Bull and other managers of the South Sea the promoters pressure them not to; if the investors Company borrowed from the company to buy its insist, the promoters may refuse to accept their sell shares. As share prices rose, they made excellent orders or to answer their calls. Today schemes of this profits. But to prevent the bubble from bursting, the kind are operated on an international scale. Swindlers company needed to raise capital at an accelerating rate are evidently part of the trend toward global finance. and to see the price of its shares move continuously eries of land, gold, and other natural resources; the conflicting requirements of providing support technological breakthroughs; or economic deregu- to the system without bailing out imprudent or lation. Sometimes financial swindles were the fraudulent banks. cause, as in the first recorded insider-trading scan- After the Great Depression, governments in sev- dal, the South Sea Bubble of 1720 (see Box 3.3). eral countries introduced new regulations. The Spectacular crises were common during the nine- toughest measures were taken in the United teenth and early twentieth centuries. In 1816 and States. New rules prevented banks from holding again in 1825 banks failed in England when they equities in industrial and commercial companies were unable to redeem their notes or meet the on their own account, from engaging in invest- withdrawals of their depositors. In 1857 many ment banking, and from paying interest on de- banks collapsed in the United States. In 1866 the mand deposits. The Federal Deposit Insurance failure of Overend, Guerney, one of the largest Corporation was created to provide insurance for discount houses in the City of London, caused a depositors' funds, and the Securities and Ex- crisis that had extensive repercussions throughout change Commission was set up to supervise the the world. In 1873 major banking crises occurred in securities markets. Coupled with continuing re- both Germany and the United States. In 1890, Bar- strictions on bank mergers and branching, these ing Brothers, a British private bank that suffered measures constrained the growth of commercial losses from underwriting a failed issue of Argen- banks, which remained fragmented and were un- tine securities, came close to collapse. In 1931-33 a able to meet the long-term financing requirements massive crisis devastated the banking system of of American business. Instead, these were largely the United States. Banks in several European met by the securities markets. countries also failed. Other countries (including Canada, France, and To contain the damage caused by such crises, Italy) also separated investment from commercial central banks (notably the Bank of England and the banking and imposed maturity controls on the Bank of France) developed the lender-of-last-resort lending and deposits of commercial banks. In con- facility. Initially, they acted as bankers to the gov- trast, neither Germany nor Japan (prior to World ernment but not to other banks. Gradually, War II) prohibited universal banking, and in Brit- prompted by the need to provide liquidity in times ain such measures were irrelevant because the big of trouble, they evolved during the nineteenth commercial banks had specialized in deposit bank- century into bankers' banks. The development of ing of their own accord. Germany did enact de- the lender-of-last-resort facility was bedeviled by tailed prudential controls, but universal banking 46 continued. The big commercial banks substantially ance against financial emergencies caused by war, increased their involvement in industry during the crop failure, natural disaster, and personal 1920s and 1930s, when widespread company fail- mishapbut it was saving denied to productive ures caused many debt claims to be converted into investment. equity. Sound banking promoted financial stability in The American banking crisis of the 1930s and its Africa and Asia. Currency boards regulated the impact on the Great Depression have been much money supply and maintained reserves that were debated. Some have argued that the crisis and its invested in London and Paris. The financial sys- economic repercussions were exacerbated by the tems of most African countries, however, were un- failure of the Federal Reserve System to provide derdeveloped until independence. They com- adequate liquidity to stem the collapse of small prised a few foreign colonial banks, post office banks. Others have stressed the banks' weak loan savings banks, cooperative societies, and money- portfolios, which were concentrated in agriculture lenders. Nigeria was the only African country with and real estate. The pattern of recent bank failures indigenous commercial banks before the late 1940s in the United States, which is quite similar to that (see Box 3.4). of the 1930s, underlines the threat posed by poor Financial development was more advanced in loan diversification and excessive speculative fi- Asia. As in Africa, foreign banks confined their nancing of real estateboth of which can be at- operations largely to the financing of foreign trade, tributed to restrictions on interstate banking and but they also helped to finance internal trade. Most inadequate supervision of the banks. Recent stud- Asian countries also had a fairly well-developed ies have also shown that security underwriting indigenous banking system, with commercial and investment banking had little to do with the banks, cooperative credit societies, and informal bank failures of the 1930s. The present worldwide bankers and moneylenders. India, in particular, trend toward universal banking argues for the abo- had a sophisticated indigenous banking structure. lition of the legal separation of commercial and in- It had evolved over several centuries, developing vestment banking. At the same time there is a the use of commercial bills known as hundi for fi- growing recognition that effective prudential regu- nancing nonlocal trade and relying on an elaborate lation and supervision are essential. system of personal relations to finance local, mostly small-scale activities (see Box 3.5). Financial systems in developing countries Foreign banks operated in pre-1949 China, mostly in treaty ports, and some indigenous banks The evolution of financial systems in developing (shansi) remitted funds across regions and financed countries reflected their diverse political and eco- local trade. Foreign banks promoted foreign direct nomic histories. Latin American and Mediterra- investment in railroad construction, mining, and nean countries, politically independent since at manufacturing. They also made massive loans to least the first quarter of the nineteenth century, the Chinese government and in the process gained suffered frequent bouts of financial instability. control of its customs and salt revenues. Modern These prevented the emergence of mature finan- Chinese banks came into being in the 1930s. They cial systems. In contrast, developing countries in had close links with the government and the ruling Africa and Asia, under colonial rule until the end families and were able to seize the initiative from of World War II, enjoyed relative financial foreign banks and emerge as the dominant group. stabilitybut their financial systems suffered from After 1949 China built a monobanking system typi- colonial neglect and stagnation. cal of centrally planned economies. The financial systems of most developing coun- Indigenous bankers and moneylenders were tries were heavily oriented toward agricultural ex- able to meet the borrowing needs of local traders ports, other primary production, and foreign and farmers by maintaining close personal contact trade. In Africa and Asia, financial systems catered with them and acquiring intimate knowledge of principally to expatriate communities. Financial their operations. Their services were accessible but services for the indigenous populations were lim- expensive. Informal financial institutions, such as ited. Foreign banks confined their operations to rotating savings and credit associations (ROSCAs), port towns and other centers of commerce where also emerged in most countries (see Chapter 8). the expatriate communities were gathered. The Indigenous bankers and informal financial institu- domestic population, especially in Asia, hoarded tions, however, could not mobilize the resources precious metals and jewelry. Hoarding was insur- required for industrialization. 47 Box 3.4 Financial underdevelopment in Nigeria In the late 1940s, Nigeria had a population of 30 million colonial and local banks greatly expanded the number and no more than twenty-nine bank branches. Seven- of branches so that by 1962 there were more than 200 teen of these belonged to the Bank of British West Af- commercial bank branches. rica and eight to Barclays Bank (D.C.O.). The other African traders believed that the colonial banks were four were branches of indigenous banks. In addition, mostly concerned with maintaining the dominance of Nigeria had a post office savings bank, a network of expatriate trading houses. Understandably, colonial credit cooperatives, and later on some development banks feared that loans to local traders and farmers corporations. Moneylenders operated in the informal could be risky, but their failure to mobilize savings de- market alongside other informal institutions known as posits is harder to justify. Indigenous banks attracted isusu. funds from the public by offering attractive interest Nigeria was the only country in Africa to develop rates, advertising (with an appeal to nationalist senti- indigenous commercial banks (that is, banks incorpo- ment), and opening branches. The expansion of bank- rated within the territory and owned and managed by ing facilities by both colonial and local banks and their Africans) before the late 1940s. Three indigenous banks success in mobilizing deposits before and after inde- were created in the 1930s to serve the African popula- pendence indicated the potential for changing the sav- tion, but of these only the National Bank of Nigeria ings and financial habits of the local populationa po- survived. In the early 1950s the number of indigenous tential that went untapped because of the colonial banks increased, although most of them soon failed. banks' orientation toward the expatriate communities. Then in the years before and after independence, both Box 3.5 Indigenous banking in India At independence, India had an indigenous banking cial banks. Such bankers were collectively known as system with a centuries-old tradition. This system had Shroffs, a term that probably originally referred to developed the hundi, a financial instrument still in use money changers but over time came to refer to the that is similar to the commercial bills of Western Eu- more sophisticated and influential indigenous bankers. rope. Hundis were used to finance local trade as well as The main moneylenders were the Sowkars (who lent to trade between port towns and inland centers of pro- farmers from their own resources or funds borrowed duction. They were often discounted by banks, espe- from the Chettiars and other indigenous bankers) and cially if they were endorsed by indigenous bankers. the Pathans (who lent mainly to poor people and often Indigenous bankers combined banking with other ac- resorted to intimidation to ensure repayment). tivities, much as the goldsmiths, merchants, and ship- Indigenous banking was based on an elaborate and pers of eighteenth- and nineteenth-century Europe had extensive network of personal relations that overcame done. They usually belonged to certain castes or com- the problems of dealing with large numbers of cus- munities, such as the Multanis, Marwaris, and Chet- tomers. Brokers were used for making introductions tiars, and they differed in the extent to which they and vouching for the creditworthiness of individual relied on their own resources, rather than deposits and borrowers but did not offer personal guarantees. Some other funds, for their lending. Indigenous bankers of- brokers specialized in introducing indigenous bankers ten endorsed hundis issued by traders and sometimes to commercial banks, while others brought together provided personal guarantees for loans from commer- traders and indigenous bankers. Throughout the nineteenth century, Latin Amer- borrowing; the overissue of currency; imprudent ican countries relied too much on foreign capital. domestic banking; speculation in commodity, se- Argentina and a few other countries developed ac- curities, and foreign exchange markets; excess ca- tive mortgage-bond markets and stock exchanges pacity in industry and commerce; regional wars; alongside thriving but fragile banking sectors. Un- and internal political unrest. Many of these were to fortunately, however, recurring financial crises un- figure in the debt crisis of the 1980s. dermined attempts to develop the system ade- Latin American economies ran for long periods quately. Finance lagged behind the region's with inconvertible paper money, high inflation, achievements in infrastructure, agriculture, and and depreciating exchange rates. Producers and mining. Instability resulted from too much foreign exporters of primary commodities welcomed this; 48 they stood to benefit and had a strong hold on institutions that specialized in long-term finance. government policies. Latin American countries oc- National investment banks or institutions, such casionally suspended the servicing of their exter- as Credit National in France and the Industrial nal debt. Foreign lenders, however, were usually Bank of Japan, promoted industrial development lenient, probably because the region had immense through medium- and long-term lending and eq- potential for profitable investment. Major interna- uity participations. They also encouraged the use tional houses arranged so-called funding loans, of modern techniques of lending and credit such as the Brazilian loan of 1898, which had many appraisal. features in common with the multiyear reschedul- Direct government intervention in the financial ing agreements of recent years. In contrast, foreign systems of several industrial countries increased lenders imposed strict controls on the finances of with the nationalization of large commercial banks many other countries, such as China, Egypt, (for example, in France and Italy) in the aftermath Greece, and Turkey. Their governments were of the crisis of the 1930s and World War II. Public forced to cede revenues from stamp and customs sector bankspostal savings banks, postal giros, duties and from state monopolies (on salt, and savings banks linked with regional and local matches, and tobacco) until the debts were fully government, as in Germany and Switzerland repaid. also extended their reach. Special export credit in- International banking crises seriously affected stitutions, such as the U.S. Export-Import Bank, the financial markets of Latin America and the supplied export finance. Mediterranean countries. At the first signs of trou- Domestic and international financial activities ex- ble, foreign banks withdrew capital by calling their panded, new institutions such as leasing and fac- loans, reducing their advances, and pressing for toring companies came into being, and the con- remittances. The financial systems of Africa and tractual savings institutions continued to grow. Asia were better insulated, but their economies Noncommercial financial institutions, such as mu- were hit just as hard by the effect of financial tur- tual and municipal savings banks, urban and agri- moil on international trade. cultural credit cooperatives, building societies and World War I and the depression of the 1930s savings and loan associations, came to play a played havoc with the world economy. Latin prominent part in financing small and medium- American countries were particularly affected by size enterprises, agriculture, and housing. Despite the developmern of man-made raw materials and mergers, competition intensified because the de- the transformation of the British Commonwealth marcation lines between different types of institu- into a protectionist bloc. Most of them defaulted tions were eroding and because domestic markets on their foreign debts, but the central and other were opening up to foreigners. In most countries state banks that had been created in the 1920s the trend toward universal banking continued: the averted the panics of earlier periods. big commercial banks moved into a variety of an- Before World War II, developing country govern- cifiary services, such as insurance brokering, fund ments had a poor record on financial development. management, and securities transactions (see Box In Latin America and the Mediterranean countries, 3.6). they failed to create sound legal and regulatory Regulation, taxation, and the organization of so- systems and to maintain macroeconomic stability. cial security played a significant role in shaping the Borrowers relied excessively on foreign capital, structure of different financial systems. In the and financial systems were undermined by impru- United States, commercial banks continued to be dence. In Africa and Asia the restricted use of bank prevented from becoming nationwide, universal credit, the limited spread of the banking habit, and banksalthough the development of bank holding the persistence of the hoarding habit were all lega- companies made the restrictions less binding. At cies of colonial banking systems that had failed to the same time, the growth of funded occupational reach the indigenous population. pension schemes increased the supply of long- term funds to the securities markets. Australia, Financial regulation after World War II Britain, and Canada saw similar developments, al- though none placed restrictions on nationwide After World War II, governments began to take a banking. greater interest in the financing of high priority In Germany and other continental European sectors such as industrial investment, exports, and countries, securities markets played a much housing. They created, or helped to create, credit smaller role in the financial system. This was be- 49 Box 3.6 Universal banking One of the most important trends in financial markets ers and trust and insurance companies to create large in recent years has been the spread of "universal industrial trusts. Britain and France, after the failures banking." This term has different meanings but usu- of the 1860s, were perhaps the only countries in which ally refers to the combination of commercial banking the leading commercial banks specialized in deposit (collecting deposits and making loans) and investment banking and short-term, self-liquidating lending. After banking (issuing, underwriting, placing, and trading the Great Depression, commercial and investment company securities). It also involves close links and banking were legally separated in the United States, extensive consultations between banks and industry. Canada, and several European countriesbut not in Universal banking has been criticized for threatening to Germany, Japan, and Britain (where functional special- concentrate excessive power among a few banks and ization continued to be based on tradition). for introducing potential conflicts of interest. Adequate Universal banking began to spread again after the regulation and supervision ought to overcome these mid-1960s. In Germany the large commercial banks are difficulties, especially if securities markets and other actively involved in investment banking and in the financial institutions are able to compete effectively. German stock exchanges. They provide both short- Universal banking began in Belgium with the Société and long-term debt finance to industry, hold equity in Générale de Belgique in 1822. Its initial impact was industry (although their equity holdings are concen- rather small, but it attracted considerable attention fol- trated in a few large companies), and exert a strong lowing the creation of Credit Mobilier in France in influence on corporate affairs. Swiss and Dutch banks 1852. By the 1860s similar institutions had been formed are similar, except that they do not hold direct equity in Italy and Spain, but most of these ran into trouble. stakes in industrial companies. In Sweden, commercial Universal banking was put on a more solid basis in banks are authorized to act as stockbrokers, but they Germany when Deutsche Bank and Commerzbank are not allowed to hold equity except through holding were set up in 1870 to finance foreign trade. They were companies. In Belgium, holding companies such as the largely unaffected by the company failures in Germany Société Géndrale de Belgique have large equity stakes before the international crisis of 1873, and after 1876 in both banks and industrial companies. Many indus- they gradually became universal banks with an exten- trial countries (for example, Belgium, Britain, Canada, sive deposit business and close links to German France, and Greece) have reformed the membership industry. regulations of their stock exchanges to allow banks and The German universal banks helped to establish other financial institutions to act as stockbrokers. In many large industrial companies and presided over the recent years, universal banking practices have been gradual concentration of industry in Germany. Their adopted by the large commercial banks in Britain and expanding role in industrial finance coincided with France, which also have considerable interests in insur- technological advances that greatly increased their cli- ance business. ents' capital requirements. With seats on supervisory In Japan, the zaibatsu groups were dismantled after boards and proxy voting rights on behalf of individual World War II, and commercial and investment banking shareholders (who deposited their shares with the were legally separated. Banks exert their influence banks), they began to exercise tremendous influence. through the new industrial groups, and relations be- Universal banking in Japan dates from the 1870s, tween banks and industry are close. Equity holdings when traditional trading houses such as Mitsui were are limited, but Japanese financial practice gives debt allowed to establish joint-stock banks. It increased in an equity-like role. importance after the emergence of the zaibatsu con- The success of universal banking seems to reflect not glomerates, which had extensive interests in industry, only the economies of scale and scope enjoyed by large commerce, banking, and finance. The zaibatsu banks and diversified financial institutions but also the impor- became more prominent after the 1920salthough tance of universal banks in monitoring corporate per- some of the most important banks of that period, such formance and controlling the behavior of corporate as Yasuda (now Fuji) and Dai-Ichi, had close links with managers. With the convergence of the world's finan- various zaibatsus without being formally incorporated cial systems, securities markets and institutional inves- with them. tors have a bigger role in Germany and Japan, and In the United States, state-chartered commercial commercial banks are becoming more involved in in- banks operated as universal institutions along the lines vestment banking in Britain, Canada, Japan, and the of German banks, underwriting and distributing cor- United States. Concerns about the concentration of porate securities until the Great Depression. National power and conflicts of interest can be met by regulation banks were prevented trom engaging in investment and supervisionfor example, by requiring that a banking (although in 1927 they were allowed to under- separate subsidiary handle securities tradingand write corporate securities on the same basis as state- by the development of securities markets and other chartered banks). But by the turn of the century, the intermediaries. big New York banks had combined with private bank- 50 cause savers sought safety and liquidity; generous fiscal incentives, and specialized housing finance social security systems organized on a pay-as-you- institutions enjoyed considerable fiscal and regula- go basis worked to the same end. Universal bank- tory advantages. Since bank deposits and credits ing forged closer relations between banks and in- often faced ceilings or other controls, housing fi- dustry. There were differences within Europe (in nance and contractual savings assumed great im- attitudes toward universal banking, for example, portance in most industrial countries. and in the extent of government intervention), but the common features were the secondary impor- Financial innovation since the 1970s tance of securities markets and institutional inves- tors and the greater influence of banks in corporate In the late 1960s and early 1970s, high inflation and finance. changes in financial markets undermined many of In Japan, the zaibatsu conglomerates were dis- the credit and banking controls then in use. Sev- mantled after World War II at the behest of the eral countries, including Britain, Canada, France, American authorities. Investment banking was the Netherlands, and Sweden, enacted a series of separated from commercial banking, and the wide-ranging banking reforms. These abolished growth of securities markets was encouraged. the distinctions among different types of institu- However, industrial groups, although less signifi- tion, relaxed both global and selective credit con- cant than the earlier zaibatsus, grew up around the trols, removed branching restrictions, and liberal- major banks and large general trading companies. ized interest rates on lending and wholesale They came to play a central role in the industrial deposits. reconstruction of postwar Japan and promoted Financial deregulation was interrupted by the close relations between industry and finance. The macroeconomic turmoil that followed the rise in oil regulatory framework favored the provision of prices in 1973. Many countries reimposed credit bank loans for industrial investment. As in Eu- controls, hoping to contain monetary expansion rope, the securities markets and institutional in- without raising interest rates. But deregulation re- vestors played relatively minor roles in the finan- sumed in the late 1970s. It ranged from the elimi- cial system. nation or relaxation of controls on credit, interest Most developed countries used direct controls to rates, and foreign exchange to the removal of re- regulate the overall expansion of credit and to in- strictions on the activities of institutions and on fluence the sectoral allocation of financial re- new financial instruments. In most countries the sources. Several countries put interest rate ceilings changes were cautious and gradual. This con- on deposits and loans and restricted the banks' trasted sharply with the experience of some Latin branch networks. But the mix of controls and regu- American countries. lations varied widely. The authorities in the United Deregulation was prompted by the growing real- States and Germany did not set credit ceilings, al- ization that direct controls had become less effec- though they conducted selective credit policies tive over time. The growth of the Euromarkets, the through special institutions. Britain set credit ceil- development of new financial instruments, and ings for purposes of monetary control and used the advent of electronic technology all made it eas- some selective credit devices, but for the most part ier to bypass the restrictions. Governments also it did not use interest rate controls or branching recognized that the prolonged use of directed and restrictions. France, Italy, Sweden, and other Eu- subsidized credit programs would lead to the inef- ropean countries all used detailed and comprehen- ficient use of resources and hinder the develop- sive controls. France adopted medium-term refi- ment of better systems. nancing schemes, levied special taxes on interest The Eurocurrency markets are markets in which paid and received, and put caps on lending mar- assets and liabilities denominated in a particular gins. Similar controls have been widely applied in currency are held outside the country of that cur- the Francophone countries of North and Sub- rency (dollar-denominated assets held outside the Saharan Africa. Japan used interest rate and United States, for example). These markets first branching controls and influenced the allocation of appeared in the 1960s and have greatly contributed credit to high priority sectors through the so-called to the financial innovations of the past twenty "overloan" position of large commercial banks. years. They have regulatory and fiscal advan- Many countries provided a fiscal bias in favor of tagestransactions are anonymous, exempt from long-term saving through life insurance policies reserve requirements, and exempt from the inter- and occupational pension schemes. Home owner- est equalization tax that was imposed on foreign ship and housing finance benefited from generous borrowings in the New York markets in the mid- 51 1960s. They speeded the international transfer of Effective competition in banking, especially for financial technology. However, one result of their corporate business, has increased with the open- growth was an excessive emphasis on the expan- ing of domestic markets and the creation of spe- sion of bank lending, which led in the end to the cialized nonbank financial intermediaries. But re- developing country debt crisis of the 1980s. tail banking has also become more competitive, In the 1960s the main innovations of the Euro- because commercial banks are turning toward the currency markets were revolving medium-term household sector and offering new credit, deposit, floating rate credit facilities and the syndication of and payment instruments. large Eurocredits among several participating Deregulation has eliminated many of the man- banks. Later innovations included changes in ma- made barriers to global finance, and technology turity patterns (very short-term Euronotes and has lowered the barriers imposed by nature. Ad- Eurocommercial paper, and perpetual debt instru- vances in computing, information processing, and ments), in pricing (floating rate notes and zero- telecommunications have boosted the volume of coupon bonds), and in funding options (complex business by reducing transaction costs, expanding convertible bonds and bonds issued with war- the scope of trading, and creating information sys- rants). These innovations blurred the traditional tems that enable institutions to control their risk distinctions between equity and debt, short-term more efficiently. and long-term debt, and bank debt and marketable Deregulation, technology, and other common securities. The development of swaps brought trends have caused a growing convergence of na- about greater integration of markets through the tional financial systems. Universal banks and spe- international diffusion of new instruments and the cialized institutions as well as institutional inves- opening up of national markets previously closed tors and securities markets all now play important to Euromarket activity. parts in the financial systems of most high-income Most industrial countries have encouraged the countries. Nowhere is this convergence more evi- development of government bond markets, so that dent than in Japan, which has successfully ex- they can finance their public sector deficits in a panded the nonbanking segments of its financial noninflationary way, and have established or re- system to the point that it now has the largest se- vived their money markets, so that monetary and curities houses and stock market in the world, as credit control can be achieved through open mar- well as the largest commercial banks, postal sav- ket operations. All this marks a considerable shift ings bank, and housing finance institution. in the balance of power from governments to fi- The trend of convergence has been reinforced by nancial markets. In addition, equity markets have the vast accumulation of financial assets by both been reformed to allow commercial banks to play households and corporations in most high-income an active part as market makers and securities countries (Figure 3.1). This underscores the grow- houses, and new markets with less demanding ing importance of the financial sector as a service listing requirements have been created for smaller industry and its shift from the mobilization and companies. Governments have used fiscal incen- allocation of new financial savings to the manage- tives to stimulate venture capital and personal in- ment and reallocation of existing resources. vestments in mutual funds and equities. Financial futures and traded options markets have been es- Current policy concerns in industrial countries tablished to allow hedging against the greater vola- tility in exchange rates, interest rates, and equity Since the late 1970s the focus of financial regula- prices that followed the move to floating exchange tion has also shifted. There is now less emphasis rates and the use of indirect methods to control on product and price controls and more on pru- money and credit. dential regulation and supervision. Another goal Recent years have also witnessed a major expan- has been to promote competition. Financial sys- sion in international transactions fueled by the ac- tems are undoubtedly more efficient as a result. cumulation of insurance and pension reserves and But some of the changes have caused concern in the liberalization and modernization of stock ex- developed countries. Financial institutions are ex- changes. As in the nineteenth century, however, posed to greater risks, the potential for conflicts of this expansion of capital flows has exerted a de- interest between institutions and their customers stabilizing influence on markets, because foreign has increased, and the implications for the long- investors tend to repatriate their funds in troubled term performance of industrial and commercial times. corporations are unclear. The widespread distress 52 of deposit institutions in the United States and nancial decisions of private agents are also Norway in the 1980s underlines the growing risk imperfectwitness the savings and loan debacle in exposure of financial institutions in a deregulated the United States and the excessive lending of but inadequately supervised system (see Box 5.4 in commercial banks to developing countries in the Chapter 5). 1970s. The future is uncertain. Under any system International efforts to regulate the risk exposure of finance mistakes will be made. Market-based fi- of financial institutions yielded the recent agree- nancial systems, like public ones, are subject to ment, under the aegis of the Bank for International fraud and instability. The goal is not perfection but Settlements, on new capital requirements for com- a system which mobilizes resources efficiently, mercial banks, based on risk weights for different minimizes allocative mistakes, curbs fraud, and types of assets. In the Eurobond and Eurocredit stops instability from turning into crisis. markets, concern centers on the risks taken by Governments must certainly play their part. In banks in the pursuit of new business and on poor most high-income countries, they continue to in- profitability due to fierce price competition. fluence the pricing and allocation of credit, but Developments in the equity markets have raised only to a modest extent. Their main concern is to different issues: insider trading, the growing num- regulate and supervise financial institutions and ber of hostile takeovers, and the methods used by markets while maintaining a stable macroeco- corporate raiders and incumbent managements to nomic environment. The need for prudential regu- take or retain control. Hostile takeovers may pro- lation increases as financial systems become mote efficiency, but they also cause an accumula- deeper and more complex. From the development tion of corporate debt and may worsen the con- of the lender-of-last-resort facility during the nine- flicts of interest between managers, shareholders, teenth century and the introduction of deposit in- and bondholders. There is also concern that insti- surance after the Great Depression to the recent tutional investors and corporate managers stress emphasis on risk-weighted capital requirements short-term performance at the expense of long- and the growing adoption of regulation by func- term efficiency. So far, however, the evidence has tion rather than by institution, a main concern of been inconclusive. financial regulation has been the achievement of The next chapter will review the systems of fi- stability without undermining efficiency. But fi- nance in place in developing countries and assess nance remains a dynamic field, changing far too the interventionist role played by government in rapidly to achieve a perfect balance between the the pricing and allocation of credit. Perhaps the freedom needed to stimulate competition and most important lesson to be learned from the expe- growth and the control needed to prevent fraud rience of the high-income countries is that the fi- and instability. 53 / 4/Financ sector issues in developing countries Governments have made control over finance an planned economies, large-scale production was important tool of their development strategies dur- carried out by government entities to the virtual ing the past few decades. Most believed that with- exclusion of independent organizations, decentral- out intervention their financial systems would not ized decisionmaking, and market forces. be cooperative partners in the development effort. Although the extent of intervention varied Dependent in the 1950s and 1960s on imports of among countries, nearly all governments consid- manufactured goods and exports of agricultural ered it necessary to intervene in the financial sector products and raw materials, developing econo- in order to channel cheap credit toward the sectors mies adopted a variety of strategies to promote that were to be at the forefront of development. rapid industrialization and the modernization of The financial systems of most developing coun- agriculture. A few, such as Hong Kong, the Re- tries in the 1950s and 1960s could not adequately public of Korea, and Singapore, attempted from support a process of industrialization and agricul- early on to integrate their economies with interna- tural modernization. Formal financial systems usu- tional markets. Most countries, however, pursued ally consisted of a few institutions, often foreign- an industrialization strategy based on import sub- owned, which had branches in the major cities stitution. Some provided only moderate and rela- only. These provided financing mainly to trading tively uniform protection to domestic industries, companies, mines, and plantations, which were primarily through tariffs, and others (Argentina, often foreign-owned as well. Local businesses had India, and Tanzania, for example) provided exten- difficulty borrowing from banks; local farmers had sive protection through high tariffs and quantita- no access to them at all. An indigenous informal tive import restrictions. financial sector made up of moneylenders, traders, Developing country governments also took an and pawnbrokers provided loans to farmers and active role in economic decisionmaking. At the small businesses (see Chapter 8). Informal lenders very least, governments owned and controlled charged high rates, however, and the scale of lend- capital-intensive infrastructure such as roads, ing was small. There were few sources of equity ports, water and electric power utilities, and tele- and long-term finance for industry, and what was communications. Many also controlled selected available was expensive. In some countries the enterprises in heavy industry and natural resource banks were owned by industrial groups. This re- extraction. Several countries went further, bring- duced the access of outsiders to finance and con- ing other industrial and commercial enterprises centrated a great deal of wealth and power in the under government control as well. In centrally hands of a few. 54 Chapter 2 stressed the roles of risk, information, ing financial institutions. Toward this end, they and transaction costs in determining the supply of nationalized the largest, and in some cases all, finance. In developing countries, investment was commercial banks; in Costa Rica, India, Indonesia, relatively risky. Production was in new sectors and Mexico, and Pakistan, for example, the majority of used technologies unfamiliar to the work force, en- banking system assets are government-owned. In trepreneurs and managers were inexperienced, addition, they created and supported develop- and marketing channels had not been developed. ment finance institutions (DFIs), which were spe- Natural calamities and fluctuating commodity cifically mandated to provide long-term finance to prices could drastically affect the incomes of particular sectors. Governments applied interest farmers. Government policy was a constraint and rate and credit allocation controls to public and a source of uncertainty: trade and pricing policies private institutions alike and ordered banks to discriminated against exports and agriculture; de- open branches in rural areas. Bilateral and multilat- valuations and tariff changes could radically alter a eral aid agencies participated in targeted credit firm's competitive position and the cost of servic- programs by providing financial support and insti- ing its foreign debt; trade and foreign exchange tutional assistance. restrictions could reduce access to needed imports. Governments in high-income countries also in- Volatile inflation caused abrupt swings in relative tervened in their financial systems. Although they prices, periodic recessions reduced product de- exerted some influence over the flow of credit, in- mand, and government borrowing crowded firms terest rate and credit controls were less extensive out of the financial markets. than in developing countries. The principal em- Furthermore, the instruments and markets phasis was instead on measures designed to safe- through which risks could be pooled or transferred guard the stability of the financial system. In de- were undeveloped. Financiers lacked the tools to veloping countries, however, governments paid evaluate, price, and monitor risks. The weakness inadequate attention to regulatory and prudential of accounting, auditing, and disclosure regulations matters, to the detriment of their financial limited the information available to lenders about systems. borrowers. Legal procedures for collateral and foreclosure were poorly specified. These factors, Government intervention together with uncertainty about borrowers' pros- in credit allocation pects and the future inflation rate, deterred credi- tors from providing long-term funds; lack of infor- Developing country governments have played a mation and collateral discouraged banks from large role in credit allocation. For example, in Paki- lending to farmers and small businesses. stan in 1986, 70 percent of new lending by the na- Governments could have tried to increase the tional banks, which dominate the banking system, willingness of creditors to provide long-term fi- was targeted by government, although this pro- nance and equity capital by modernizing legal sys- portion was reduced substantially by 1988. In India tems and making contracts more easily enforce- about one-half of bank assets had to be placed in able; by clarifying property rights and improving reserve requirements or government bonds, and title transfer and loan security; by improving bank 40 percent of the remainder had to be lent to prior- regulation and supervision; by training accoun- ity sectors at controlled interest rates. In Yugo- tants and auditors; and by ensuring adequate dis- slavia in 1986, 58 percent of short-term loans were closure of information. Chapter 6 discusses such directed credits. In Brazil in 1987, government changes in more detail. But institution building credit programs accounted for more than 70 per- takes time. Understandably, many governments cent of the credit outstanding to the public and wanted faster results. Moreover, many wanted to private sectors. In Turkey in the early 1980s, use the financial system for such purposes as allo- roughly three-quarters of all financial system ad- cating resources to projects with high social re- vances were made at government directive or at turns, redistributing income, reducing costs in preferential interest rates, or both, although the state-owned enterprises (SOEs), and offsetting the proportion has since fallen (see Box 4.1). In Malay- effects of an overvalued exchange rate and restric- sia directed credit has accounted for an estimated tive trade policies. 30 percent of bank portfolios. Rather than lay the foundations of a sound fi- Many such regimes were immensely compli- nancial system, most governments concentrated cated. At one point Korea had 221 formal directed on intervention designed to channel resources to credit programs. In 1986 the Philippines had forty- activities that they felt were poorly served by exist- nine schemes for agriculture and twelve for indus- 55 Box 4.1 Directed credit in Turkey In the early 1980s roughly three-quarters of all ad- rates, the central bank provided low-interest loans di- vances from the Turkish financial system were made at rectly to state-owned enterprises, and the government government directive, at preferential interest rates, or kept substantial noninterest-bearing deposits at the both. The preferred borrowers were the public admin- Agricultural Bank. istration, state-owned enterprises, farmers, exporters, In the early 1980s these policies helped to push real artisans and small firms, house buyers, industrial in- interest rates on nonpreferential credit to between 30 vestors, backward regions, and so on. Within agricul- and 50 percent. Rates remain high today, but the large ture, there were programs for sales cooperatives, credit public sector borrowing requirement is now the main cooperatives, and the like. Programs in other sectors cause. The government has recently liberalized the were also subdividedfor example, by loan maturity credit system. Direct credit and rediscounts made with different interest rates and conditions for each. available by the central bank were reduced from 49 Banks were also required to place 20 percent of their percent of total credit in 1980 to 18 percent in 1987. By deposits in medium- and long-term credits. 1986 there were only five categories of central bank To help banks defray the cost of loans at low interest rediscount rates; three years earlier there had been rates, the Interest Rate Rebate Fund subsidized prefer- thirty. The proportion of credit extended on preferen- ential credits by levying a surcharge on nonpreferential tial terms (defined as credits bearing negative real in- credits. The central bank operated an extensive system terest rates) declined from 53 percent at the end of 1983 of rediscounts for priority sectors. In addition to these to 35 percent in September 1987. Preferential credit is basic systems, the State Investment Bank (which lent now provided only for agriculture, industrial artisans, to state-owned enterprises and has since been abol- exports, and housing. Interest rates on short- and ished) received special loans from the Treasury and medium-term directed credit were raised substantially from the social security system at favorable interest in early 1988. try. Interest rates, maturities, and eligibility criteria lending to the government, DFIs, housing, and ex- were often different for each program. ports, respectively. Forced lending has now been Directed credit programs usually targeted indus- eliminated as part of a comprehensive financial lib- try, state-owned enterprises, agriculture, small eralization program. Banks in Burundi, Turkey, and medium-scale firms, and (to a lesser extent) and Tunisia had to use 8, 20, and 43 percent re- housing, exports, and underdeveloped regions. In spectively of their deposits (or other categories of the case of industry the aim was to provide assets and liabilities) for medium- and long-term cheaper long-term finance and foreign exchange lending or investment in public sector bonds (al- and thus to promote investment and rapid indus- though in Tunisia the requirement has recently trialization. In the case of agriculture it was to raise been reduced). In Nigeria banks were required un- output and speed the introduction of new technol- til recently to comply with a scheme in which ogies. Credit directed to small enterprises was in- credit was allocated among sixteen sectors; portfo- tended to generate employment; in housing, the lio requirements now apply to only two sectors, intent was to provide affordable homes for poor agriculture (15 percent) and manufacturing (40 households. Export credit programs sought to percent). bridge the period between production and pay- In many countries commercial banks, and some- ment and to compensate exporters for industrial times also DFIs, could refinance loans to preferred and trade policies that were biased against them. sectors on attractive terms. Bangladesh has twelve Interventions were of five main types: lending refinancing schemes. Turkey in 1983 had about requirements imposed on banks, refinance thirty categories of rediscount rates, although by schemes, loans at preferential interest rates, credit 1986 it had only five. Indonesia's central bank op- guarantees, and lending by DFIs. In Brazil com- erates thirty-two different schemes. In a sample of mercial banks were required to allocate between 20 sixty-five developing countries more than half had and 60 percent (depending on bank size) of their export refinance schemes. Many of the banks ini- net sight deposits for agriculture. In Mexico banks tially attracted by the interest rate spreads in these were required until recently to use 31, 10, 6, and programs later found them inadequate to cover the 1.6 percent of their deposit and other liabilities for high default rates. 56 Governments often specified preferential inter- tives were not enforced, or because the programs est rates for lending to priority sectors. These rates covered only a small share of total credit. In other were substantially lower than those on regular countries, however, directed credit programs had a loans, which themselves were often kept artifi- significant effect. In Korea, reflecting the bias of cially low. In Peru in 1980-82 the average differen- credit directives, industry's share of credit in- tial between general and preferential real rates was creased from 44 percent to 69 percent between 32 percentage points; the corresponding figure in 1965 and 1986. In Pakistan and Tunisia there was a Turkey was 36 percentage points. sharp decline in the share of commerce in total Some governments have also provided guaran- credit; this too reflected the bias of directed credit tees. In high-income countries credit guarantees in favor of other sectors. are the main form of assistance to small busi- State-owned enterprises in some countries have nesses. At least seventeen developing countries clearly benefited from directed credit, especially if including Cameroon, Colombia, India, Korea, Ma- foreign financing is taken into account. The share laysia, Morocco, Nepal, the Philippines, and Sri of SOEs in nongovernmental borrowing from do- Lankahave established formal guarantee mestic banks in 1983-85 was 56 percent in Guyana, schemes for small and medium-scale enterprises. 43 percent in Mexico, 25 percent in Nepal, and 18 Guarantees and crop insurance have also been percent in Brazil. The share of SOEs in value used in support of agriculture in countries such as added was much lowerin Guyana and Mexico Brazil, India, Mexico, Panama, and Sri Lanka. At not more than 25 percent and in Brazil and Nepal least ten developing countries have guarantee less than 5 percent. The foreign obligations of schemes for preshipment export credit; even more SOEs now account for more than half the external have export insurance schemes. debt of Brazil, the Philippines, and Zambia. By Development finance institutions have been per- 1986 the outstanding stock of foreign loans to haps the most common means of directing credit. SOEs for a sample of ninety-nine developing coun- They were actively encouraged and supported by tries was twice that to the private sector. Although bilateral and multilateral creditors. Virtually all de- SOEs are capital-intensive, and therefore might be veloping and high-income countries have at least expected to borrow heavily, the way in which the one, and many have a special institution for each enterprises were managed is a large factor in their priority sector. Kenya, for example, has five gov- high indebtedness. Artificially low prices, exces- ernment DFIs and three others in which the gov- sive staffing, or activities that were inherently un- ernment has a big stake: one each for agriculture, viable have resulted in low profits and low re- tourism, and housing; four for industry; and one tained earnings. Borrowing was necessary not just that serves the former East African Community. for investment but also to cover losses. Brazil and India both have complex systems of na- In some countries, such as Ecuador (see Box 4.2) tional and state DFIs. The importance of DFIs var- and Sri Lanka, lending programs for small and ies from country to country, however. Industrial medium-size enterprises are succeeding in attract- DFIs accounted for less than 10 percent of credit ing the participation of local banks. Small firms outstanding to manufacturing in Malaysia and almost everywhere continue to have difficulty ob- Thailand in 1987, whereas in Mexico and Turkey taining funds, however. Lenders have avoided they accounted for around one-third. In Morocco, participating in schemes or have concentrated the three sectoral DFIs accounted for 79 percent of their support on the wealthier enterprises. Banks all long-term finance. In some countries virtually have been reluctant to use guarantees because the all formal credit for agriculture and housing is pro- procedures are slow and complicated. vided by public institutions. Export credit programs have increased ex- porters' share of credit in several countries. But the The impact of directed credit programs schemes have sometimes been narrow in cover- on credit and growth age. In many countries they have not applied to indirect exporters, and small and new exporters It is impossible to be precise about the effect of also have difficulty. Preshipment refinance is not directed credit on the allocation of resources. In always automatic and fluctuates with changes in some countries it is likely that the programs have monetary and credit policy. had little impact, because they supported lending Although individual sectors have benefited from which would have happened anyway, because directed credit, the overall effect on growth is hard they offered only weak incentives, because direc- to gauge. Fast- and slow-growing countries alike 57 Box 4.2 Lending program for small enterprises in Ecuador In 1980, Ecuador's Corporación Financiera Nacional, der to encourage the participating institutions to be- the country's largest government-owned development come more independent, the program requires them to finance institution, established a fundFondo de Fo- provide 10 percent of project costs from their own re- mento para la Pequena Industria y la ArtesanIa sources. Terms and conditions have been designed to (FOPINAR)to refinance loans from local financial in- provide FOPINAR and the institutions with adequate stitutions to small enterprises. The fund is autonomous spreads (currently 2.5 percent and 5.0-6.0 percent re- and operates from a head office in Quito as well as spectively) and to keep interest rates to borrowers posi- from regional branches. Its financing has come princi- tive in real terms. The latter goal has not been fully pally from multilateral institutions via the government, achieved, mainly because of the very high inflation of which bears the foreign exchange risk. At the end of the past year and the lack of an automatic procedure 1988, FOPINAR had approved the refinancing of 7,467 for adjusting interest rates. loans averaging $14,000. Enterprises outside the main Collection has been quite good. Arrears on the urban centers have received 48 percent of the loans (by FOPINAR portion of the discounted loans of the pri- value). vate development finance institutions and commercial There are now some forty participating financial in- banks have averaged less than 3 percent. In June 1988 termediaries. The government-owned Banco de Fo- arrears represented about 11 percent of their overall mento Nacional (BFN), primarily an agricultural bank, portfolios. accounts for 45 percent of the loans to about 75 percent FOPINAR's independence has allowed it to respond of the borrowers. Private development finance institu- flexibly to changing conditions. FOPINAR actively pro- tions and commercial banks account for the rest. (The moted the program and set terms that were sufficiently four most active banks account for around 23 percent of generous to attract the financial institutions. It has total lending, and other banks and finance institutions helped to train the institutions' staff, and they and each account for between 1 and 3 percent.) To partici- FOPINAR have accorded a high priority to supervising pate in the program, the institutions must meet criteria the loans. Automatic debiting of the institutions for regarding the quality of their FOPINAR portfolio, their amounts due to FOPINAR gives them an incentive to overall debt-to-equity ratio, and their standing with the judge their lending carefully. central bank and the superintendency of banks. In or- have intervened extensively in credit allocation. necessary financing. Because of the high risk, in- What matters is whether those who thereby re- terest earnings have not covered portfolio losses, ceived directed credit used their resources more and lenders (or their guarantors) have frequently productively than those who were denied credit lost money. It is possible, however, that some of would have. This is almost impossible to ascertain, the high-risk firms have been sufficiently success- although in some countries well-designed credit ful to compensate for the poor performance of oth- programs undoubtedly did improve resource allo- ers and that the overall program produced a net cation. In countries with highly protectionist trade gain for the economy. Yet few governments and regimes and macroeconomic instability, directed DFIs have turned out to be successful venture capi- credit reinforced existing distortions. When struc- talists. Equity finance is a more appropriate way to tural adjustment was finally undertaken, many of finance risky ventures than bank loans. If govern- the firms that had been financed became unprofit- ments establish the conditions necessary for equity able. In countries that minimized price and other finance, intervention will not be necessary. distortions and maintained macroeconomic stabil- Even well-designed credit controls tend to lose ity, directed credit appears to have been more effectiveness if maintained too long. Moreover, the successful. potential for mistakes grows as economies become Credit programs can be useful when used to more complex. The Korean government, for exam- tackle the inadequacies of financial markets. For ple, exercised extensive control of credit allocation example, in countries without venture capital or through a combination of moral suasion and ex- equity finance, new and risky firms have found it plicit programs. The policy was successful: the difficult to obtain outside financing. Rather than economy grew rapidly. Nevertheless, the govern- forgo these investments, governments have di- ment made mistakes in the latter half of the 1970s, rected commercial banks and DFIs to provide the encouraging large investments in shipping and 58 heavy industry that resulted in excess capacity and slower growth in the early 1980s. Recognizing the inefficiencies of excessive intervention, the govern- Box 4.3 Credit and income ment has begun to liberalize its financial policies redistribution in Costa Rica (see Chapter 9). In Costa Rica, subsidized agricultural credit has Directed credit programs have often been used been extended by four commercial banks, all not to correct the inadequacies of financial markets government-owned. They were well positioned to but to channel funds to priority sectors regardless reach the small farmer. By the mid-1970s the three of whether these were the most productive invest- smaller banks had more than thirty regional of- ments. Policies aimed more directly at goods mar- fices and the largest (Banco Nacional) had more kets or at the distribution of incomeprice reform than a hundred, two-thirds of which were rural in agriculture, grants for the poor, and so on offices specializing in credit for small farmers. Data for Banco Nacional, which accounted for might have been more successful and would have 60 percent of agricultural credit disbursed, reveal avoided many of the drawbacks of directed credit. that in 1974 just 10 percent of its agricultural loans accounted for 80 percent of the total agricultural Problems of directed credit programs credit it extended. The distribution of agricultural credit (and hence subsidies) disbursed by Banco The interest rates charged on directed credits Nacional was actually more skewed than the dis- tribution of income and land. Low interest rates often deviated substantially from rates on non- on the loans implied subsidies equivalent to 4 per- preferential credit. The large implicit subsidy had cent of GDP and almost 20 percent of value added to be borne by someone. Subsidies have some- in agriculture. That suggests an average credit times been covered by low-cost loans from interna- subsidy of $10,210 on each of the big loans that tional agencies, by a charge against public spend- accounted for 80 percent of the credit. In 1974 a ing, or by cheap rediscounts from the central bank. family with an income of $10,500 was in the top 10 Otherwise, they had to be covered by cross- percent of the income distribution. subsidization: higher rates charged to other bor- rowers, lower rates paid to depositors, smaller profits (or greater losses) for financial institutions. Such subsidies were often substantial: in Brazil in 1987 they were estimated at between 4 and 8 per- the funds had been diverted to other uses. Korea cent of GDP. In Mexico subsidies relating to devel- had an active curb market in which those with ac- opment finance institutions and official trust funds cess to subsidized credit at times lent to others were estimated to average 3 percent of GDP dur- without. ing 1982-87. Subsidies of this magnitude, when By limiting the availability of credit to nonprior- financed by the central bank or charged to the gov- ity firms, directed credit programs have crowded ernment budget, have compromised efforts at such firms out of formal credit markets and forced monetary or fiscal restraint. them to rely on retained earnings or more expen- Subsidized credit often failed to reach its in- sive borrowing from informal sources. Enterprises tended beneficiaries. Lenders misclassified loans (in India, for example) have sometimes become in order to comply with central bank directives. quasi-financial intermediaries themselves because Within priority sectors, larger and more influential formal markets did not serve them adequately. borrowers benefited most. Much was at stake: ac- Once directed credit programs a begun, they quiring subsidized credit could sometimes add create a constituency of beneficiaries who do not more to profits than producing goods. A review of want them stopped. This has made it extremely ten small and medium-scale industry projects difficult for governments to reduce their support of showed that the distribution of loans was skewed such programsregardless of how costly or ineffi- in favor of larger firms. Studies of agricultural and cient governments perceive them to be. housing programs show similar results. Directed credit programs do redistribute income, but not The impact of directed credit programs necessarily in favor of the poor (see Box 4.3). Fur- on financial systems thermore, when rates of return in targeted activi- ties were lower than elsewhere, borrowers did not Whatever conclusion is drawn concerning the im- use directed credit as intended. A study of an agri- pact of directed credit programs on growth and the cultural scheme in Colombia found that nearly half distribution of income, it is clear that they have 59 Box 4.4 The Botswana Development Corporation The Botswana Development Corporation (BDC) was been equally strong (except for a small loss in 1985, due established in April 1970. It is owned by the govern- mainly to Air Botswana, which has since been divested ment of Botswana, although three foreign agencies, in- into a separate parastatal). In recent years the BDC's cluding the International Finance Corporation, own rate of return has averaged 5 percent on net worth. nonvoting preference shares. The BDC is not a typical The BDC has been criticized for not divesting and for P development finance institution. It has tried to identify crowding out the private sector. As a result of its recent and establish new projects through wholly owned or initiatives, however, the Sechaba Investment Trust and joint-venture subsidiaries, the latter with foreign par- Stock Brokers Botswana Ltd. have been formed as the ticipation. The BDC has investments in about sixty first of their kind in Botswana. The Sechaba Invest- companies in many sectors, including commercial ment Trust will enable the BDC to start privatizing farming, tourism, commerce, industry, property devel- some of its profitable companies and give citizens an opment, financial services, and transportation. Most of opportunity to invest in private corporations. its loans are to its subsidiaries and affiliates. It has also The BDC has developed into a mature development tried to help local entrepreneurs through its involve- finance corporation. It is financially strong, has sound ment in Tswelelo, a development bank for small procedures, and has played a key role in the develop- enterprises. ment of Botswana's financial system. The BDC owes its The BDC's portfolio is sound. Less than 1 percent of achievements to a strong and growing economy, a con- the total loan portfolio is in arrears, and only a few of servative investment and lending strategy, indepen- I the companies in which it has equity holdings are dent management, and a highly qualified staff. showing losses. The BDC's financial performance has damaged financial systems. Many directed credits edly; many DFIs are insolvent, and some have had have become nonperforming loans. The ability to to be closed. In a sample of eighteen industrial borrow at cheap rates encouraged less productive DFIs worldwide, on average nearly 50 percent of investment. Those who borrowed for projects with their loans (by value) were in arrears, and accumu- low financial returns could not repay their loans. lated arrears were equivalent to 17 percent of the In other cases borrowers willingly defaulted be- portfolio value. For three of these institutions, cause they believed creditors would not take court loans accounting for between 70 and 90 percent of action against those considered to be in priority the portfolio value were in arrears. The situation sectors. The distorted allocation of resources and may be worse than the numbers show, because the the erosion of financial discipline have left interme- rescheduling of overdue loans and growing loan diaries unprofitable and, in many cases, insolvent. portfolios reduce arrears ratios. Industrial DFIs Extensive refinance schemes at low interest rates have continued to depend on governments and have reduced the need for intermediaries to mobi- foreign official creditors for funding because poor lize resources on their own, leading to a lower performance left them unable to pay market rates level of financial intermediation. Moreover, by en- of interest, because the term structure of interest couraging firms to borrow from banks, directed rates often forbade the higher rates necessary to credit programs have impeded the development of mobilize longer-term resources, and because mar- capital markets. kets for longer-term domestic instruments were The adverse impact of directed credit on financial poorly developed. institutions is clearest in the case of development The economic shocks of the 1980s added to the finance institutions. Industrial DFIs were generally arrears of many industrial DFIs, but the roots of deemed a success in their early years. Some of the problem usually lay deeper. Most industrial them have been conservative lenders and have DFIs specialized in medium- and long-term lend- managed to avoid excessive political interference; ing for investment. Such lending was vulnerable especially in countries with sound trade, fiscal, to business cycle fluctuations and provided insuffi- and monetary policies, they have continued to per- cient diversification of risk. Because most indus- form reasonably well (see Box 4.4). But for most trial DFIs did not provide working capital finance, the assessment is now far less positive. Portfolios take deposits, or provide other current services, and financial performance have deteriorated mark- and because they invested in equities to only a 60 limited extent, they also lacked up-to-date infor- inflation and short-term deposit rates were rising mation on their borrowers. Furthermore, when (as in several Latin American countries and in the weak DFIs diversified into deposit taking, they United States in the 1970s), housing banks that were unable to compete with commercial banks. depended on short-term deposits were badly hurt. Multilateral lenders encouraged industrial DFIs Mortgage indexation has provided some protec- to calculate economic as well as financial rates of tion, but in countries such as Argentina and Brazil return. This is undoubtedly useful in distorted en- indexation was tied to wages; when these declined vironments, but it may have diverted attention in real terms, the banks were left short of income. from the borrower's overall prospects, manage- ment capabilities, and day-to-day operating deci- Macroeconomic policies and financial sions. Many DFIs have permitted clients to finance development investments with too little equity. Moreover, be- cause many DFIs relied heavily on foreign re- In some countries macroeconomic instability has sources, they had to pass foreign exchange risk on compounded the difficulties that financial systems to clients who could neither bear nor hedge it. now face. Macroeconomic conditions in develop- When currencies were devalued, many firms could ing countries in the 1980s were the result not only not repay the loans. Finally, like government- of external shocks but also of the development owned commercial banks, government DFIs have strategies that had been pursued in the 1960s and had trouble recruiting and retaining competent 1970s. staff because of uncompetitive salaries. Managers appointed for political reasons have often been un- Government borrowing and inflation qualified and open to outside pressure in making loans. By the 1980s many developing countries had come The performance of agricultural DFIs has also to rely on foreign borrowing to help finance in- been poor. Studies show default rates ranging creasing public sector deficits. When the inflow of from 30 to 95 percent for subsidized agricultural foreign capital dried up in the early 1980s, some credit programs. Agricultural DFIs have suffered countries were able to reduce their fiscal deficits. from many of the same problems as industrial But many were not. They lacked adequate instru- DFIs: too much government intervention, over- ments of taxation; social and political consider- reliance on governments and official creditors for ations made it hard to cut spending; and most of funding, inappropriate lending criteria (such as their external debt had been contracted at floating crop and livestock models that hold little relevance rates, so that the rise in real interest rates sharply for the farms under review). In addition, lending increased the cost of servicing that debt. to small farmers is relatively risky and has high Central government deficits tell only part of the transaction costs, especially if combined with tech- story. A more complete definition of the deficit is nical assistance. And governments have often the public sector borrowing requirement (PSBR), been unwilling to foreclose on small farmers, which in principle consolidates the net borrowing which has seriously eroded financial discipline. needs of all public sector entities, including public Housing finance institutions have had problems, enterprises and the central bank. In practice, it of- and several have been closed, but on the whole ten excludes some entities for lack of data. In some they have fared better than industrial and agricul- countries the reported PSBR became quite large. tural DFIs. They have had more success in mobiliz- For example, in 1984 the PSBR was 15 percent of ing resources, although funding in some cases has GDP in Argentina, 11 percent in Chile, 8 percent in come from compulsory savings schemes. The bet- the Philippines, and 13 percent in Yugoslavia. ter housing banks view themselves as household PSBR data are unavailable for many countries, sector banks and offer a range of services. They but Figure 4.1 shows how central government defi- also tend to be located in countries with legal sys- cits, the narrow measure of public borrowing, tems that make it possible to enforce collateral ar- were financed in twenty-four developing and rangements. Some housing intermediaries, pres- eleven high-income countries in 1975-85. The con- sured to behave like social agencies rather than trast between the two groups is striking. In the bankers, have lent on excessively high loan-to- developing countries 47 percent of the deficit was income or loan-to-value ratios; this has caused financed by borrowing from the central bank, 15 losses and poor recovery from collateral. Where percent by borrowing from domestic financial in- fixed interest rates were charged on mortgages but stitutions and markets, and 38 percent by borrow- 61 markets to finance their deficits, borrowing less than 12 percent of the total from central banks. Figure 4.1 Central government borrowing The governments of developing countries by source, 1975 to 1985 turned to their central banks because domestic fi- nancial markets were too shallow to meet their Foreign (38.3 percent) needs. To the extent that central banks financed Other domestic such borrowing by issuing money, the result was (8.3 percent) higher inflation. The average inflation rate in de- velopmg countries increased from 10 percent a year in 1965-73 to 26 percent in 1974-82 and 51 percent in 1983-87. Inflation rates in high-income countries also rose in the 1970s but have been held to less than 5 percent a year in the 1980s. Half of all developing countries continue to enjoy single-digit inflation, but the number of countries with double- and triple-digit inflation has risen in recent years Deposit banks (see Table 4.1). During 1983-87, seven countries (6.7 percent) (Argentina, Bolivia, Brazil, Nicaragua, Peru, Sierra Cent a! bank (46.7 percent) Leone, and Uganda) had average inflation rates of more than 100 percent, whereas in 1965-73 none Developing countries did, and between 1974 and 1982 only Argentina did. Four of the seventeen highly indebted middle- income countries had triple-digit and eleven had Other domestic (56.0 percent) double-digit inflation during 1983-87, which un- Foreign (9.7 percent) derscores the interrelation of external debt, fiscal deficits, and inflation. Other factors, such as re- peated devaluations, have added to inflationary pressures, but deficit financing has provided the primary impetus. One way or another, the domestic financing of large public sector deficits has taxed the financial process. Inflation is a tax on certain financial assets (see Box 4.5). Although some governments have Central bank sought to reduce the inflationary impact of public (11.6 percent) sector borrowing, the measures adopted are, in ef- fect, alternative forms of taxation. Argentina, for Deposit banks (22.7 percent) example, set reserve requirements on demand de- posits at more than 70 percent, Brazil at more than High-income countries 40 percent, and Zaire at 51 percent. Reserve re- quirements constitute forced loans to the central bank, usually at below-market rates. Another ap- Note: Data are GDP-weighted averages. The developing country proach has been to require banks, insurance com- sample consists of Bolivia, Burkina Faso, Burma, Chile, Cyprus, Dominican Republic, Arab Republic of Egypt, Gabon, Indonesia, panies, and other financial institutions to invest Republic of Korea, Liberia, Mexico, Morocco, Nepal, Nicaragua, part of their funds in low-yielding government Pakistan, Thailand, Togo, Tunisia, Uruguay, Venezuela, Yemen Arab Republic, Zaire, and Zimbabwe. The high-income sample bonds. India and Pakistan, for example, have used consists of Australia, Austria, Canada, Finland, France, Federal this approach to finance large budget deficits at Republic of Germany, Italy, Netherlands, Sweden, United King- dom, and United States. low cost while maintaining reasonable price stabil- ity (although Pakistan has curtailed the practice in recent years). High reserve requirements and forced invest- ments in low-interest government securities ing from abroad (although foreign financing de- crowded out private sector borrowing and discour- clined from 44 percent in 1975-82 to 26 percent in aged financial intermediation. The implicit tax re- 1983-85). High-income countries, in contrast, re- duced intermediaries' profits or was passed along lied mainly on nonbank financial institutions and to depositors and borrowers in the form of lower 62 Table 4.1 Average annual inflation rates, 1965 to 1987 (percent) Item 1965-73 1974 -82 1983-87 High-income countries 5 9 4 Developing countries 10 26 51 China and India 3 4 7 Other low-income 20 16 13 Highly indebted countries 14 45 120 Other middle-income 6 15 12 Number of developing countries with inflation rates in excess of 20 percent 4 15 27 30 percent 2 9 17 100 percent 0 1 7 The average annual rate of inflation is measured by the growth rate of the GDP implicit deflator. Aggregates for country groups are GDP- Note: weighted averages. Data for developing countries are based on a sample of eighty-eight countries. deposit rates or higher lending rates. Explicit taxes ments kept interest rates low partly to encourage on financial intermediation, as in Turkey and the investment, partly to redistribute income, and Philippines (see Box 4.6), exerted additional up- partly because they themselves wished to borrow ward pressure on the spread between deposit and cheaply. Many governments also believed that low lending rates. deposit rates (the corollary of low lending rates) would not discourage financial saving. The impact of interest rate policies and inflation Experience has shown that some of these ideas were wrong. As Chapter 2 pointed out, there is Interest rate controls and inflation have set back strong evidence that real interest rates and infla- financial development in many countries. Govern- tion have a significant effect on financial savings, Box 4.5 The inflation tax An economy's willingness to hold money-that is, its centage of GNP, the central bank must issue a larger demand for money-generally grows with its real GNP. amount of money and generate a higher inflation rate Such demand may also change in response to yields on to secure a given amount of revenue. other assets and expectations. If the money issue ex- ceeds the increase in the economy's willingness to hold money, the result is inflation, which operates like a tax. Box table 4.5 The inflation tax in selected Asset holders "pay" the tax by losing purchasing countries, 1987 power on their money holdings. Those who have is- sued money liabilities "collect" the tax in the form of a Inflation tax Reserve money Inflation reduction in the real value of their liabilities. To the (percentage (percentage rate Country of GNP) of GNP) (percent) extent that the money issuer pays interest on these liabilities, it returns some of the tax to asset holders. Argentina 4.0 6.3 174.8 Central banks typically do not pay interest sufficient to Côted'Ivoire 0.5 14.4 3.4 Ecuador 2.0 8.1 32.5 offset the tax on their money issue: they pay no interest Ghana 2.0 7.9 34.2 on currency and usually a below-market interest rate Mexico 3.7 6.0 159.2 on reserves. Box table 4.5 provides estimates of the Nigeria 0.9 9.6 9.7 inflation tax (as a share of GNP) flowing to the central Peru 4.8 9.1 114.5 bank on reserve money for ten countries in 1987. Philippines 0.6 8.0 7.5 It might seem that a high inflation rate implies a high Turkey 2.8 7.9 55.1 inflation tax as a percentage of GNP, but this is not Zaire 4.2 8.2 106.5 always so. High inflation rates (that is, high rates of Note: The inflation tax is defined as the decline in the purchasing inflation tax) discourage people from holding money. power of average reserve money (IFS, line 14) due to inflation. It is calculated as M x [i 1(1 + i)]. where M is the average reserve money When the money stock held by the economy is a small at year-end and year-beginning and i is the decimal inflation rate percentage of GNP, the inflation tax will be corre- measured by the change in the CPI from December to December. [Over any interval for which the prices rise by i, each money unit spondingly small. Hence, if inflation has been high and loses iI (1 + i) of its purchasing power.[ the money stock-the tax base-has declined as a per- Source: IMF, International Financial Statistics, and World Bank data. 63 Box 4.6 Taxation of financial intermediation in the Philippines Like many countries, the Philippines collects special more than 47 percent on a short-term loan simply to taxes from financial institutions. The most important of service money market borrowings, in view of the re- these are the gross receipts tax (GRT) and the implicit serve requirements and the GRT. In other words, at tax on reserve requirements. the margin these taxes added more than 12 percentage The GRT is imposed on all receipts (income and capi- points to the cost of intermediation. In fact, bank lend- tal gains) of a bank. Formerly applied at a uniform rate, ing rates and spreads were held down by the weakness it is now imposed on a sliding scale, with a rate of 5 of demand for loans and the banks' continued access to percent for instruments with maturities of less than funds from depositors at lower interest rates. Never- two years. Lower rates apply to longer maturities, with theless, the combined burden of the GRT and the im- those of more than seven years free of tax. The implicit plicit tax on reserve requirements in 1984 exceeded 150 tax on reserve requirements arises because these are percent of value added in the banking system. The remunerated at 4 percent, which is much lower than impact of the taxes has since come down with the de- market interest rates. Reserve requirements have var- cline in interest rates. I ied but have for several years been more than 20 per- A withholding tax on deposit interest income, which cent of bank deposit liabilities (except for long-term is levied at the rate of 20 percent, also imposes some deposits of more than two years, which attract a much distortions. Although a credit against income tax, it is lower rate). not refundable if the computed income tax liability falls The impact of these taxes increased markedly during below the amount of the tax already withheld. A fur- 1983-85. Major devaluations and an acceleration of in- ther imposition is the lending requirement for agrarian flation led to a sharp increase in interest rates as the reformlO percent of banks' net loanable funds authorities acted to restore stability. By the end of 1984, which virtually all banks satisfy by investing in eligible with money market rates at around 35 percent (com- government securities. Although these securities now pared with inflation of only 5 percent over the follow- carry market interest rates, this was not the case until ing twelve months), a bank would have had to earn recently. and various studies have found that financial sav- have maintained low and stable inflation through ings and the rate at which these are lent are posi- prudent monetary and fiscal policies, financial sec- tively related to economic growth. tor growth has been rapid, even where interest Figure 4.2 compares real interest rates in thirty- rates were (moderately) regulated. The financial five developing countries (as a group and by re- sectors of Japan and Malaysia have grown rapidly gion) with the U.S. Treasury bill rate between 1967 during the past three decades, thanks largely to and 1985. Except for a brief period after the first oil price stability. Malaysia's financial depth, as mea- shock, real interest rates were much lower in the sured by the ratio of M2 to GNP, rose from 31 developing countriesand substantially negative percent in 1970 to 75 percent in 1987. Thailand's for much of the period. Within the sample, aver- financial sector has grown rapidly since inflation age real rates were almost consistently negative in was brought down; using the same measure, fi- Africa, Europe, and Latin America. In Asia, how- nancial depth grew from 34 percent in 1980 to 60 ever, average real rates were positive in most years. percent in 1987, as real interest rates became posi- Negative real interest rates were sometimes the tive. In contrast, Argentina has long suffered from result of deliberate policy, but sometimes they high and variable inflation; its financial depth, were inadvertent, a consequence of governments' which exceeded 50 percent of GNP in the late failure to modify administered rates to compensate 1920s, had declined to around 30 percent of GNP for rising inflation. Even in the absence of govern- by 1970 and to 18 percent by 1987 (see Figure 4.3). ment regulation, the level of real interest rates has Other high-inflation countries, such as Bolivia and been highly sensitive to inflation because of lags in Yugoslavia, have also experienced slow or negative the adjustment of nominal rates. In Argentina, Is- growth in financial depth. rael, and Uruguay in the 1980s, volatile inflation In the 1970s the problem was low real interest caused sharp fluctuations in real rates. rates. In the 1980s, however, some countries have Because of this link between inflation and real experienced high real interest rates. Although interest rates, macroeconomic stability is vital for most developing countries still place restrictions financial sector development. In countries that on interest rates, there has been a trend toward 64 Figure 4.2 Real interest rates in developing countries and the United States, 1967 to 1985 Percent 12 8 U.S. Treasury bill 20 1967 1970 1973 [976 1979 1982 1985 Note: Data are unweighted averages based on a sample of thirty-five low- and middle-income countries, eight of them in Europe, Middle East, and North Africa and nine in each of Sub-Saharan Africa, Asia, and Latin America and the Caribbean. a. Average for the sample of thirty-five developing countries. Source: Geib (background paper) and IMF, International Financial Statistics. deregulation. Some countries with unstable mac- demand for credit and force financial institutions roeconomic conditions and distressed banks and to ration their lendingwhich may favor borrow- borrowers have seen real interest rates on nonpref- ers who need the money least. By preventing fi- erential credit rise to high levels (see Table 4.2). nancial institutions from charging higher interest Real rates have also been high in some economi- rates on longer-term and riskier loans, govern- cally stable countries that administered rates, (for ments' interest rate policies have discouraged the example, Korea and Thailand) because of a decline very sort of lending they sought to foster. Together in inflation and strong loan demand. Although with directed credit programs, they have also dis- moderately positive real interest rates are desir- couraged competition. The combination of infla- able, extremely high real rates are not. They can tion and low deposit rates has led to capital out- cause distress among borrowers (see Chapter 5) flows and thereby reduced the resources available and swell fiscal deficits. Chapter 9 returns to the for relending by financial intermediaries. The de- difficulties confronting governments that intend to velopment of unofficial (curb) markets, however, liberalize their financial systems. has alleviated some of the adverse consequences of Interest rate controls and inflation have had interest rate and other controls (see Box 4.7). other adverse consequences as well. As noted Inflation, by causing uncertainty and instability above, artificially low interest rates cause excess in relative prices, makes longer-term investments 65 Figure 4.3 Financial savings and the real deposit rate in Argentina and Thailand, 1970 to 1987 Argentina Thailand Percent Percent Percent Percent 45 20 70 20 40 Average real deposit 15 rate (right scale) 0 60 35 Financial savings as a share 10 30 50 of GNP (left scale) -20 5 25 40 20 0 -40 15 10 / Financial savings as a share - -60 30 Average real deposit - -5 5 of GNP (left scale) 20 W rate (right scale) - -10 0 -80 10 -15 1970 1973 1976 1979 1982 1985 1987 1970 1973 1976 1979 1982 1985 1987 Note: Financial savings are M2 (currency in circulation plus demand, time, and savings deposits at banks) and are five-quarter averages. Source: Gelb (background paper); IMF, International Financial Statistics; Easterly 1989; central bank bulletins; and World Bank data. riskier and more difficult to finance. It also makes including Brazil, Chile, Colombia, and Israel, have the future purchasing power of financial contracts authorized the use of indexed financial contracts. less certain. Even when interest rates are not regu- Indexation links the value of the financial contract lated, uncertainty about future inflation makes it to a price index. If indexation is complete, if the hard for lenders and borrowers to agree upon an index accurately reflects prices, and if adjustment appropriate fixed nominal interest rate. The lender is immediate, indexation denominates the contract risks inflation turning out higher than expected, in terms of purchasing power rather than money. the borrower risks inflation turning out lower than At high inflation rates, private sector borrowers expected. The higher and more variable the infla- often find it too risky to take on purchasing power tion and the longer the time horizon, the greater obligations, because they fear their income will fail the risks. In countries such as Argentina loans of to keep pace. The public sector, in contrast, does more than thirty days became unusual. not have this problem. It cannot go bankrupt in its Several countries that have had chronic inflation, domestic markets as long as it has the power to Table 4.2 Real loan interest rates for selected countries, 1980 to 1986 (percent) Country 1980 1981 1982 1983 1984 1985 1986 Argentina 5.1 31.2 -18.7 -22.9 -29.7 -6.3 3.9 Brazil -2.5 4.9 26.2 0.2 7.5 -0.1 -0.1 Chile 12.1 38.8 35.7 15.9 11.5 11.1 7.5 Colombia 14.1 11.8 Indonesia 10.9 9.9 16.4 17.4 13.1 Korea, Rep. of -12.3 5.1 6.6 7.9 7.4 6.6 8.6 Philippines 4.2 8.9 -5.4 -15.0 21.7 17.9 Thailand 1.4 5.9 16.0 13.3 19.2 15.2 15.1 Turkey -0.6 50.2 37.7 28.0 28.7 42.0 51.0 Note: Real interest rates were calculated from nominal rates according to the following formula: [(1 + r) / (1 + p) - 1] x 100, where r is the interest rate and p is the inflation rate. Source: Easterly 1989. 66 I Box 4.7 The curb market In many developing countries, economic regulation age annual interest rate on curb loans was 24.0 percent (often in the form of interest rate controls) has led to in 1985, when the general bank loan rate was 10. 0-11.5 the growth of an unregulated curb market, which can percent. be an important source of funds for both business and The curb market has been closely integrated with the households. In the Republic of Korea, it has been esti- formal market. According to one popular method of mated that the outstanding obligations in the curb mar- transaction, an informal lender makes a savings de- ket in 1964 were roughly equal to 70 percent of the posit at a bank branch, which then extends a loan to a volume of loans outstanding from commercial banks. borrower designated by the depositor. The informal By 1972 the ratio had been reduced to about 30 percent, lender thereby earns the savings deposit rate plus largely as a result of interest rate reforms in the formal about 1 percent a month from the borrower, without sector in the mid-1960s. After the monetary authorities any risk of default. reduced interest rates in the late 1970s, there was a The curb market has been a significant part of the resurgence in the market. But the market has recently financial system in other countries as well. In Argen- declined again. Business shifted from the curb market tina, for example, the reimposition of interest rate con- to nonbank institutions that were allowed to offer sub- trols and financial repression after 1982 led to the rapid stantially higher returns. expansion of the curb market. According to one esti- According to one survey, about 26 percent of firms mate, informal credit from the curb market represented borrowed from the curb market, which supplied about nearly a quarter of the total granted by commercial 20 percent of their total borrowing. About 70 to 80 per- banks and finance companies in 1984. cent of credit from the curb market to small and Experience shows that the curb market becomes ac- medium-size firms was extended without collateral. tive when the formal financial sector is heavily regu- But the curb market uses a sophisticated credit rating lated and interest rates are held below market levels. system, and prime companies pay an interest rate sub- The curb market is effectively an unregulated bills stantially lower than less creditworthy ones. The aver- market. print money. Thus at high rates of inflation, most pressure on the central bank to provide accommo- indexed contracts are issued or backed by the gov- dation. In Yugoslavia, for example, central bank ernment or by public entities. Indexing financial losses on the foreign currency deposit scheme instruments can be useful in inducing lenders and have added to inflationary pressures. borrowers to make longer-term commitments at some middle range of inflation, say 10 to 40 per- Exchange rate policies and financial development cent a year, but it is no substitute for controlling inflation. If unaccompanied by adequate stabiliza- During the 1970s many developing countries al- tion measures, indexation tends to make inflation lowed their exchange rates to appreciate in real worse (see Box 4.8). terms. This was made possible by relatively favora- As an alternative to indexing, some countries, ble terms of trade and by the availability of foreign including Turkey, Uruguay, and Yugoslavia, have loans to finance the resulting current account defi- adopted foreign currency deposit schemes. In ef- cits. The real appreciation of the exchange rate fa- fect, these index deposits to the exchange rate. vored production of nontraded over traded goods Such schemes have increased the flow of savings and encouraged reliance on imported inputs. Fi- into the financial system. But they can also compli- nancial institutions accordingly allocated a larger cate monetary management. Since the domestic share of credit to firms in the nontraded goods value of the foreign exchange deposits rises auto- sector, as Figure 4.4 illustrates in the case of matically with currency devaluation, the monetary Colombia. aggregates tend to accommodate inflationary pres- Overvalued exchange rates and controlled inter- sures. To the extent that loans extended against est rates combined to stimulate capital outflows. foreign exchange deposits are denominated in do- These flows were illegal in countries with foreign mestic currency, the banks lose with each devalua- exchange controls, but such controls have rarely tion if the interest rate differential is insufficient to been effective. Although capital flight is hard to cover the change in currency values. This puts measure, the discrepancies between increases in 67 Box 4.8 Financial indexation in Brazil By 1964 Brazil's inflation rate had risen to 100 percent a triple-digit level in the 1980s, the system faced severe year. A new government took office in April 1964 deter- liquidity problems because liabilities and assets rose mined to stabilize the economy. It felt unable to cut the much faster than wage-linked income cash flow. More- deficit immediately, but wanted to finance it with non- over, when prices accelerated, asset holders tended to inflationary debt sales in domestic financial markets. switch their portfolios from money-denominated in- This was impossible because exorbitant real interest struments to indexed instruments. This created sharp rates would have been needed to compensate bond- liquidity pressures for commercial banks and short- holders for bearing the inflation risk. In 1965, there- term financial markets, from which asset holders with- fore, the government issued an indexed Treasury drew resources, as well as for housing finance interme- bond-a bond whose principal and interest would be diaries, which had difficulty coping with large and I adjusted periodically in line with the inflation rate. The often temporary resource inflows. government also encouraged the indexation of other The government succeeded in financing more of its financial instruments, including savings accounts and deficit with indexed bonds. In the 1980s, however, the corporate debentures. real stock of indexed bonds increased-in part, because The experiment had mixed results. Indexation un- most bonds carried an exchange rate clause and in Feb- I doubtedly succeeded in increasing the flow of savings ruary 1983 there was a sharp real devaluation, but also through the financial system and to the government because the public sector's borrowing needs rose mark- (see Box table 4.8). Corporations, however, remained edly. Inflation accelerated and the debt servicing re- reluctant to issue indexed debentures because they quirements on the indexed bonds added significantly were unsure whether the returns on their assets could to the public sector borrowing requirement. As part of keep pace with index-linked obligations. There was a its 1986 Cruzado Plan, the government suspended similar problem in the housing market. Most mort- most forms of financial indexation, hoping to relieve gages could not be fully index-linked because wages the "inflation-feedback" spiral that indexation seemed generally lagged behind inflation. Borrowers' monthly to be causing. When the Cruzado Plan failed and infla- payments were therefore linked to wages, which were tion revived toward the end of 1986, nominal interest usually adjusted once a year, and their outstanding mortgage balances were indexed to prices. The hous- rates surged. The government found itself in the same position as in the mid-1960s. It again began to issue I ing finance system grew rapidly through the late 1960s index-linked bonds. and 1970s. But when inflation once again reached the Box table 4.8 Key financial instruments, selected years, 1965 to 1985 (percentage of GDP) Indexed Treasury, Nonindexed Time and state, and Real Exchange Treasury savings municipal estate Year Ml acceptances hills Total deposits bonds bonds Total 1965 17.2 1.3 3.4 - 0.3 18.5 0.6 0.9 0.0 1.5 1970 14.6 18.3 2.8 4.4 0.8 8.0 1975 13.5 4.2 2.8 20.5 8.3 5.5 0.7 14.5 1979 9.3 2.1 3.0 14.4 10.3 3.7 0.1 14.1 1985 3.9 1.3 0.3 5.5 13.6 9.1 0.0 22.7 Note: 11980 was an anomalous year because a limit was placed on financial indexation Source: For 1965-79, Goldsmith 1986; for 1985, based on central bank data. external debt and the uses of finance recorded in Monetary Union, which have few restrictions on the balance of payments accounts-especially for capital transfers. Thailand, which also had rela- many Latin American countries in the early tively liberal policies toward capital movements, 1980s-point to massive capital flight. Capital out- experienced capital outflows when U.S. interest flows are not an exclusively Latin American phe- rates increased sharply in the early 1980s; these nomenon, of course. There have been capital out- outflows stopped when domestic interest rates flows from member countries of the West African were adjusted accordingly. 68 The task of financial reform At the onset of industrialization in the developing Figure 4.4 Prices, production, and bank credit countries, financial markets were inadequate to in Colombia meet the demands placed upon them. This justi- fied some form of government intervention. But Relative prices and production, extensive directed credit programs at subsidized 1975 to 1983 Index(1975= 100) interest rates proved an inefficient way to over- 130 come market failures and redistribute income. Macroeconomic instability, combined with credit and interest rate controls, made matters worse. 120 Ratio of tradables prices Most governments neglected to address the under- to nontradables prices lying weaknesses of their financial systems. This inattention to the conditions necessary for finan- 110 Ratio of nontradables cial development did not significantly impede production to tradables growth during the 1970s. Favorable terms of trade production and cheap foreign funding enabled developing 100 countries to finance growing investment expendi- tures despite the small size of their financial sys- 90 tems. But as events of the 1980s demonstrated, 1975 1976 1977 1978 1979 1980 1981 1982 1983 1984 financial institutions were left weak and vulnerable to change. Share of nontradables in total bank credit, In the early 1980s most developing countries 1975 to 1984 confronted deteriorating terms of trade, falling ex- Percent port volumes, rising international interest rates, 77 and a sudden curtailment of foreign lending. Many countries no longer had the foreign ex- 74 change to finance large current account deficits or the fiscal resources to continue subsidizing ineffi- cient industries. In countries that were forced to 71 devalue to discourage imports and stimulate ex- ports, firms in the nontraded goods sector became less profitable, and the debt service obligations of 68 enterprises that had borrowed in foreign currency increased. Fewer and more expensive imports hurt company profitability, as did the collapse in de- 65 mand in the countries that adjusted to the shocks 1975 1976 1977 1978 1979 1980 1981 1982 1983 1984 by tightening their monetary and fiscal policies. Many firms were unable to service their debts. Source: Hinds 1988. Other aspects of trade adjustment, such as lower import restrictions or tariffs, had similar effects: they reduced the profitability of previously pro- tected enterprises and added to the nonperform- ministered interest rates is certain to cause finan- ing assets of financial institutions. In turn, many cial disintermediation, and to do much other financial intermediaries became insolvent. economic harm besides. Now, more than ever, developing countries need Granting that sound macroeconomic policy is es- to rely on domestic resources to finance develop- sential, financial sector reform can make an impor- ment. The importance of sound macroeconomic tant contribution to development. Chapters 5 policies for building efficient financial systems can- through 9 will examine different aspects of the task not be overemphasized. Large public sector defi- of building better financial systems in developing cits that demand financing from shallow domestic countries. Chapter 5 begins by looking in more financial systems invariably lead to inflation or detail at the distress of financial institutions and crowd out private sector borrowing. The interac- the first steps to be taken in reshaping financial tion of high and unstable inflation and rigidly ad- systems. 69 5 Financial systems in distress Not since the 1930s have so many firms in develop- By early 1989, 600 S&Ls, or one-fifth of all S&Ls, ing countries been unable to service their debts. were still thought to be insolvent, and the loss to Their difficulties are rooted in the international the S&L deposit insurance fund was expected to shocks of the 1980s and their domestic aftermath total at least $120 billion. Among commercial and in the policies that governments have pursued banks the failure rate rose from ten a year during over the past thirty years. The inability of firms to the 1970s to more than 150 a year in the late 1980s. service debt has caused distress for many financial In early 1989 about 10 percent of commercial banks institutions. In some countries incipient financial were on the regulators' "watch list." crises forced the government to assist troubled Cases like these are spectacular, but much finan- banks. In others, although there has been no crisis, cial distress remains hidden. Because intermedi- banks' losses are large enough to require govern- aries have rolled over unpaid loans and have capi- ment intervention. Failure to take action is costly. talized unpaid interest, their insolvency is not With delay, losses mount and so does the cost of apparent from their accounts. Accounting infor- restructuring. In all, more than twenty-five gov- mation may be kept confidential, and what is avail- ernments have helped distressed financial institu- able is often unreliable. Where audits have been tions during the past decade. Much has been made using generally accepted accounting princi- learned from these measures. ples, nonperforming loans have proved to be sub- In 1981 the Chilean government liquidated three stantial. In nearly all instances of government in- commercial banks, four finance companies, and a tervention, intermediaries' actual losses have development bank. Together these accounted for proved to be far larger than reported. The number more than one-third of all loans made by the finan- of bad and doubtful loans in the portfolios of many cial system. Fourteen months later the authorities institutions is such that expected losses exceed the intervened again. They placed eight institutions, sum of capital, reserves, and loss provisions; these which accounted for nearly half of all loans, under institutions are technically insolvent. central bank management and extended financial If reliable information were available, countries support to all but one of the remaining commercial could be ranked according to the share of nonper- banks. forming loans in banks' total assets. At one end of In the United States more than 1,000 savings and the range would be countries in which nearly all loan associations (S&Ls) were closed or merged intermediaries are profitable and solvent and non- with sounder institutions between 1980 and 1988. performing loans amount to only 1 or 2 percent of 70 assets. At the other would be countries in which 20 their debtors are unable or unwilling to service percent or more of all loans are nonperforming and their loans that the banks are making losses. The many, if not most, banks are insolvent (some hav- failure of some borrowers to service loans is com- ing losses equal to many times their capital). Al- mon; even healthy banks expect to have some though lack of data makes it impossible to measure nonperforming loans. But losses large enough to financial distress precisely, it is clear that distress is impair the profitability and solvency of so many widespread. Box 5.1 presents information for a se- institutions in so many countries are unprece- lect group of countries. This information may over- dented. Even during the depression of the 1930s, state the severity of distress in some countries and very few large banks in developing countries understate it for others. failed. In most cases banks are not illiquid (that is, they That banks remain open and continue to accept can still meet payment demands), but so many of deposits and make loans does not mean that they Box 5.1 Examples of financial distress Argentina. The failure of a large private bank sparked panies amount to several times the capital of the largest the 1980-82 banking crisis. By 1983, 71 of 470 financial commercial banks, which hold more than 80 percent of institutions had been liquidated. The restructuring total bank assets. process is not yet complete. Guinea. The government that assumed power in 1984 Bangladesh. Four banks that accounted for 70 percent inherited a virtually defunct banking system: 99 per- of total credit had an estimated 20 percent of nonper- cent of loans proved irrecoverable. All six state-owned forming assets in 1987. Loans to two loss-making pub- banks were liquidated, and three new commercial lic enterprises amounted to fourteen times the banks' banks were established, each with foreign participa- total capital. tion. Bolivia. In late 1987 the central bank liquidated two of Kenya. Many of the nonbank financial institutions twelve private commercial banks; seven more reported that have sprung up since 1978 are insolvent, and in large losses. In mid-1988 reported arrears stood at 92 1986 several of the larger ones collapsed. percent of commercial banks' net worth. Korea. Seventy-eight insolvent firms, whose com- Chile. In 1981 the government liquidated eight insol- bined debts exceeded assets by $5.9 billion, were dis- vent institutions that together held 35 percent of total solved or merged during 1986 and 1987. In addition, financial system assets. In 1983 another eight institu- the central bank lowered interest rates on its redis- tions (45 percent of system assets) were taken over: counts to commercial banks on loans to troubled three were liquidated, five restructured and recapital- industries. ized. In September 1988, central bank holdings of bad Kuwait. Because of large losses sustained by specula- commercial bank loans amounted to nearly 19 percent tors in stock and real estate markets, an estimated 40 of GNP. percent of bank loans were nonperforming by 1986. Colombia. The 1985 losses of the banking system as a The government has supported banks by providing whole amounted to 140 percent of capital plus re- highly concessional loans. serves. Between 1982 and 1987 the central bank inter- Madagascar. In early 1988, 25 percent of all loans were vened in six banks (24 percent of system assets), five of irrecoverable, and 21 percent more were deemed "dif- which in 1985 alone had losses equal to 202 percent of ficult to collect." Given the low level of reserves (less their capital plus reserves. than 5 percent of assets), the banking system as a Costa Rica. Public banks, which do 90 percent of all whole was insolvent. lending, considered 32 percent of loans "uncollectible" Malaysia. The 1986 failure of a deposit-taking cooper- in early 1987. This implied losses of at least twice capi- ative (DTC) that held only 0.2 percent of the banking tal plus reserves. Losses of private banks were an esti- system's total deposits led to runs on other DTCs. mated 21 percent of capital plus reserves. Twenty-four DTCs (2.1 percent of total deposits) were Egypt. In early 1980 the government felt compelled to judged insolvent, and all twenty-four were rescued. close several large Islamic investment companies. Three ailing commercial banks, with 5.2 percent of total Ghana. By mid-1988 the net worth of the banking deposits, were recapitalized during 1985-86. system was negative, having been completely eroded Nepal. In early 1988 the reported arrears of three by large foreign exchange losses and a high proportion banks (95 percent of the financial system) averaged 29 of nonperforming loans. The estimated cost of restruc- percent of all assets. turing is $300 million, or nearly 6 percent of GNP. Norway. Commercial and savings banks suffered Greece. Nonperforming loans to ailing industrial corn- heavy losses in 1987 and 1988 owing to the collapse of 71 Box 5.1 (continued) the price of oil and to imprudent lending. The authori- forty-four finance companies that held 12 percent of ties replaced the management and board of a leading financial system assets cost $190 million, or 0.5 percent bank and forced banks to write off bad loans, restruc- of GNP. Between 1984 and 1987 the government inter- ture their operations, raise new capital, and merge vened in five banks that held one-quarter of bank as- with other institutions. sets. Pakistan. Under old regulations, which allowed in- Turkey. A financial crisis erupted in 1982 with the definite accrual of income regardless of loan classifica- collapse of several brokers, and five banks were res- tion, the capital-to-assets ratios of five large banks (90 cued at a cost equal to 2.5 percent of GNP. Since 1985 percent of the banking system) averaged 3 percent. Un- two large banks have been restructured, but more may der new regulations the banks must make a major re- need to be done. Banks' reported losses are 6 percent. capitalization effort to reach a similar ratio. According to some estimates, losses exceed 10 percent. Philippines. Between 1981 and 1987, 161 smaller insti- UMOA countries.' More than 25 percent of bank tutions holding 3.5 percent of total financial system credits in the UMOA countries are nonperforming. At assets were closed. In addition, the authorities inter- least twenty primary banks are bankrupt: nonperform- vened in two large public and five private banks. The ing credits are almost six times the sum of their capital, public banks were liquidated in 1986, and their largest reserves, and provisions. bad assets (equal to 30 percent of the banking system's United States. Between 1980 and 1988 nearly 1,100 assets) were transferred to a separate agency. The five savings and loan associations (S&Ls) were closed or private banks are still under central bank supervision. merged. In early 1989, more than 600 (one-fifth of all Spain. Between 1978 and 1983 fifty-one institutions S&Ls) were insolvent, and the cost of restructuring holding nearly a fifth of all deposits were rescued; two was estimated to be roughly $80 billion in terms of were eventually liquidated, and the rest were sold to present value. By 1989, 10 percent of commercial banks sound banks. were on the regulators' "watch list." Sri Lanka. Two state-owned banks comprising 70 per- Uruguay. After several banks failed in 1981-82, the cent of the banking system have estimated nonper- central bank began to aid banks by purchasing their forming assets of at least 35 percent of their total port- worst assets; by 1983 it had acquired $830 million in folios. bad loans. The potential cost of recapitalizing the banks Tanzania. In early 1987 the main financial institutions has been estimated at $350 million, or 7 percent of had long-standing arrears amounting to half their port- GNP. folio, and implied losses were nearly 10 percent of GNP. 1. The Union Monétaire Ouest Africaine (UMOA), or West African Monetary Union, comprises Benin, Burkina Faso, Côte d'lvoire, Thailand. The resolution of a 1983 crisis involving Mali, Niger, Senegal, and Togo. are solvent or that their insolvency has no eco- making banks, partly because of employment con- nomic costonly that they remain liquid (see Box siderations. Although it is recognized that insol- 5.2). It is possible for banks in one country to have vency among financial institutions has deeper larger losses than banks in another and still be causes elsewhere, this chapter focuses mainly on more liquid. Thus waiting for banks to become il- banks' portfolio problemstheir consequences, liquid before taking action can be costly. Indeed, in causes, and cures. countries where government help has enabled in- solvent banks to stay open, the cumulative costs of Economic consequences of financial distress distress may well be higher than in countries where the authorities have closed or restructured Weakened by large losses, many financial institu- insolvent banks. tions in developing countries have become less Bank restructuring is not an end in itself. Banks' able to provide the services described in Chapter 2. losses reflect the difficulties of firms in other sec- Their diminished capacity to improve the alloca- tors, and these difficulties are a result not only of tion of resources has contributed to slow growth external shocks and subsequent policy changes but and has undermined some countries' attempts at also of the development strategies pursued by structural adjustment. Where governments have many countries. Resolving firms' problems and chosen to delay the restructuring of troubled firms changing the policies that gave rise to them may and intermediaries, the high recurrent costs of as- prove more difficult than restructuring loss- sistance have compromised efforts to tighten mon- 72 etary and fiscal policy and in some cases have led to further macroeconomic instability. Resource misallocation r Box 5.2 Bank solvency and liquidity A bank is solvent if the value of its assets is greater than the value of its liabilities to depositors and The rising proportion of nonperforming loans has other creditors; "net worth" is the amount by limited the volume of credit that banks can extend which assets exceed liabilities. The larger a bank's to new clients. Moreover, credit allocation has of- net worth, the larger its cushion against insol- ten become perverse, with banks extending more vencythat is, the larger the fall in asset values rather than fewer loans to their least solvent cli- that the bank can sustain and still be solvent. ents, especially to large borrowers. New loans to Bank supervisors try to ensure that banks have adequate capital, which is often defined as some troubled firms might have been justified if the minimum fraction of total or risk assets. If the loans had been used to restructure the ailing enter- required capital-to-assets ratio is 5 percent, for ex- prises or if the firms had not been insolvent but I ample, a bank with $100 million in assets and $98 merely illiquid. But much new lending has simply million in liabilities (hence a net worth of $2 mil- financed the servicing of prior loans or prolonged lion) would be instructed to find $3 million of ad- the lives of nonviable firms. By channeling addi- ditional capital to bring net worth up to $5 million. tional funds to borrowers unable to make profit- Many banks in developing countries are insolvent and unable to earn the large sums needed to re- able use of the resources already at their disposal, gain solvency; the negative net worth of some of lenders have delayed the process of adjustment. these banks is many times their capital. Credit misallocation caused by financial distress A bank is liquid as long as it can meet day-to- has been more pronounced in some countries than day operating expenses and withdrawals. Because in others. In some countries losses built up gradu- I it is highly leveraged, a bank can remain liquid ally as banks, complying with government direc- long after becoming insolvent. That some coun- tives, continued to lend to unprofitable sectors. In tries have not experienced runs does not signify that their banks are sounder than banks in coun- other countries, however, loan portfolios deterio- tries where runs did occur but merely that they rated rapidly, especially in the highly indebted are more liquid. Public ownership of banks, im- countries following the shocks of the early 1980s. plicit or explicit deposit guarantees, periodic pro- With a large proportion of their clients suddenly in vision of liquidity to weak banks, and macro- difficulty, bankers had to extend additional credit economic stability make depositors less likely to to their most troubled borrowers to stave off their withdraw funds from insolvent banks and thereby help those banks to remain liquid. own bankruptcy. Thus borrowers took on new debt to service old debt, domestic as well as for- eign. In countries that experienced acute financial j distress, a growing share of credit has gone toward debt service instead of investment. Figure 5.1 firms and intermediaries have been under great shows that, in a select group of countries, the ratio financial stress. of new credit to investment rose after 1980. The use of new lending to cover interest pay- Widespread distress increases the demand for ments, together with the high real interest rates in credit and therefore exerts upward pressure on some countries, has inhibited investment and thus real interest rates. During the 1980s real interest production. Gross investment in developing coun- rates in several developing countries have often tries fell from an average of 25.1 percent of GNP in been extremely high, far exceeding the return on 1978 to 21.7 percent in 1986. The decline has been investment. Although various explanations for particularly steep in the seventeen highly indebted high real interest rates have been offered (includ- countries, where gross investment fell during the ing expected devaluation, unexpectedly low infla- same period from 25.0 percent of GNP to 17.5 per- tion, tight monetary policies, heavy public sector cent, a level barely adequate to maintain the exist- borrowing, and the reduced availability of foreign ing stock of capital. Although reduced aggregate savings), the main reason firms were willing to demand and increased macroeconomic instability borrow at real interest rates much higher than their are the principal causes of the decline in invest- return on capital was to avoid bankruptcy. The ment, domestic financial distress has been a con- countries in which real lending rates have been tributing factor. highest (Argentina, Chile, Colombia, Costa Rica, The financial system's reduced ability to direct Turkey, and Uruguay) are all countries in which credit toward profitable borrowers has under- 73 tem. They have succeeded in stemming incipient runs on banks, as in Chile in 1983 and Malaysia in Figure 5.1 Ratio of new credit to investment 1986. Occasionally deposits have shifted suddenly in selected developing countries, 1973 to 1979 from one class of intermediary to another per- and 1980 to 1986 ceived as safer. In Argentina in 1980 depositors moved their holdings from domestic private banks, several of which had failed, to state- or 1973-79 foreign-owned banks. Such shifts created difficul- Colombia 1980 86 ties for the deposit-losing institutions, but the monetary authorities had the means to avoid sharp declines in total liquidity. Costa Rica The existence of a lender of last resort has en- abled countries to avert banking panics, but the financial distress of recent years has nevertheless Turkey contributed to macroeconomic instability, particu- larly in the highly indebted countries. Unlike in Yugoslavia the nineteenth century, however, falls in output have typically been associated with expansions rather than contractions of the money supply. The 0 50 100 150 200 250 weakness of firms and financial institutions has Percent made it difficult for many governments to tighten monetary or fiscal policy without making matters worse for ailing banks. Thus, even as many coun- Note: New credit is the change in the stock of outstanding credit to the nonfinancial sector. Investment is gross fixed capital for- tries were attempting to redress macroeconomic mation. imbalances through fiscal and monetary restraint, Source: IMF, International Financial Statistics, and World Bank data. the need to assist troubled banks and their borrow- ers compromised the governments' efforts. Subsi- dies to state-owned financial institutions in the Philippines, for example, were equivalent to 3.4 percent of GNP in 1986, which made it difficult for mined some countries' efforts at structural reform. the government to reduce its budget deficit. Successful adjustment largely depends on the re- Many governments have aided banks by trans- lease of resources from less productive uses and ferring to the central bank the foreign exchange their redeployment to more productive firms. Con- risk on banks' foreign currency liabilities. The cen- tinued lending to unprofitable firms has impeded tral bank exchanged liabilities denominated in do- this flow. As a result the resources needed to fi- mestic currency for liabilities denominated in for- nance investments made profitable by policy eign currency. Later, depreciations of the domestic changes, such as devaluations and tariff reduc- currency resulted in valuation losses for the central tions, have not been available. This has delayed bank. These losses had an indirect expansionary recovery from recession in the short run and, by effect because banks were required to pay the cen- misdirecting resources that could be used for in- tral bank less than the amount needed to buy the vestment, has slowed future growth. foreign exchange to cover their obligations. To buy the necessary foreign exchange, the central bank Macroeconomic consequences of financial distress then had to print money. In some countries the difference between what the central bank paid on In the nineteenth century, before the advent of de- foreign obligations and what it received from posit insurance and official lenders of last resort, banks and governments has accounted for a large financial distress was usually deflationary. Rumors share of monetary expansion. The central banks of of bank insolvency precipitated bank runs, which Costa Rica, Ecuador, and Yugoslavia had losses forced even solvent banks to call in loans. This that sometimes exceeded the amount of new credit resulted in a contraction of the money supply and extended by the domestic banking system (see Fig- a corresponding fall in economic activity. Today ure 5.2). central banks in developing countries are well A handful of countries (Argentina, Bolivia, and versed in providing liquidity to the financial sys- Yugoslavia among them) tried to alleviate financial 74 distress by lowering interest rates. Lower deposit rates, however, contributed to inflation and capital Figure 5.2 Central bank losses and new flight by encouraging holders of wealth to turn domestic credit in selected developing away from domestic financial assets toward goods countries, 1980 to 1987 or foreign financial assets. The process of disin- termediation and the declining demand for domes- Percentage of GNP tic financial assets compounded banks' difficulties, 70 and the declining demand for money also ampli- 65 fied the inflationary effects of excessive money cre- 35 / ation. Financial distress may not be the principal cause 30 of inflation, but the complex interaction between 25 financial weakness and macroeconomic policy is 20 certainly important. Distress and inflation are mu- tually reinforcing. Measures to assist banks have 15 frequently added to inflation and thereby aggra- 10 vated the distress they were meant to relieve. 5 Resolving the banks' portfolio problems and pre- venting their recurrence calls for a clearer under- Costa Rica 0 standing of why so many firms are unable or un- willing to service their loans. 35 Roots of financial distress 30 25 Explanations of firms' financial difficulties can be grouped under three headings: macroeconomic 20 conditions, industrial and financial policy, and 15 debtor and creditor behavior. The importance of 10 macroeconomic factors is clearest for the countries with large external debt burdens. The countries 5 with the most acute domestic financial distress 0 have generally been those with the most severe Ecuador 5 foreign debt difficulties. The external shocks that led to the international debt crisis and the policy adjustments that came after it left many domestic 35 firms unprofitable and unable to service their debts, domestic or foreign. 30 The macroeconomic shocks of the early 1980s are 25 only a proximate cause of financial distress, how- 20 ever. The financial and industrial policies pursued by many countries during the 1960s and 1970s left 15 their financial systems weak and vulnerable to 10 change. Banks were often directed to provide sub- 5 sidized credit to firms in favored regions or sec- tors. In some countries firms in priority sectors Yugoslavia 0 have been consistently unprofitable. In others they 1980 1981 1982 1983 1984 1985 1986 1987 were profitable only as long as they were pro- tected; today such firms account for a large propor- Central bank losses New domestic credit tion of nonperforming loans. In most cases macroeconomic conditions, di- Note. Central bank losses are approximated by the central bank's rected credit programs, and interest rate controls "Other items, net" (IFS, line 17r), which are mainly foreign ex- change valuation losses. are the principal factors underlying the current dif- Source: IMF, International Financial Statistics, and World Bank ficulties of firms and their creditors (as discussed in data. Chapter 4). But they are not the only factors. Many 75 governments gave too little thought to the ways in Firms could borrow more only if their bankers let which concentration of risk, the quality of informa- them. Bankers often did cooperate when a finan- tion flows, the adequacy of legal codes, and the cial institution belonged to the same conglomerate nature of the regulatory environment can affect fi- as its clients. In Chile, Colombia, Spain, and Thai- nancial efficiency. Inattention to these issues has land, for example, most bad loans were to related permitted borrowers and lenders to behave in companies. Government-owned banks were often ways that have contributed to banks' losses. told to continue lending to public enterprises and An important aspect of borrower behavior has priority sectorsanother example of at-less-than- been the tendency of certain groups of firms in arm's-length credit negotiations. Other bankers developing countries to become highly leveraged. continued to lend to unprofitable firms, particu- Chapter 4 concluded that the high leverage of larly large ones, to prevent them from going bank- these firms is partly a result of their governments' rupt and in turn bankrupting the banks. Examina- directed credit programs. The availability of credit tion of failed and troubled banks has almost at low or negative real interest rates discouraged invariably revealed this type of mismanagement the expansion of domestic deposits and gave bor- (see Box 5.3). rowers a strong incentive to take on debtan in- Bankers have been influenced by the authorities centive reinforced in most countries by tax codes in other ways. Although only a few developing and by the lack of developed equity markets. Be- countries (Colombia, India, Kenya, the Philip- cause credit was rationed, only firms with privi- pines, Trinidad and Tobago, Turkey, and Vene- leged access to lenders could become highly zuela) have explicit deposit insurance schemes, it leveraged. One group of privileged borrowers con- became clear that governments would at least pro- sisted of firms in priority sectors, including public tect deposits in government-owned banks and the enterprises, another of firms belonging to bigger private banks. Despite the difficulties of the industrial-financial conglomerates. Where banks 1980s, in only a handful of countries have deposi- were privately owned, the rationing of subsidized tors lost money. Implicit deposit insurance averted credit encouraged companies to buy their own bank runs, but in doing so it removed the disci- banks in order to secure the advantages of cheap pline associated with that threat. Depositors' lack credit by lending generously to themselves. of concern about the riskiness of bank portfolios A drawback to higher leverage was that firms has allowed undercapitalized banks to stay in busi- became more vulnerable to a decline in earnings or ness and encouraged bankers to take bigger risks. a rise in interest rates. The firms most embarrassed The smaller the amount of shareholder capital at by the decline in their profits and cash flows in the stake, the more willing bankers will be to "bet the early 1980s were already highly leveraged at the bank" by financing risky projects. beginning of the economic downturn. Many of Mismanagement and speculative behavior per- these made matters worse when they reacted to sist because prudential regulation and supervision declining sales and cash shortages by borrowing are inadequate in many countries. Prudential regu- more rather than by cutting costs (laying off work- lation has two purposes: to prevent excessively ers and closing plants, for example). Some ex- risky behavior by lenders in the first instance and, pected the economic downturn to be short-lived should portfolio problems develop, to force and so considered borrowing to be their best strat- lenders to address them promptly. In most coun- egy. Some on the brink of bankruptcy saw addi- tries, however, inadequate regulation has permit- tional borrowing as their only course. Others, in ted risky lending, and ineffective supervision has countries with a history of government bailouts, permitted banks to ignore their losses. For want of gambled that the government would intervene to timely and reliable accounting information, the au- assist overindebted firms. This assumption often thorities lack a clear picture of the health of the proved well founded. For example, the Korean intermediaries under their supervision. Effective monetary authorities, in 1972 and again in 1982, supervision is particularly important in financial lowered lending rates because the prevailing rates liberalization because newly deregulated interme- were endangering too many borrowers. In Turkey diaries are likely to engage in less familiar, and public enterprises in financial straits have regu- therefore more risky, types of lending. Box 5.4 ar- larly received large budgetary transfers. In Chile gues that the combination of deregulation and in- the central bank granted generous terms to banks adequate supervision has proved costly in the case refinancing the debt of distressed but viable bor- of the U.S. savings and loan industry. Chapter 9 rowers. contains further discussion of the experience of 76 Box 5.3 How good bankers become bad bankers The quality of management is an important difference measures that increase net profits on paper, even if between sound and unsound banks, and in most coun- more taxes must be paid as a result. By rescheduling tries the better-managed financial institutions have loans, a banker can classify bad loans as good and so succeeded in remaining solvent. Four types of misman- avoid making provisions. The capitalization of unpaid agement commonly occur in the absence of effective interest raises profits by increasing apparent income. regulation and supervision. The reporting of income can be advanced and the re- Technical mismanagement. Poor lending policies are cording of expenditure postponed. the most common form of technical mismanagement Desperate management. When losses are too large to and are usually a consequence of deficient internal con- be concealed by accounting gimmicks, bankers may trols, inadequate credit analysis, or political pressures. adopt more desperate strategies. The most common of Poor lending policies often lead to excessive risk con- these include lending to risky projects at higher loan centration, the result of making a high proportion of rates and speculating in stock and real estate markets. loans to a single borrower or to a specific region or Such strategies, however, involve greater risk and may industry. Banks sometimes lend excessively to related well lead to further losses. The problem then becomes companies or to their own managers. Mismatching as- one of cash flow: it gets harder to pay dividends, cover sets and liabilities in terms of currencies, interest rates, operating costs, and meet depositors' withdrawal de- or maturities is another common form of technical mis- mands with the income earned on the remaining good management. assets. To avoid a liquidity crisis a bank may offer high Cosmetic mismanagement. A crossroads for manage- deposit rates to attract new deposits, but the higher ment is reached when a bank experiences losses. cost of funds eventually compounds the problems. Strong supervision or a good board of directors would Fraud. Fraudulent behavior sometimes causes the ensure that the losses are reported and corrective mea- initial losses, but once illiquidity appears inevitable, sures taken. Without these, bankers may engage in fraud becomes common. As the end approaches, bank- "cosmetic" mismanagement and try to hide past and ers are tempted to grant themselves loans that they are current losses. There are many ways to do this. To unlikely to repay. Another common fraud is the I avoid alerting shareholders to the difficulties, bankers "swinging ownership" of companies partly owned by often keep dividends constant despite poorer earnings. the bank or banker: if a company is profitable, the And to keep dividends up, bankers may retain a banker will arrange to buy it from the bank at a low smaller share of income for provisions against loss, price, and if the company is unprofitable, the banker thereby sacrificing capital adequacy. If a dividend tar- will sell it to the bank at a high price. get exceeds profits, bankers may resort to accounting several developing countries that liberalized their reluctant to let lenders foreclose. The default rate financial sectors. among small farmers in Ghana and India, for ex- The lack of clear legal procedures for dealing ample, has been particularly high. with insolvent banks has been another obstacle to In sum, poor prudential regulation and supervi- prompt action. In Argentina, for example, the sion, together with inadequate legal systems, let Central Banking Act did not empower the central lenders and borrowers in many countries behave bank to take over banks, replace managers and in ways that have added to banks' losses. directors, or order owners to provide new capital. As a result, intervention led to numerous lawsuits. Lessons of financial restructuring The difficulty of foreclosing on defaulting bor- rowers has caused losses for many banks. In some As the 1980s proceeded, the distress of financial countries willful default is encouraged by the fact institutions in some countries precipitated crises that bankruptcy and foreclosure procedures are and so forced the authorities to take action. As Box slow and cumbersome. In Egypt, Pakistan, Portu- 5.1 indicates, intervention ranged from the closing gal, and Turkey, for example, loan recovery pro- of a few intermediaries with a small fraction of ceedings frequently drag on for several years (see total assets, as in Malaysia, to the closing and re- Box 6.4 in Chapter 6). In others, willful default has placement of nearly every bank, as in Guinea. a more political cause: borrowers in priority sectors During the next few years many more countries such as agriculture realize that governments are especially those contemplating broader programs 77 Box 5.4 The U.S. savings and loan crisis: the lessons of moral hazard More than 500 of the 3,000 savings and loan associa- FSLIC. This gave them strong incentives to take greater tions in the United States were insolvent at the begin- risks, since they would enjoy all the gains but suffer ning of 1989. The cost to the Federal Savings and Loan only some of the losses. In addition, deposit insurance Insurance Corporation (FSLIC) of restructuring the premiums were levied at a flat rate per dollar of de- S&L industry through liquidations, consolidations, posit, so the premium structure did not discourage risk and assisted mergers was, as of early 1989, estimated to taking. Insurance experts and economists use the term be roughly $80 billion in terms of present value. Be- "moral hazard" to describe this situation of distorted cause its own assets were insufficient to meet the po- incentives. tential obligations, FSLIC had been unable to close or Although only a minority of S&Ls fell prey to moral otherwise dispose of many insolvent institutions, and hazard, they did so with gusto. Their losses were com- so loss-making S&Ls were allowed to remain in opera- pounded by changes in the tax law that made real es- tion. In early 1989 the U.S. government announced its tate (in which many of these S&Ls had invested) a less intention to cover the FSLIC shortfall through a combi- attractive investment; by a severe economic downturn nation of government funding and higher deposit in- in oil-producing areas, particularly Texas; by delays in surance premiums to be paid by S&Ls. the imposition of remedial prudential regulations; by The difficulties of the S&L industry began in the late delays in the closure of insolvent S&Ls; and by an ac- 1970s. S&Ls had traditionally lent funds on twenty-to- counting system that used historical cost-based values thirty-year mortgages at fixed rates and funded them- rather than current market values to determine income selves with short-term deposits. Higher inflation rates and solvency. in the late 1970s and early 1980s and the correspond- Valuable (albeit costly) lessons have been learned ingly higher interest rates that S&Ls had to pay on from this experience. Appropriate prudential regula- deposits sharply depressed earnings. tion must accompany the economic deregulation of The response of the U.S. Congress and several state deposit-taking institutions that are explicitly or implic- legislatures was to authorize S&Ls to take on a wider itly insured by the government. Adequate capital lev- range of lending and borrowing. Ceilings on deposit els, preferably related to risks undertaken, are vital. rates were phased out, and the maximum size of an Risk-related insurance premiums can help. Strong su- insured deposit went up from $40,000 to $100,000. Un- pervisory and examination powers, enforced by well- fortunately, lawmakers paid less attention to strength- trained and well-paid personnel, are important. Mar- ening the system of prudential regulation and supervi- ket value accounting systems are indispensable. sion. Increased lending and borrowing powers gave Finally, if an institution falters toward insolvency, early S&Ls new opportunities for loss as well as profit. They regulatory intervention is necessary to prevent small were required to risk little of their own capital; any problems from exploding into costly horrors. losses beyond those amounts would be absorbed by of structural reformwill face difficult choices con- zations of their financial institutions. In most cases cerning the restructuring of their domestic finan- financial crises had occurred or were imminent, cial institutions and the reshaping of their financial and governments could not stand aside. Other systems. Even some countries that have already countries, such as Pakistan and Sri Lanka, have taken steps may find further intervention neces- not experienced crises but have nonetheless taken sary because many institutions still in operation steps to strengthen their financial systems. Several are insolvent. of the centrally planned economies have decided Restructuring a financial system is both a chal- to reorganize their financial systems to make them lenge and an opportunity. Not all institutions are more efficient and competitive. Many govern- worth recapitalizing; some need to be closed or ments, however, have been reluctant to take merged with healthier ones. Restructuring gives action, and their delay has led to continued losses countries a chance to build financial systems that at the institutional level and slower recovery at the can better provide the services their changing macroeconomic level. economies need. The authorities in some countries may be un- aware of the seriousness of the situation, since a Rationale for intervention bank's poor health is not always apparent from its audited financial statements. Even when govern- During the 1980s more than twenty-five develop- ments understand the problem, they are often un- ing countries have undertaken extensive reorgani- willing to act. Some may hope that intervention 78 will not be necessary because defaulting borrowers ing implicit or explicit deposit guarantees and by will start to repay or because banks will make ade- regularly granting assistance to troubled banks quate provisions for their bad loans. But, as Box and firms, governments have suppressed the mar- 5.5 argues, the likelihood of spontaneous recovery ket forces that otherwise would have eliminated or is low. Other considerationsthe budgetary costs reorganized unprofitable firms and allocated the of restructuring, issues of fairness in allocating the associated losses. Until governments take the fur- losses, the embarrassment of bad loans made to ther step of performing the market's loss- public enterprises or political allies, or fear of bank allocating function, losses will continue. As losses runsalso lead governments to ignore the prob- mount, so do the costs of supporting the loss- lem as long as they can. making institutions. The continuing costs of peri- If there is no crisis, should governments inter- odic support will eventually outweigh the one- vene merely to relieve financial distress? One rea- time cost of restructuring. son most may have to is that earlier interventions Governments can either take the next step, by have made a market solution unlikely. By provid- performing the market's loss-allocating function, Box 5.5 Can banks "muddle through"? Governments have often refrained from intervening in A "wait and see" approach is likely to prove costly. the financial sector in the hope that ailing banks will recover spontaneously. Rather than obliging the banks To recapitalize themselves, banks with large losses (losses greater than their capital) must increase earn- 1 to make provisions for their losses (which might force ings substantially. If efforts to increase earnings lead those with losses larger than capital into bankruptcy), bankers to engage in overly risky behavior, however, many governments have permitted them to operate new losses will make spontaneous recovery even less with impaired capital positions. For banks to recover feasible. unaided, at least one of two things must happen: enough defaulting borrowers must resume servicing their debts or banks must earn enough to restore capi- tal adequacy. Box figure 5.5 Lending margins needed to recover Simply waiting for economic upturn is risky. In the in five years from given levels of loss meantime, only banks whose remaining good assets can generate more than enough income to cover costs will be able to begin recapitalizing themselves. In re- Percent cent years the earnings of many large U.S. banks, for 50 example, have been sufficient to enable them to make substantial provisions against nonperforming interna- 40 tional loans. The larger a bank's nonperforming loans, however, the smaller its income and the longer it will need to recapitalize itself. If a bank is losing money, 30 spontaneous recovery is impossible. - Lending rate To increase income, banks may increase the spread between deposit and loan rates. Box figure 5.5 shows 20 the spread necessary for a "typical" bank (as defined I in the note to the figure) to recapitalize itself through retained earnings over a period of five years. A bank 10 sit rate with initial losses equaling 20 percent of assets, for ex- ample, would need a spread of 7.1 percent to recapital- 0 ize itself in five years. In practice, competition will limit 60 70 0 10 20 30 40 50 the amount by which spreads can be enlarged. Banks that set lending rates too high or deposit rates too low Lost assets as a percentage of total assets eventually lose business to competitors. Similarly, gov- ernment efforts to assist the entire financial sector by Vote: This example assumes administration costs of 2 percent of assets, a required capital-to-assets ratio of 5 percent, a reserve re- mandating larger spreads are likely to aggravate banks' quirement of 10 percent of assets, a deposit rate of 5 percent, and no difficulties: too large a gap between deposit and loan defaults among new borrowers. rates causes lenders and borrowers alike to seek cheaper intermediation. 79 or take a step in the other direction, by withdraw- need restructuring, not just financial assistance. ing deposit guarantees and ending financial assis- Restructuring is feasible only as part of a case-by- tance to unprofitable intermediaries, so that the case approach. problems have to be resolved by the private sector. Once losses have become substantial, a market- INFORMATION FLOWS. Most countries have dis- imposed solution is likely to be costlier than gov- covered that the information needed to judge the ernment action because it could lead to bank runs intermediaries' financial condition is either un- and the loss of foreign credit lines. Events in Ar- available or unreliable. In only a few developing gentina, Chile, Colombia, Thailand, and Turkey il- countries is bank supervision sophisticated lustrate the difficulty. After initially allowing credi- enough to indicate the quality of an institution's tors of failed institutions to lose money, the earnings and portfolios. Even banks' audited state- authorities in each country were forced to extend ments are often misleading: interest is accrued assistance to prevent widespread bank runs. whether it is received or not, nonperforming loans Prompt government action is thus the less costly are rolled over, and new loans are provided to route, in terms of both the economic costs of con- cover unpaid interest. Even banks with very few tinued resource misallocation and the accumulated performing loans may report profits and pay taxes financial losses that the government is likely to end and dividends. One large state-owned bank in up bearing. Latin America, for example, showed positive earn- ings for 1987, but three months after publishing its Aspects of intervention accounts its managers admitted that 60 percent of all loans were nonperforming. Insolvent, illiquid, The central aim of intervention to relieve financial and unprofitable, the bank lost approximately $100 distress has not been to protect the interests of million during 1987 alone. bank managers or bank owners or even to preserve Despite the poor quality of financial statements, particular banks as institutions but rather to keep in countries with serious financial distress there the financial system as a whole in operation. Reha- were usually warning signals. Some institutions bilitating insolvent financial institutions has been offered deposit rates higher than those offered by the first step in that process. Most governments other intermediaries, a sign that they were short of chose to close only small banks; larger ones, partic- cash. At the macroeconomic level, real interest ularly those that were critical elements of the finan- rates well above the average return on investment cial system, were merged or recapitalized. suggested that many firms were short of funds and Intervention has consisted of across-the-board were borrowing to remain in business. In some relief, case-by-case restructuring, or a combination countries the failure of smaller institutions such as of the two. Case-by-case restructuring requires finance companies and new banks provided fur- manpower, skill, and time, as the authorities must ther evidence of widespread distress. Normally, make management-level decisions concerning the governments tax banks through various mecha- fate of individual institutions. If, in addition, the nisms, including reserve requirements. Where costs of information and of bargaining with credi- loan portfolios deteriorated, however, the authori- tors are high, an across-the-board approach may ties were forced to cut the rate of taxation. As the look attractive. It seems faster, and it may be politi- amount of assistance to troubled banks increased, cally more palatable because it is less obvious who central bank profits declined, and some central gains and who loses. banks even sustained large losses. One across-the-board solution is to generate in- In short, acute distress has generated signals flation deliberately to reduce real debt burdens. ranging from high real interest rates, widening in- This happened in Argentina between 1981 and terest rate spreads, a decline in the ability of banks 1983. Another is for the authorities to absorb the to satisfy reserve requirements, and complaints banks' foreign exchange losses, as in Costa Rica, from established borrowers about the scarcity of the Dominican Republic, Ecuador, and Yugoslavia. credit to the more obvious sign of failures among Across-the-board intervention, however, has usu- smaller intermediaries. Even if a central bank lacks ally proved wasteful. Since financial distress has the precise information that a good system of su- seldom been evenly distributed among lenders or pervision would provide, it can hardly be unaware borrowers, much of the relief has gone to firms of widespread distress. and intermediaries that did not need it. More im- Better information about banks' portfolios gives portant, troubled borrowers and banks usually the authorities a clearer idea of the intervention 80 that may be necessary. The authorities in several Most governments have decided to replace man- countries, among them Bolivia and Ghana, com- agement as well, in the hope that new managers, missioned external auditors to conduct indepen- distanced from the mistakes of the past, will be dent audits of domestic banks. But lack of precise able to make the changes necessary to restore the information is not a reason to refrain from taking banks to profitability. In addition to loan foreclo- action. The government of the Philippines relied sure and recapitalization, measures to lower oper- upon the management of the two largest banks ating costs and improve profitability were (the Development Bank of the Philippines and the neededfor example, closing branches and reduc- Philippine National Bank, which are publicly ing staffing levels, establishing new interest rate owned and together hold about half of the banking structures, and eliminating loss-making activities. system's assets) to identify nonperforming assets. The Development Bank of the Philippines cut its It then assumed responsibility for all nonperform- staff by 50 percent, closed thirteen of its seventy ing loans above a certain value, along with a cor- branches, and plans to privatize all but thirteen of responding amount of liabilities. its remaining branches. In Guinea the number of At the heart of any review of a bank's financial people employed in the financial sector fell from condition is the issue of accrual of unpaid interest 2,350 to 530, and lending to the public sector (in- and the provisioning of loans. Because loan roll- cluding state-owned enterprises) has virtually overs and interest capitalization have been com- ceased. mon, the quality of loan portfolios can be judged Failure to hold bank owners and managers re- only if loans are classified by the probability of sponsible for past problems may encourage exces- their being serviced rather than simply by whether sive risk taking in the future and thereby cause they are current or in arrears. In practice, adjusting further financial instability. In large markets such for accrued but unpaid interest has been the single as the United States, finding new owners and largest correction to banks' accounts following in- managers willing to take over weak institutions is tervention. This underlines the importance of forc- usually straightforward, but in smaller markets ing banks to stop accruing interest and to make there may be few potential buyers and few man- provisions for bad loans as soon as debt service is agers with the necessary expertise. Moreover, ar- interrupted. ranging the transfer to new management may take some time. So governments have sometimes ALLOCATING LOSSES. Once governments inter- found themselves responsible for the institutions vened, they had to decide how to allocate losses in in which they intervened. Both the Spanish and excess of capital and provisions. Regardless of for- Chilean governments, for example, became the mal obligation, most governments protected de- owners and operators of several restructured positors against loss to avoid bank runs. Foreign banks until suitable buyers were found. creditors were also protected, even where they had lent to domestic banks without the benefit of COST CONSIDERATIONS. At the time of interven- government guarantees, as in Chile. Taxpayers tion the economic costs of financial distress have had to absorb the losses instead. already been incurred in the form of poor past in- Most governments have decided that the private vestments and slower growth in output. Restruc- owners of insolvent institutions should be re- turing has no economic cost. On the contrary, it placed or at least have their ownership diluted. brings an economic gain in that the economy may The techniques for doing this vary. In the United once again enjoy the benefits of a well-functioning States the courts appoint the deposit insurance financial system. The budgetary cost of restruc- agency as receiver, and that agency arranges for turing consists of the government's cash outlays, the sale of institutions. In Colombia and Spain the which are a transfer from taxpayers to the creditors law allows the government to write off the value of of insolvent banks. shares and to issue new shares to other than This cost has depended on the extent to which former shareholders. In Thailand existing share- the banks' losses exceeded their capital. In the holders were allowed to keep their shares, but the United States, for example, the expected cost of issuance of many new shares greatly reduced their dealing with the remaining insolvent S&Ls is value. After restructuring insolvent banks, the equivalent to approximately 2 percent of GNF and Chilean government provided cheap credit and in Spain the estimated losses of banks were equiv- generous tax incentives to those willing to buy alent to 16.8 percent of GNP. In some developing shares in the two biggest banks. countries banks' losses as a percentage of GNP 81 have been even larger. The cost of paying off de- stitutions to handle these tasks. In the United positors has been one reason most governments States they are carried out by the deposit insurance have chosen to close small banks and rehabilitate agencies, which collect premiums to cover the the bigger ones. losses of insolvent intermediaries. In keeping with To make insolvent intermediaries solvent again, their obligation to cover those losses, the insurance governments took over bad assets. In some cases agencies have the power to inspect insured banks. they acquired bank liabilities at the same time; in The advantage of an insurance arrangement is others they replaced the bad assets with good that, in principle, it shifts the cost of monitoring ones. The authorities in the Philippines chose the intermediaries and covering their losses from the first approach; they drastically shrank the balance government to the financial system and codifies sheets of the two largest banks by assuming 76 the procedure for dealing with troubled institu- percent of their assets and a corresponding share tions. This is likely to produce quicker action than of their liabilities. The second solution was more the ad hoc approach of most developing countries. common, however; governments bought bad as- sets in exchange for long-term government securi- RESTRUCTURING BORROWERS. The portfolio prob- ties, and the interest on the securities was then lems of financial institutions reflect the difficulties used by banks to pay interest on deposits. This of their clients. If loss-making firms are not restruc- method was used, for example, in Chile. Buying tured, the newly recapitalized banks that lend to the bad assets for cash would have been too large a them will eventually become insolvent again. Re- fiscal outlay and might have added to inflation by structuring indebted borrowers is harder than re- expanding the money supply. structuring financial institutions. Bank restruc- Over time, restructuring costs are bearable, even turing may involve closing branches and laying off for a country in which the bad assets acquired by personnel, but it mostly entails rewriting paper the authorities amount to as much as 20 percent of claims. Restructuring companies raises the same GNP. In such a case, if the real interest rate paid on difficult issues of management, ownership, and government bonds is 5 percent, the annual real fairness that have to be addressed in the case of cost to taxpayers will be 1 percent of GNP. And banks, but it also calls for decisions about the that figure may exaggerate the additional cost to viability of firms, the restructuring of physical the taxpayer. In most cases the government has assets, and the disposition of large numbers of already been paying some form of subsidy to help employees. banks cover their losses. Furthermore, it may be Because recapitalized banks are in a new posi- able to realize something on the nonperforming tion of strength with regard to their former clients, assets. they can refuse to lend money to those they think Once the authorities have acquired the bad as- nonviable. Thus, in principle, restructured finan- sets, they must decide what to do with them. A cial institutions have an important role to play in mechanism is needed to pursue bad debtors and the restructuring of loss-making firms. But if the dispose of physical assets taken over in foreclosure private sector's restructuring skills are undevel- proceedings. Central banks have generally proved oped, if the borrowers in need of restructuring are ineffective at recovery and liquidation. One possi- large, or if the legal system is weak, governments bility is to commission the banks that made the may have to play a more active role, perhaps with original loans to handle them on behalf of the cen- the help of outside experts. Box 5.6 provides an tral bank, but this has worked only when the example of the complexities that can be involved in banks were under new management and freed restructuring a large, overindebted firm. from the obligations of previous relationships. An- other course, followed by the Philippines, is to es- Reforming the financial system tablish an independent recovery agency with its own funding and staff. The present frailty of financial institutions in many Over the longer run, many countries have de- developing countries is the visible expression of a cided that their central banks should not be re- complex set of problems. Financial distress in sponsible for intervening in banks, ordering recap- many cases was precipitated by the macroeco- italization, changing management and directors, nomic shocks of the 1980s, but its roots lie in the or handling the disposition of nonperforming development strategies followed since the 1960s. loans and the liquidation or merger of insolvent Banks in many countries were directed to provide banks. Some countries have set up specialized in- subsidized credit to priority sectors and public en- 82 Box 5.6 Restructuring a large corporation: a Mexican example The Valores Industriales S.A, (VISA) group, an inte- (including exchange of VISA debt for sovereign debt), grated beverage and consumer goods conglomerate and debt-to-equity conversions. The array of options with more than 40,000 employees, is one of Mexico's made it easier for VISA to meet the needs of its sixty- largest industrial concerns. During the late 1970s VISA seven creditors, who held varying views of VISA's fu- borrowed heavily to finance ambitious expansion and ture profitability, had different liquidity preferences, diversification plans, but by 1987 it could no longer and faced different accounting and loss provision re- service its debt. Like other Mexican companies that had gimes. Creditors were also permitted to trade claims borrowed abroad, VISA was hurt by devaluation, high among themselves. Some creditors chose to receive interest rates, and the recession that began in 1982. As cash for their claims, at a substantial discount from face debt service began to consume most of its severely de- value. Others rescheduled $153 million at floating mar- pressed cash flow, investment plans had to be post- ket rates and $75 million at lower fixed rates and also poned and basic maintenance expenditure reduced to a received an equity stake in the restructured company. minimum. The consequent decline in efficiency and To finance its restructuring and debt reduction pro- productivity made matters worse, and in early 1987 gram, VISA raised $334 million in cash from new and VISA engaged the International Finance Corporation existing shareholders and investors. Of this, $135 mil- (IFC) to help it formulate a restructuring proposal that lion came from new long-term loans, $36 million from would restore the conglomerate's viability and reduce bond sales to the Mexican public, and $5 million from its $1.7 billion debt to a sustainable level. public share offerings in the Mexico City Stock Ex- I Eighteen months of negotiations among the existing change; the sale of assets (including automotive parts shareholders and creditors, Mexican government agen- firms and hotels) brought $108 million, and a foreign cies, and new investors and creditors produced a com- institutional investor bought a $50 million equity stake. plex restructuring agreement. VISA was to merge two The restructuring restored VISA's competitiveness large companiesfully integrating their manufacturing and reduced its debt from $1.7 billion to $0.4 billion, facilitiesredeploy some of its other installations, and leaving it a viable concern. The success of its negotiated reorganize its administration. In addition, several non- debt reduction program was based on the sharing of core businesses would be sold. losses between lenders and shareholders. Many more VISA offered its creditors a variety of options, includ- firms in developing countries will have to go through ing debt buybacks at a discount, debt-for-debt swaps similar reorganizations to become viable. L terprises and often were not permitted to foreclose Overly expansionary fiscal policies led govern- on defaulting borrowers; occasionally the process ments to borrow heavily at home and abroad. Fi- was more political than developmental, with loans nancial distress has been most serious in countries being made to friends of the government. Many with large external debts. Domestic borrowing in loans went to industries in which countries had no those same countries crowded out private sector comparative advantage and which were profitable borrowing and produced inflation. In countries only as long as they were protected. By the 1980s with greater macroeconomic stability, financial dis- many firms became unable to service their debts. tress tends to be chronic rather than acute. This is not to suggest that all directed loans were Economic recovery requires the restructuring of mistakes; many were successful. Financial institu- financial intermediaries and insolvent firms. It also tions are highly leveraged, however, and so can be requires a policy environment in which finance can bankrupted if even a small fraction of their loans become less a tool for implementing intervention- go bad. The inadequacy of prudential regulation ist development strategies and more a voluntary and supervision meant that most institutions were market process for mobilizing and allocating re- not made to take adequate provisions or write off sources. The success of that transition depends bad loans, and their books gradually became a cat- partly on increasing lenders' confidence that fu- alogue of past mistakes. ture financial contracts will be honored, which in Problems at the microeconomic level were exac- turn calls for an improvement in the ability of erbated by macroeconomic policy in many coun- lenders to assess risk and to enforce contracts. This tries. Interest rate ceilings hindered the growth of is the subject of the next chapter. financial systems and encouraged capital flight. 83 6/ounaons of financial systems If financial systems are to be efficient and robust, waste or misuse the funds or simply refuse to they must be set within a suitable legal and regula- repay. tory framework. The difficulties of financial institu- Under early Roman law, if the debtor did not tions in developing countries, discussed in Chap- pay within a specified time after judgment had ters 4 and 5, have much to do with weak legal been passed, creditors were at liberty to dispose of systems, a lack of reliable financial information, the matter by selling him into slavery or executing and inadequate prudential regulation. A system of him. Later Roman law viewed this as rather harsh laws and regulations is needed to promote the use and introduced a procedure whereby the whole of of contracts that are clear about the rights and obli- the debtor's property could be seized and sold, but gations of contracting parties, to encourage disci- the debtor was still not discharged from his liabili- pline and the timely enforcement of contracts, and ties. Eventually, voluntary bankruptcy proceed- to foster responsible and prudent behavior on both ings with full discharge were introduced for the sides of the financial transaction. Prudent and effi- unfortunate borrower who could prove that his cient financial intermediation calls for reliable in- embarrassment was due to forces beyond his formation on borrowers, so adequate accounting control. standards and auditing arrangements are essen- By the fourteenth century, after the rediscovery tial. Governments must also ensure that financial of the Justinian codes of Roman law, debt recovery institutions (especially if they take deposits from in Italy and Spain was based on Roman proceed- the general public) are acting honestly. These are ings. These later influenced most of the countries the objectives. This chapter examines the mea- of continental Europe. Under English common sures that can help to achieve them. law, remedies were harsher. Defaulting debtors were usually imprisoned during the Middle Ages, Financial contracts and debt recovery and no distinction was made between honest but unfortunate debtors and dishonest ones. More le- Since ancient times, lenders have insisted upon nient treatment of honest debtors was first intro- appropriate assurances of repayment. Their diffi- duced by statutory law in the sixteenth century. culty has been that although they have considera- Debtor prisons remained common almost every- ble bargaining power before they enter into a loan where well into the nineteenth century, but have agreement, the borrower is in the stronger position since been abolished (or at least used only in cases once the money is handed over. The borrower may of fraud). 84 Industrial countries introduced far more com- ers with strong financial resources, irrespective of plex bankruptcy statutes during the nineteenth their economic function" (Banking Laws Commit- century to deal with a larger number of different tee 1978, p. 77). This approach overlooks the fact creditors. And in the twentieth century, with the that credit decisions are rarely the best way to deal emergence of large corporations, reorganization with social inequities. rather than liquidation became an important objec- tive of bankruptcy statutesfirst in the United Developing the legal foundations States and more recently in other countries as well. Apart from these ultimate remedies, creditors The development of clear legal rules concerning have traditionally made extensive use of collateral the economic rights and obligations of different (mortgages, floating charges, liens, and so forth) agents should go hand in hand with economic and and personal guarantees to reduce the probability financial development. In rural societies local sanc- and cost of default. Consequently, annual loan tions have played an important part in limiting dis- losses of commercial banks in industrial countries honesty by contracting parties (see Chapter 8), but have typically been less than 1 percent of outstand- urbanization has made local sanctions less effec- ing balances (which has helped to keep total inter- tive. More complex rules and regulations are re- mediation costs at less than 4 percent). Nonper- quired to govern the impersonal relations of mod- forming loans in many developing countries are ern commercial life. And the emergence of large now 20 percent of total loans and in some cases corporations has called for a continuously evolving more. Profitable lending becomes almost impos- set of rules to resolve the shifting conflicts of inter- sible at these default rates, because few invest- est among shareholders, managers, bondholders, ments will yield returns high enough to cover the employees, and consumers. interest that must be charged (see Box 5.5 in Chap- Most developing countries have legal systems ter 5). Only optimistic speculators or borrowers that were imposed during colonial rule. These who intend to defraud the lender would be willing were often at odds with local custom. Indonesia's to borrow large sums at real rates of interest in sophisticated system of customary adat law uses excess of 10 or 15 percent. legal concepts (for example, with respect to land The ultimate security of the lender is the com- tenure) that are quite different from those in the mercial success of the borrower. This should be the civil and commercial codes imported by the Dutch. primary basis for the decision to lend. But it is Under the Dutch, adat law applied to Indonesians often difficult for lenders to assess the probability and Dutch law to Europeans and modern institu- that a project will succeed. People who write elo- tions such as companies and banks (since adat law quent loan and project proposals are not necessar- does not cover loan contracts or similar transac- ily good managers or entrepreneurs, and vice tions). These parallel systems are still in use today. versa. Bankers have thus traditionally been very Inevitably, they cause conflict and uncertainty, and conservative in their lending decisions and have weak judicial administration has compounded the relied largely on the track record of loan appli- problems. As a result the legal system has a dimin- cants. This inevitably meant that people with sub- ished role in the settlement of disputes. Even in stantial wealth could borrow more than others. countries with only one legal system, the difficul- Since wealth can be acquired by inheritance as well ties can be severe. A report of the Indian Banking as by entrepreneurial gifts, the governments of Laws Committee (1978, p. 76) observed that "the many developing countries viewed lending on the present chaotic state of our credit-security law, security of personal property as in conflict with particularly of our personal property security law, their development objectives. For example, the is primarily due to the application of archaic princi- Tandon study group appointed by the Reserve ples and concepts of Common Law developed a Bank of India pointed out in the early 1970s that century ago." "nationalization of the major commercial banks In contrast to other developing countries, Korea called for a new policy with respect to deposit and Thailand have imported and adapted foreign mobilization. . . and equitable disbursal of credit. legal systems on their own initiative. Korea en- The banking system was asked to adopt a new acted new codes based on German law in 1958 and approach as a credit agency, based on develop- 1962 (see Box 6.1). Thailand adopted a civil and ment and potential rather than on security only, to commercial code based on the French and German assist the weaker sections of society . . . the codes in 1923. Japan had done the same in 1898 security-oriented system tended to favor borrow- and 1899. In all three cases local customs and polit- 85 (an issue closely related to the assignment and transferability of property rights), to rationalize Box 6.1 Civil and commercial law company legislation (especially with regard to dis- in Korea closure of information and bankruptcy and reor- Korea is one of the few countries that have intro- ganization proceedings), and to strengthen law en- duced a comprehensive Western system of law on forcement. Contract performance can be improved their own initiative. Like China, Korea was tradi- by making breach of contract more costly. Provi- tionally a Confucian society in which relations sion of security, such as pledged or mortgaged as- were structured not according to law but accord- sets and third-party guarantees, is one approach. ing to ideas of familial hierarchy, with the king or Lenders can ensure repayment in other ways too: emperor at the top. After a period under Japanese domination (and Japanese civil law), the newly by attaching covenants to the loan contract, by ap- independent Republic of Korea set out to devise pointing a representative to the board of directors, an entirely new legal framework. New civil and through contingent ownership of assets (by means commercial codes were enacted in 1958 and 1962. of convertible debt securities, for example), and by Both were modeled largely on the German civil closely monitoring the borrower. and commercial codes but contained significant changes to reflect local customs and traditions, Property rights and collateral particularly with regard to family law and succes- sion. The Korean codes introduced some interest- ing innovations. For example, Korean law permits The legal recognition of property rightsthat is, the use of mortgages on real property to secure rights of exclusive use and control over particular future advances under a line of credita useful resourcesgives owners incentives to use re- device that is not usually allowed by civil law. sources efficiently. Without the right to exclude Like most other civil codes, modern Korean law others from their land, farmers do not have an distinguishes between ordinary people and mer- incentive to plow, sow, weed, and harvest. With- chants; the commercial code applies only to the latter. Contractual obligations are more clearly de- out land tenure, they have no incentive to invest in fined than in most other developing countries, irrigation or other improvements that would repay and enforcement is swift. Reorganization and the investment over time. Efficiency can be further bankruptcy are modeled on the U.S. bankruptcy served by making property rights transferable. A code, which emphasizes the rehabilitation of a farmer might then sell his land to a more produc- corporate debtor rather than the distribution of its tive farmer and take up another occupation for assets to creditors. which he is better suited. Together, these rights to use, benefit from, and freely dispose of an asset constitute ownership. China's rural economic reforms consisted mainly of restoring land tenure to households. Farmers in ical conditions when the new codes were intro- China do not own their land, but tenure is now duced were quite different from those prevailing in fairly long term; it amounts to the leasehold con- the countries whose legal systems were used as cept of common law. Farmers can use this lease- models. But the need to furnish their economies hold as collateral. The success of the reforms dra- with a legal infrastructure that would facilitate ex- matically illustrates the benefits that can spring change and financial intermediation was pressing. from changes in an economy's legal infrastructure. All three governments adapted the foreign codes Property rights are not usually absolute. The to local customs (particularly with respect to family state claims a share of the benefits from the use of law) and to economic circumstances. resources in taxesto pay for, among other things, In some countries inherited legal systems have the protection of property rights from external and not been updated to meet the changing needs of internal threats. Societies recognize many other re- the economy. In addition, commercial laws may be strictions on property rights for the common good, weakly enforced because of cumbersome proce- including the right of eminent domain to build dures or because inadequate resources are devoted roads, harbors, power lines, and other infrastruc- to the task. But just as too few rules can create ture. Property rights may also be limited in time uncertainty, so can too manyespecially if they for example, through leasehold of land rather than keep changing. absolute ownership or (less directly) through in- To make their legal systems more effective, gov- heritance taxes applied to a broad range of assets. ernments need to provide for acceptable collateral Changes in the value of resources as a result of 86 economic development may require an expansion because the security is invoked only in the case of and redefinition of property rights from time to default and may deteriorate or disappear if too time, especially since conflicts between rights over much time elapses before he can take possession. different resources cannot be fully avoided. As re- Mortgages over land and other real estate are sources become scarcer and more valuable, prop- therefore one of the best forms of collateral. In erty rights become more important. Gradually, most countries real estate accounts for between they have been extended to formerly "free" goods half and three-quarters of national wealth. If own- such as pastures, water, coastal fishing zones, ership is widely dispersed, tenure is secure, and broadcast frequencies, geostationary satellite or- title transfer is easy, real estate can be good collat- bits, technical inventions, and other intellectual eral for nearly any type of lending (see Box 6.2). property. Property rights are becoming universal, Unfortunately, these conditions are not always met in developing countries. Land distribution is MORTGAGES. The assignment and transferability often skewed, tenure (if any) insecure, and title of property rights promote economic efficiency di- transfer cumbersome. One key to a smoothly func- rectly by creating new incentives, but also indi- tioning system of land tenure is land registers sup- rectly by making financial intermediation possible. ported by cadastral surveys. In many developing They do this by allowing borrowers to offer secu- countries these are still woefully inadequate or rity in the form of mortgages over real estate or missing altogether. other collateral. Some assets are better collateral Often, a loan secured with real estate will finance than others. Immobile, general purpose assets, not the acquisition of real estate but something en- such as real estate, have very desirable properties: tirely different, perhaps a new entrepreneurial they cannot be easily misappropriated, and they venture. The risk for the lender remains low be- can be quickly resold for an amount close to the cause the borrower is bearing the entrepreneurial purchase price. A copper smelter, in contrast, re- risk. But if the entrepreneur has no suitable collat- tains its value only if it can compete with other eral, the risks to the lender increase dramatically. plants and the price of copper does not fall. Exten- The lender will then need far more information sive debt financing of copper smelters is therefore and perhaps a share in the proceeds if the venture risky. proves a success. Venture capital, equity participa- When taking collateral, the lender is mainly in- tion (with or without parallel loans), debt securi- terested in the efficient transfer of property rights, ties convertible into equity, and profit sharing ac- Box 6.2 Financial and economic effects of land tenure in Thailand Thailand has a relatively efficient system of land ten- ited to borrowing on the basis of personal or group ure, title transfer, and use of collateral. In 1901 the gov- guarantees or from moneylenders. (Moneylenders ernment introduced the Torrens system in which land charge interest rates of 40-50 percent, compared with titles are based on cadastral land surveys and regis- about 15 percent for loans from financial institutions.) tered with central land record offices. The use of land In a sample study of matched groups of titled and unti- as collateral increased significantly, but land registra- tled farmers, titled farmers were able to borrow on av- tion was concentrated in the more heavily populated erage three times more per acre of land. Secure land areas. In the early 1960s half of the land area of Thai- title not only affected the ability to obtain mortgage land was designated as national forest reserve, includ- credit (which accounted for half of all credit among ing land that was already being farmed. Most farmers titled farmers) but also doubled access to unsecured in the forest reserve have no transferable title to their credit. land, but the government has enforced the forest re- Thanks to easier access to credit, titled farmers made serve policy flexibly and has not evicted farmers. significantly more land improvements and used signifi- About one-fifth of the farmed land does not have se- cantly more machinery and other inputs. As a result cure and transferable title. they enjoyed 12-20 percent higher farm revenues and Although uncertainty about continued possession 12-27 percent higher productivity than untitled does not seem to worry untitled farmers, lack of titled farmers in similar regions. The government has re- I ownership affects their access to institutional credit. cently taken steps to improve land tenure for untitled Untitled farmers cannot provide collateral and are lim- farmers. 87 several centuries. The spread of such facilities in various countries has increased the use of invento- Box 6.3 Islamic banking ries as collateral. For goods in transit, the bill of lading can serve Several Islamic countries have recently introduced as security. Documentary export-import credit is banking on Islamic principles. They include Iran, an important application of this sort of collateral. Malaysia, Pakistan, and Saudi Arabia. Islamic principles permit profit but do not allow fixed in- Korea and some other countries have further de- terest on deposits or loans. Nevertheless, Islamic veloped this idea by creating a domestic letter of banking can be made to work quite well and pro- credit based on an irrevocable export letter of vides an interesting contrast to commercial bank- credit. In this way the primary exporter can extend ing practices elsewhere. In countries such as Paki- his creditworthiness to suppliers of intermediate stan the introduction of Islamic banking has inputs. improved the functioning of the financial system in some respectsfor example, by making returns DEBT RECOVERY. Legal systems in developing to financial instruments more market-driven. Islamic banks offer savers risky open-ended mu- countries often favor the borrower by making it tual fund certificates instead of fixed-interest de- hard for the lender to foreclose on collateral. Origi- posits. (This is not unlike cooperative banks and nally, such provisions were intended to protect mutuals in the West, where deposits earn variable small borrowers against unscrupulous moneylend- interest and double as equity.) Difficulties arise on ers, but today they may adversely affect the ability the lending side. Arrangements to share profits of state-owned commercial banks to collect on and losses lead to considerable problems of moni- loans. This raises the costs of intermediation and toring and control, especially in lending to small businesses. In practice, profit sharing under weakens banks' portfolios; as a result the ability of lenders to extend loans to new and creditworthy musharakah agreements is often based on prior es- I borrowers is undermined. Creditors often have to timates of profit. Another way to avoid explicit interest charges is to combine commercial and fi- sue the defaulting debtor for payment, which in nancial contractsfor example, through hire- many countries in South Asia, for example, may purchase arrangements or advance purchase by take several years. Once a judgment has been ob- banks of inputs which are then resold at a tained, the creditor may then have to sue for exe- markup. Another difficulty has been to devise suitable cution of his claim. Five to eight years may pass government securities. A rather liberal interpreta- from the date of nonpayment to the final recovery tion of Islamic principles would permit discounted of the collateral. Pakistan is among the countries securities. Other possibilities include linking re- that have recently taken legal and procedural steps turns to nominal GDP growth or to the return on to speed this process (see Box 6.4). certain revenue-earning public projects. Cumbersome recovery procedures have led to new lending arrangements that redress the bal- ance in favor of the creditor. Hire purchase and leasing may have become popular partly because the lender retains title to the asset being financed cording to Islamic principles (see Box 6.3) are all and can take possession without any legal formali- examples of such arrangements. ties if the borrower is late in paying. Leasing also In some countries other assets can serve as col- owes its popularity to its role in circumventing in- lateral. Inventories and other movable goods are terest rate controls and taxes. It has often restored inherently poor collateral because they have com- access to financing that excessive bank regulation paratively little value, are destructible, and can be and weak legal systems had blocked. sold privately and informally. They are difficult to use as collateral when left in the possession of the Company law borrower. A partial solution is to make some goods legally "immovable" by creating special title regis- Large enterprises have become an important part ters. This is feasible only for a few large and high- of modern economic activity in most industrial and value movables, such as ships, aircraft, motor ve- developing countries. Today, the largest 100 corpo- hicles, or industrial machines. Another solution is rations typically account for between 30 and 50 to store commodities of a standardized quality in percent of total manufacturing production in in- certified warehouses and issue warrants. Rice dustrial countries. Industrial concentration is often warehouse warrants have been used in Japan for even more pronounced in developing countries. 88 were needed too, so that creditors could take con- trol if the company ran into difficulty. And most Commercial law enforcement countries have enacted labor laws to offer employ- Box 6.4 in Pakistan ees some protection against unscrupulous owners and managers. Pakistan's financial institutions have suffered badly from excessive arrears. Matters did not im- State or private ownershipdoes it matter? prove when the major commercial banks were na- tionalized in the 1970s. Enforcement of loan con- tracts in default was too slow to have much An alternative to the joint-stock structure for man- disciplinary effect on borrowers. Often it took five aging large enterprises is state ownership. Some of years or longer before the bank could foreclose on the first big industrial enterprises and financial in- mortgaged property. stitutions were publicly owned. State ownership is Recognizing the problem, the government es- the predominant form of industrial organization in tablished a system of special banking courts in centrally planned economies, and state-owned en- 1979. In 1984 a corresponding system was estab- lished to deal with loan recovery for the newly terprises account for a substantial part of the econ- introduced Islamic financing instruments. Prob- omy in many other countries. In a sample of nine- lems remain, however. Debtors can still challenge teen developing countries in 1984 and 1985, state p enterprises accounted for an average of 13 percent court rulings at every step, and five-year delays can still occur. More special courts are to be estab- of GNP and 31 percent of domestic investment; lished over the next two years, and their jurisdic- they were concentrated in capital-intensive heavy tion will be narrowed to exclude very small industry and utilities such as steel, chemicals, elec- claims. Once a bank has obtained judgment from a special court, it will no longer have to apply tricity, oil, and gas. Intermediate forms of "owner- separately for execution of the decree. ship" such as cooperatives, mutuals, foundations, and franchises have also become common. State J enterprises in some countries are legally consti- tuted as joint-stock corporations; some of these (but not all) seem to operate like private enter- prises. An institutional innovation of the nineteenth Successful public enterprises such as British century made this possible: the general incorpora- Steel, Renault (before its recent difficulties), and tion of joint-stock companies with limited liability. Brazil's Empresa Brasileira de Aeronáutica (EM- Until the 1850s free incorporation and limited lia- BRAER) are often cited as proof that public enter- bility were viewed with considerable skepticism. prises can be as efficient and innovative as private General incorporation was prompted by the large enterprises. Indeed, it is often argued that owner- capital requirements of railway construction, ship does not matter as much as the independence which could not be met by the small private bank- and accountability of management and the extent ing houses. of competition. The new companies called for rules and regula- In practice, however, the form of ownership goes tions to protect the interests of shareholders, credi- a long way to determine the environment within tors, and other interested parties, including em- which management operates. Lines of authority ployees. The resulting structure of control features and responsibility are often blurred in state enter- agents (directors or independent auditors) who prises. Their chief executives usually take orders monitor management on behalf of the owners; from various government agencies, their freedom elaborate accounting, information, and disclosure to reward and discipline employees is circum- procedures; disciplinary systems that align the in- scribed by rules of seniority and guaranteed em- terests of managers and owners; and a clear as- ployment, and their own compensation is rarely signment of responsibilities. With hundreds and linked directly to profits. Understanding these sometimes millions of shareholders, limited liabil- drawbacks, some governments have tried to create ity became essential. Individual shareholders had a self-regulating regime for their state enterprises. little influence over the affairs of the company. But the boundary between the government's do- They had become "investors," in some ways cred- main and the market's is ambiguous. Economies of itors more than owner-managers. Limited liability scale, externalities, and scarcity of information shifted more of the risk to other creditors. As a cause complications that may prompt govern- result better bankruptcy and reorganization rules ments to intervene. 89 Bankruptcy and reorganization monitoring techniques are necessary, both for in- ternal use to monitor the performance of subunits For centuries bankruptcy procedures have enabled and for use by outsiders with a legitimate interest creditors to recover their resources from debtors in the performance of the corporation. These tech- who defaulted. The emergence of large corpora- niques are management accounting and financial tions, however, called for a new approach. When a accounting, respectively. company is having difficulty in servicing its debt, Standardized accounting concepts and princi- reorganizing the enterprise might yield higher re- ples were developed only after the financial crises turns to its creditors than closing it down and sell- of the 1920s and 1930s. Before then, there was no ing its assets. Reorganization might mean resche- urgent need to standardize the conventions of duling its interest and principal payments, management accounting: owners and managers reducing its interest charges, downgrading the set their own rules. But with the emergence of quality of claims against it (for example, by releas- general incorporation and limited liability, stan- ing mortgage liens or by swapping debt for eq- dardized information became essentiala point uity), or reducing or canceling its debts. brought home forcefully during the 1930s, when Such a far-reaching modification of the rights of many small investors lost their savings because creditors cannot be taken lightly and can be justi- they trusted inaccurate financial statements. fled only if it is in their best intereststhat is, if it Governments responded by tightening account- will make them (or society) better off than debt ing and auditing requirements in a number of recovery through liquidation. Reorganization may ways. In the United States, for example, the Secu- also weaken the incentives for good performance, rities and Exchange Commission (SEC) was cre- particularly if the present management is left in ated to regulate securities markets and to make the place. Reorganization becomes more difficult as financial process more transparent. The SEC the number of creditors grows. Rules are needed, turned to the professional association of accoun- for example, to ensure that a few small creditors tants to develop accounting concepts (such as fair cannot jeopardize a reorganization plan that is in market value, consistency, accrual, going concern) the interests of the majority. and detailed rules, or "generally accepted account- Few developing countries have well-developed ing principles," that became binding on the pro- laws and procedures for reorganization. Often the fession. A similar approach was adopted in the task is delayed and takes place only through ad United Kingdom and in many Commonwealth hoc government intervention. Indonesia's bank- countries. ruptcy code, for instance, has rarely been used. Continental Europe and Japan and several other China and Hungary have recently reintroduced countries adopted a somewhat different approach. bankruptcy regulations because state enterprises They placed greater emphasis on detailed rules are becoming more independent and the private laid down in company laws, usually with particu- and cooperative sectors are expanding. Because lar stress on prudence (historical cost accounting) many developing countries are now trying to rely as opposed to fair value, and on a larger role for more on decentralized decisionmaking, market the tax authorities in defining accounting rules. In forces, the private sector, and financial intermedia- many of these countries, tax accounts and financial tion, they too will need to introduce procedures for accounts must be drawn up on a fully consistent corporate restructuring that go beyond liquidation basis. and bankruptcy. To ensure that such procedures Because of these and other differences in ap- do not encourage managers to take excessive risks, proach, company accounts cannot be easily com- governments could devise penalties for reckless- pared across countries. For example, companies in ness and fraud and for concealing the insolvency Germany, Japan, Korea, and Thailand usually ap- of a corporation. pear highly leveraged (that is, with high levels of debt relative to net worth) when compared with Timely and accurate accounts companies in Argentina, Brazil, Canada, or the United States. Most of the difference, however, is Because financial claims cannot be fully secured, due to different accounting conventions. The first monitoring and information are essential. In infor- group relies more on historical cost accounting, mal financial markets, information is usually ob- with many assets (especially land) valued at less tained as a by-product of other activities of the than their market value, whereas the second group lenderfor example, through his trading with the regularly revalues some or all assets. In many borrower. For larger organizations, more formal countries with high inflation, full revaluation has 90 become the rule because historical cost accounting tion (which decreases the mobilization of resources becomes virtually meaningless under such condi- and the availability of finance for investment). tions. Market valuation can be equally trouble- As financial systems develop, different institu- some for assets with drastic, cyclical changes in tions evolve to take over some activities formerly value (for example, some types of securities, raw performed by banks and to provide new services. materials, and commercial real estate). All these institutions, old and new, are integrated Efforts have recently been made to harmonize in an increasingly complex financial system. This accounting and auditing practices internationally complexity limits the ability of creditors to exercise through the International Accounting Standards effective control and calls for prudential regulation Committee and, in a more far-reaching way, and supervision. within the European Community. The result is a convergence of the Anglo-Saxon and continental Regulation of banks approaches, with greater standardization of finan- cial statement formats on the one hand and a Bank supervisors in many developing countries fo- greater use of the concept of fair market value on cus on compliance with monetary policy regula- the other. tions, foreign exchange controls, and economic In developing countries accounting and auditing policy regulations such as those for allocating practices are sometimes weak, and financial laws credit. They pay relatively little attention to the and regulations do not demand accurate and prudential aspects of financial monitoring. For ex- timely financial reports. Developing an effective ample, in many countries supervisors make no in- accounting and auditing profession is essential for dependent assessment of the quality of assets and building efficient financial markets, and projects to give scant regard to accounting procedures and do this have recently been introduced in Indonesia management controls. Together with macroeco- and Madagascar, for example. Training and educa- nomic instability and the lack of adequate leg- tion are the main requirements, but appropriate islation, this is one of the main causes of bank regulation and regulatory bodies are also needed. insolvency. Timely accounts are very important for financial Governments in developing countries are preoc- institutions. Annual or quarterly accounting might cupied with faster economic growth; they see be sufficient for most nonfinancial firms, but finan- banks as an instrument for promoting the desired cial institutions can lose their risk capital virtually investments. Often, however, these investments overnight if, say, they hold large open positions in are the most risky from a bank's point of view, so foreign exchange or futures and options contracts. the volume of credit extended to them remains less Internal and external financial reporting therefore than the governments would like. The govern- needs to be much more frequent, with certain ment reaction is often to force the banks to extend kinds of information available to management credit to priority sectors. This policy has been pur- daily. sued without adequate attention to the risks in- volved. With the benefit of prudential regulation Prudential regulation of financial and supervision, however, governments can ob- institutions and markets tain information about the consequences of their policies while there is still time to modify them. Procedures for settling private disputes are set The goal of bank supervision, then, is to pro- forth in most company laws, commercial codes, mote a safe, stable, and efficient financial system. and special banking acts, but the development of a The main task is to prevent bank failures, but this sound financial system requires additional mea- does not mean that financial institutions should sures. Prudential supervision by government au- not be allowed to fail. Bank supervisors must try to thorities is warranted for banks and some other identify problems at an early stage and intervene financial institutions and markets. Banks hold an before the situation gets out of hand. For this rea- important part of the money supply, create money, son they have to be organized in such a way that are the main means of implementing monetary they are constantly aware of developments. policy, administer the payments system, and inter- mediate between savings and investments. Prob- ORGANIZATION. In many developing countries lems in one bank can quickly spread through the supervision tends to rely predominantly on analy- entire financial system. Bank failures have mone- sis of bank reports or on bank inspections. Off-site tary and macroeconomic consequences, disrupt supervision cannot assess risk adequately, and in- the payments system, and lead to disintermedia- spections tend to be too infrequent. Effective su- 91 Box 6.5 Elements of a bank supervision system An adequate system of bank supervision should allow the periodic reports to the supervisor and analyze for both off-site supervision and on-site inspection. those aspects of a bank that cannot be adequately mon- The task of the off-site supervisors is to analyze reports itored by off-site supervision. Inspections, however, of the banks, identify possible problems, and propose should not become audits. They should focus on the remedies. Banks in most countries have to submit bank's main activities and on the potential problems monthly balance sheet information for purposes of that were identified by off-site supervision. Inspections monetary control. It would make sense to combine the should assess the quality of assets, management and two reporting requirements. control procedures, and accounting systems. The in- After receiving the reports, the off-site supervisors spectors should: should: Study the main credit files (and a sample of smaller Check their completeness, accuracy, and consis- files) to assess the lending procedures and the tency quality of the loans Check their compliance with prudential ratios and Evaluate lending procedures and review minutes regulations of meetings of the credit committee and the board Analyze the financial situation of the bank and of directors identify the main changes in financial ratios Check management information systems and in- Identify other risks such as foreign exchange risks, ternal controls, especially with regard to the activi- interest rate risks, and concentration risks ties of branches and subsidiaries Prepare a summary for the management of the su- Evaluate accounting procedures, especially those pervisory agency and recommend action. for provisioning and interest accrual. The on-site inspectors should check the accuracy of pervision calls for both. Off-site supervisors however, managers and shareholders should be should analyze reports periodically submitted by held responsible for past mistakes. If that means the banks, and on-site inspectors should verify losing market share to leaner and more efficient their accuracy, obtain detailed information about competitors and, in extreme cases, bankruptcy or potential problem areas, and review the elements reorganization, so be it. But liberal entry into fi- that off-site supervisors cannot properly assess. nancial services should not mean unqualified en- Box 6.5 goes into this in more detail. try. Several countries with easy entry (Egypt, Thailand, and Turkey, for instance) have experi- LICENSING. The purpose of licensing should be enced problems with unregulated, undercapital- to ensure adequate capitalization and sound man- ized, and poorly managed banks and other finan- agement, not to limit entry or restrict competition. cial institutions. Bank supervisors should have the authority to screen potential owners and managers to prevent CAPITAL ADEQUACY. Banks need capital to absorb those lacking adequate professional qualifications, unusual losses. The need to maintain an adequate financial backing, and moral standing from obtain- capital-to-assets ratio exerts discipline on lending. ing a banking license. In many countries restric- Regulations should set minimum guidelines for tions on entry into banking are so severe that they capital adequacy that cover both assets and items cause oligopolistic practices and suppress competi- not listed on the balance sheet (such as guarantees tion. and lines of credit). Standards of capital adequacy Sometimes entry restrictions are defended by cit- can take account of different degrees of risk by ing the poor quality of the existing banks' portfo- requiring, for example, 100 percent capital for lios. The supervisors fear that these banks could high-risk items such as industrial shares, 10 per- not withstand competition from new institutions cent for unsecured loans, 5 percent for secured with "clean" portfolios. If portfolios are weak be- loans, and so on. The recent agreement among cause of government lending directives or drastic major industrial countries on standards of capital adjustment programs, a good case can be made for adequacy uses risk weights and might serve as a cleaning up the balance sheets of the existing starting point for others. In many countries finan- banks before liberalizing entry. More generally, cial institutions were significantly undercapitalized 92 even before portfolio and other losses were recog- table. Supervisors could be empowered to take nized. Government-owned banks, in particular, certain intermediate steps: impose fines for un- often operate with little capital. When government sound practices, suspend dividends, deny re- officials and the public at large believe that state quests to expand the number of branches or un- ownership is a guarantee against failure, the man- dertake new corporate activities, issue cease and agement is not subject to the discipline that capital desist orders, remove managers or directors, and adequacy requirements would provide for a pri- hold directors legally accountable for losses in- vate institution. curred through illegal actions and willful contra- ventions of prudential regulations. The lack of ASSET CLASSIFICATION AND PROVISIONING. Banks such powers often causes inaction. in developing countries rarely make realistic provi- sions for potential losses or problem assets. Often RESTRUCTURING. Bank supervisors try to mini- they fail to write off or provide for actual losses or mize losses by intervening at or near the point of a to suspend interest on nonperforming loans. As a bank's technical insolvency. Poor information, an result their balance sheets and income statements inadequate legal framework, and lack of political are misleading. Bank supervisors should be able to will often permit banks to stay open, multiplying require banks to make appropriate provisions for their losses, even alter they have lost their book loan losses, to write off uncollectible assets, and to capital many times over. In many developing suspend interest on nonperforming loans. countries banks are subject to the same bankruptcy and restructuring procedures as nonfinancial cor- LIQUIDITY. In many developing countries banks porations. While bank restructuring is under way, have to comply with a short-term liquidity ratio. depositors may not have access to their funds. In This ratio is often used more as a reserve require- addition, shareholders may retain an equity inter- ment for purposes of monetary policy than as a est which they use to obstruct plans to recapitalize prudential measure to guard against lack of liquid- and transfer ownership. If supervisors are to dis- ity. Liquidity risk arises because banks borrow pose of insolvent banks quickly, they must be money at short maturities and lend it at long. The granted authority to close a bank; to replace its risk is not just that a bank will not be able to repay management and directors; to dissolve existing depositors' money when called, but also that inter- shareholder interests; to purchase, sell, or transfer est rates on short-term liabilities will rise faster bad assets; and to merge, restructure, or liquidate than those on longer-term assets. Ratios therefore as necessary. need to be set and monitored for long-term as well as short-term liquidity. AUDITS. In some developing countries the au- thorities require no external audits of banks. In PORTFOLIO CONCENTRATION. Limits on lending as others audits are performed, but there are no clear a percentage of a bank's capital are necessary to guidelines on the standards to be used or on the prevent the concentration of risk in a single bor- scope, content, and frequency of the audit pro- rower, a group of related borrowers, or a particular gram. As a result audits are often inadequate and industry. Some developing countries set no lend- misleading. Indeed, it is not uncommon for banks ing limits at all. In others the limits are set at im- that are known to be insolvent to be given clean prudent levels, in some cases exceeding 100 per- audit reports. The prudential framework therefore cent of bank capital. Ghana's central bank had needs to set minimum audit standards and to pre- legal authority to set lending limits but until re- scribe the form and content of the related financial cently did not do so. The resulting concentration of disclosures. risk eventually led to the technical insolvency of several major banks. POLICY PRIORITIES AND POLITICAL WILL. To be ef- fective, prudential regulation must be backed by a ENFORCEMENT POWERS. In many countries super- political commitment to supervision and enforce- visors can impose fines and penalties for criminal ment. The supervisory body must be given clear acts and violations of specific banking statutes. policy goals, and it must be independent. Too of- There may, however, be little they can do to ad- ten in developing countries, supervisors are un- dress unsafe and unsound banking practices. dercut by political interference. Such interference Their options are either to cancel the banking li- was blatant in the Philippines in the 1970s and cense or to do nothingneither of which is accep- early 1980s, when supervisors feared reprisals if 93 they attempted to discipline bank managers; it happens in a subtler form in many countries. Once aware of the scale of a banking problem, govern- Box 6.6 Investment funds in Egypt ments often postpone the day of reckoning. When they finally act, the cost of putting matters straight The recent experience of Egypt illustrates the need for adequate regulation and supervision of non- may be far greater. bank financial intermediaries that take deposits One sign of political commitment is the amount from the general public. Investment funds were of resources given to the supervisory agency. If the organized in the mid-1970s to handle remittances government means business, it must give the su- from Egyptian workers abroad and the savings of pervisory agency clearly defined responsibilities small investors. These Islamic investment compa- and then support that mandate with adequate nies paid profit-related returns, sometimes as high as 30 percent a year. They were not required funds for staffing and training. Bank supervisors must be offered good compensation and career I to conform to banking regulations and did not come under the supervision of the central bank. prospects if they are to resist corruption and com- Some of these institutions have faced increasing mand the respect of the institutions they super- difficulties in the past two years, and their finan- vise. If the civil service cannot attract personnel of cial condition has deteriorated. Many had made the required quality, it might be sensible to have large initial profits through trade finance not oth- banks examined by private auditing firms and to erwise available to importers or through foreign recover the costs through a general levy on banks exchange transactions in the parallel market. Some paid high dividends to earlier depositors (with due care to avoid conflicts of interest). out of funds paid in by new depositors. When deposit growth slowed, some could no longer pay Regulation of other financial institutions the promised high returns. To prevent further de- terioration, the government had to step in. Many of the principles of bank supervision and A law regulating the investment funds was regulation also apply to other financial institutions, passed in 1988. It restricts deposit taking to joint- stock companies, imposes minimum capital stan- such as finance companies, insurance companies, dards, and vests regulatory oversight with the pension funds, and mutual funds. A vital test in Capital Markets Authority. deciding on the extent of regulation is the number and type of creditors. Financial institutions that do not have deposit-like liabilities to the general pub- lic need not be regulated as closely as those that do, because their deposits are not part of the pay- ment bonds, portfolio restrictions should require ments mechanism and their insolvency is not as that risks be adequately diversified. Life insurance costly to the economy. The general provisions of and other contractual savings schemes would then commercial and company laws may therefore be be more attractive to savers. Investments in shares adequate. Conversely, those financial institutions and corporate bonds have often been severely re- that are like banks in all but name (for example, stricted, eliminating a potentially important source some investment funds) should be just as closely of long-term capital. regulated and supervised (see Box 6.6). SECURITIES MARKETS. An appropriate regulatory INSURANCE. Insurance companies are usually framework for securities is needed to increase in- heavily regulated in both industrial and develop- vestor confidence. Regulation is unlikely to be sat- ing countries. These regulations have often been isfactory if left entirely to the market. The experi- introduced in response to failures or fraud. Regu- ence of many countries shows that some lations typically provide for compulsory disclosure government guidance is desirable. In Hong Kong, of information, government supervision with im- for example, the stock market collapsed in 1973 plicit or explicit guarantees of solvency, oversight partly because of insider abuses. A new securities of contract terms and conditions, controls on en- commission helped to restore confidence. It was try, restrictions on investment portfolios, and rules able to persuade brokers and underwriters that an concerning prices or profits. Regulation to pro- orderly market which protected investors was in mote transparency is desirable, but many of these their own long-term interests. measures limit competition and efficiency. For ex- The regulations need to provide for adequate ample, instead of insisting that a large share of disclosure of information about companies so that insurance assets be placed in low-interest govern- investors can make informed decisions; they need 94 to license securities intermediaries and to curtail issues; nor will they be able to work as market improper activities in the market, especially the makers (that is, to buy and sell shares for their own use of privileged information by corporate officers account) and thus provide liquidity for the second- and directors for their personal gain (insider trad- ary market. Brokerage rates, underwriting fees, ing). These regulations are usually embodied in and so on must be high enough for firms to attract the company laws that form the legal framework and train staff and still leave their shareholders for joint-stock companies. with an adequate return on capital. If securities firms and the securities market as a The regulation of companies and securities mar- whole are to perform efficiently, the firms must be kets is linked to important social issues. Promoting profitable and well capitalized and have profes- widespread ownership of productive assets may sionally trained staff. This does not happen auto- be one way to forestall greater concentration of matically in an emerging securities market. The wealth and economic power. At the same time, it government has a crucial role. If minimum capital can provide an income for the elderly at a time requirements are set too high in relation to the size when industrialization and urbanization are break- of the market, new securities firms will not appear. ing down the extended family and the traditional But if firms have insufficient capital, they will not transfer of income between generations. be able to take on the risks of underwriting new 95 7/Develoin financial systems What sort of financial systems will the developing third is the rapid changes that have occurred in countries possess in twenty years? During the past financial technology and banking practice. This twenty years, internationalization of markets and a chapter considers the evolution of formal financial common set of forces have pushed the financial institutions and markets in response to these pres- systems of high-income countries into rough align- sures. Chapter 8 will turn to the informal markets. ment. The financial systems of developing coun- tries, however, remain quite heterogeneous. Most Financing investment developing countries have begun to place greater emphasis on market signals, but some govern- Certainly in the next decade, and perhaps in the ments will continue to intervene extensively in next two, the net flow of foreign capital to most credit allocation and pricing, and some will con- developing countries is likely to be relatively small, tinue to rely on inflationary financing. As a result regardless of how the present debt crisis is re- their financial systems will remain shallow, with solved. This has important implications for finan- little long-term finance. Economic structures will cial sector development. Developing countries will continue to differ as well, with some countries re- be forced to rely primarily on domestic saving to maining primarily agrarian, others industrialized, cover the cost of investment. In the past, most re- some oriented toward domestic markets and im- lied heavily on foreign financing, and in many posing tight controls on capital movements, and countries external debt exceeds domestic debt. others more oriented toward external markets and Moreover, practically all long-term credit was pro- having fewer controls. Because of these differences vided by foreign loans. The decline in funding in developing countries' economic structures and from abroad will make living with a shallow do- approaches to development, their financial sys- mestic financial system and little long-term finance tems are likely to remain quite diverse over the difficult. Unless countries develop their financial next two decades. systems, would-be investors will have to rely pri- There are nevertheless pressures that are leading marily upon retained earnings, and the funding of most developing countries to rethink the shape of large projects, particularly ones that require their financial systems. One is the effort to apply longer-term finance, will be difficult. some of the lessons learned from past intervention Despite considerable differences in level of de- in financial markets, and another is the need to velopment and in investment rates, countries are adapt to the decline in foreign capital inflows. A quite similar in the composition of their capital 96 7.1 The structure of investment and the capital stock Surprisingly, in relation to national income or CNP, the percent of GNP in Sub-Saharan Africa to well over 30 level and composition of investment (that is, the percent in China. Machinery and equipment typically change in capital stock) and the capital stock itself are account for two-fifths of gross investment, and hous- quite similar among both low- and high-income coun- ing, other buildings, and civil works for one-fifth each. tries. Economies with very high rates of investment Perhaps one-half of the total is thus invested in assets and rapid growth (such as China, Korea, and Japan) with a life of fifty years or more, with the rest ranging have similar assets-to-GNP ratios, because rapid mostly between ten and twenty years. I growth of the capital stock is balanced by rapid growth Because of substantial differences in asset life, the of output. In the centrally planned economies, assets- structure of the capital stock is quite different from the to-GNP ratios tend to be somewhat higher, owing to pattern of investment flows: long-lived assets (primar- lower productivity and a large volume of inventories. ily structures) account for about two-thirds of total re- Box table 7.1 presents capital stock estimates for a few producible fixed assets, medium-lived machinery and countries for which such data are available. equipment for about one-fifth, and short-lived invento- On average, gross investment is about 20 percent of ries, livestock, and consumer durables for the remain- GNP. Among developing countries, however, invest- der. The value of total reproducible assets is typically ment rates vary considerably, ranging from less than 15 equivalent to 200 to 300 percent of GNP. Box table 7.1 Estimates of the net capital stock in selected countries (percentage of GNP) Federal United Republic States, of Germany, Mexico, India, Hungary, Item 1978 1977 1978 1975 1977 Total reproducible assets 295 325 209 239a 405 Housing 87 106 64 67 73 Other structures 93 117 64 58' 135 Machinery and equipment 45 47 43 43 69 Inventories 33 21 20 34 70 Livestock 2 2 4 10 8 Consumer durables 35 33 13 27 51 Land 89 108 50 131 150 a. Adjusted from Goldsmith 1985 to make estimate consistent with those for other countries and with national accounts estimates. Source: Goldsmith 1985. stock and of gross investment flows. The repro- tion and distribution facilities are upgraded, and ducible capital stock is usually equivalent to two to new plants are built. four years of gross national product (see Box 7.1). Long-lived assets, such as housing, commercial Business finance buildings, schools, roads, and water supply sys- Many of the financial policies pursued by develop- tems, account for the bulk of physical wealth in all ing countries during the past several decades were countries. The capital stock of the business sector intended to redress perceived shortcomings of do- is surprisingly small in the aggregate. Fixed assets mestic financial markets. Two issues have been of in manufacturing and utilities are each equivalent particular concern: first, the supply of equity capi- to about 40 percent of GNP, fixed assets in com- tal and long-term finance and, second, the lack of merce are equivalent to 10 to 15 percent of GNP, access to finance for certain classes of borrowers. and inventories are equivalent to 20 to 30 percent In formulating policies to address these two con- of GNP. In terms of gross investment flows and the cerns, however, countries have paid too little at- demand for financial services the business sector tention to the balance between risk and reward. looms larger than its share of the capital stock might suggest. Its capital stock is constantly being PArFERNS OF FINANCE. In the past, developing remolded as new machinery replaces old, produc- country governments relied on directed credit, ad- 97 ministered interest rates, and foreign borrowing to ensure that certain sectors received enough long- Figure 7.1 Shares of medium- and long-term term financing. As Figure 7.1 indicates, however, credit in total credit outstanding from commercial banks and other in some countries commercial banks and other fi- financial institutions in selected nancial institutions have begun in recent years to developing countries, 1970 and 1986 extend more medium- and long-term credit. In other countries, although banks provide little for- 1970 0 1986 mal long-term finance, they do offer lines of credit and short-term loans that they roll over regularly as long as the borrower is in good standing. This Percent 0 10 20 type of financing, acceptable to many firms, is 30 40 50 60 70 used extensively as an alternative to long-term fi- nance in high-income as well as developing coun- Portugal tries. From the viewpoint of some borrowers, how- ever, short-term credit lines are imperfect substitutes for longer-term loans. They entail the Tunisia risk of nonrenewal, a risk that may lead investors to forgo certain projects. Malaysia Neither in theory nor in practice are there simple norms of corporate financial structure. Financial theorists have argued that the debt-to-equity ratios Indonesia of corporations are irrelevant if capital markets are perfect (see Box 7.2). More realistic theories, which take into account the costs of taxation, informa- Philippines tion, and monitoring and control, point to a variety of tradeoffs between equity and debt. In practice, no single pattern of corporate finance and control Burundi has been found to be best. It is nonetheless useful to distinguish among firms according to the variability of their earnings. Colombia Higher leveraging becomes riskier the more earn- ings fluctuate. The firms that can best afford to be Morocco highly leveraged are large and capital-intensive and have highly predictable earningsutilities, for example. In fact, modern finance got its start with Rep. of Korea infrastructure projects such as canals, railways, and (later) public utilities. Today, much of the capi- tal for investment by public utilities in industrial Cameroon countries is provided by retained earnings, be- cause the basic infrastructure investments have al- ready been made. Thanks to the stability of their Côte d'Ivoire income and the long life of their assets, public utili- ties are usually able to raise what external financ- ing they do need by issuing bonds or other long- Nigeria term debt. In most developing countries, utilities and large Note: Data are end-of-year shares. Data for Cameroon, Colom- bia, Korea, Malaysia, Nigeria, and the Philippines refer to com- transport companies have borrowed heavily from mercial banks only. "Credit for equipment" has been used as a domestic banks and from abroad and are now proxy for medium- and long-term credit in Korea. Data for 1970 refer to 1974 for Caineroon, average of monthly shares for Nige- among the borrowers that are unable to service ria, and 1975 for Portugal; data for 1986 refer to 1985 for Camer- their debts. This does not necessarily mean that oon and Morocco, 1987 for Indonesia, and June 1986 for Nigeria. Data were not available for Indonesia and the Philippines for they overborrowed, however. Most such compa- 1970. nies are publicly owned, and their products are Source: Central bank bulletins and World Bank data. frequently priced too low to yield an adequate re- turn on their huge investments. If prices were set 98 Box 7.2 Corporate finance in theory and practice Much attention has been paid in academic circles to ble dividends, firms help to signal their confidence identifying the factors that influence corporate financial about future prospects. This may explain why firms structure and dividend policies. The seminal article by continue to pay dividends even if they need additional Modigliani and Miller in 1958 demonstrated that in a external finance or if taxes on capital gains are lower world with perfect capital markets a corporation's than those on dividend income. debt-to-equity ratio is irrelevant to the firm's market Furthermore, since the interests of managers may value. In such a world the value of the firm is deter- differ from those of creditors and shareholders, the lat- mined entirely by its investment decisions, which can ter group must incur costs in trying to monitor and therefore be completely separated from financing deci- affect the way the company is run. Decisions on capital sions. But markets are never perfect, and in practice structure will be influenced by the ability of creditors financing decisions are not irrelevant. Subsequent de- and shareholders to get the information they need in velopments in corporate finance theory relaxed some order to exercise control over managers. of the explicit or implicit conditions underpinning the Recent theories have provided some plausible expla- assumption of perfect capital markets. nations for the differences in corporate financing pat- Corporate taxes and the worldwide practice of tax terns between the bank-based systems of Germany deductibility of interest payments provide an incentive and Japan, on the one hand, and the market-based for debt finance. This incentive is weakened, however, systems of the United States and United Kingdom, on by the direct and indirect costs of financial distress and the other. The two bank-based systems involve greater bankruptcy, which are more likely to be encountered in corporate indebtedness (although the difference is not a highly leveraged company. Information flows are not as large as suggested by reported accounting data). perfect, and this has an important influence on financ- This may be explained by the close relations between ing decisions. In particular, managers have better infor- banks and industrythat is, by the ability of bankers to mation on a firm's performance and prospects than do influence the decisions of managers. outside creditors and shareholders. By maintaining sta- to yield a higher return, retained earnings could tries do not once again overinvest and become provide most of the investment funds required. overindebted when additions to capacity become Some large, capital-intensive firmsin steel, ce- necessary. ment, or petrochemicals, for examplehave a less To foster sounder corporate financial structures, predictable income stream. These firms cannot af- governments need to reconsider the policies that ford to be as highly leveraged as utilities and gave certain classes of firms an incentive to become should rely more on equity financing, much of highly leveraged. Low prices and high costs left which can come from retained earnings if the firms many state-owned enterprises dependent on ex- are profitable. If they are private and large enough ternal finance for investment. Subsidized credit, to be known to the public, these firms can obtain tax biases against equity finance, the limited size of funding by issuing equities or by finding foreign capital markets, and lax or ineffective bankruptcy partners. Where a particular industry accounts for laws encouraged firms to finance themselves by a large part of a country's output, it would be de- borrowing rather than by retaining earnings or is- sirable for the country to diversify its risk. It could suing equity. In some countries the knowledge do so by seeking equity funding abroad or by issu- that the government was likely to help troubled ing debt instruments whose payments are linked firms made it safer to rely on borrowing. In others to the price of the commodity. Foreign lenders the existence of financial-industrial conglomerates would thus bear some of the risk of price fluc- in conjunction with weak supervision and regula- tuations. tion of banks worked to the same end. Many industries in this second group borrowed Increasing the supply of long-term financeboth heavily during the 1970s to finance large invest- debt and equityremains a priority, particularly in ment programs. Too heavily as it turned out: sub- inflationary countries and in countries that have stantial overinvestment left many of them unable depended on foreign borrowing for most of their to service their debts. As a result there has been long-term funding. Macroeconomic stability is es- little investment in these sectors during the 1980s. sential. Indexation can help to maintain some Care must be taken that firms in these indus- long-term finance in inflationary economies, but it 99 I Box 7.3 The financial history of a Pakistani firm Ajmal Hosiery, a family-owned business in Lahore, Pakistan, was established by Malik Ahmad Din in 1947. its Export Refinance Scheme, which provided cheap financing to eligible exporters through the commercial I He began with an abandoned hosiery mill and two banking system. The firm could not exploit the scheme obsolete knitting machines. By the late 1950s the firm fully because banks thought its collateral inadequate. was well-known across the country. Nevertheless, the scheme helped the company to reach Malik's original scheme was to let his business grow sales of Rs5.0 million in 1979, by which time its bank at a pace that would require no external financing, be- credit line amounted to Rsl.3 million. cause he was uncomfortable with the paperwork in- The firm had always relied solely on internally gener- volved in getting a loan. Moreover, he feared that infor- ated funds to finance investment. Consequently, in- mation given to financial institutions could be used by vestment in plant and equipment had not kept pace the tax authorities. The company grew modestly dur- with sales. In 1976, however, it obtained a long-term ing its first twenty years by plowing profits back into loan of Rsl.0 million to expand its capacity; the lender the business. Sales increased from around 50,000 ru- was the Industrial Development Bank of Pakistan. pees (Rs) in 1947 to Rsl.3 million in 1969. The company has grown dramatically during the The company obtained its first bank financingan 1980s. It has used the government's enlarged export Rs50,000 line of creditin 1969 when it executed its financing scheme and has also obtained term financing first export order. This venture into the international (in 1980, 1984, and 1988) for modernizing its plant and market was not successful; it cost the company equipment. Sales grew fivefold between 1980 and 1988. Rs100,000. The company reentered the export market In 1989-90 the firm plans to reach sales of Rs90.0 mil- in 1972 but could obtain a line of credit of only lion, a figure three times higher than its 1988 sales of Rs200,000 from a local bank. Although there was clear Rs30.0 million and 1,800 times its sales of Rs50,000 at potential for exports, the firm needed working capital inception in 1947. finance. In 1973 the State Bank of Pakistan introduced is a poor substitute for price stability. Allowing in- mediaries. Bankers everywhere, however, are re- stitutions to charge interest rates that reflect the luctant to lend to small borrowers. First, they may higher risks of longer-term lending will increase its find it uneconomical to lend the small sums re- supply, as will improvements in legal and account- quired. Second, it is difficult to judge the risk, par- ing systems that increase lenders' ability to moni- ticularly when an investment project is a new ven- tor and control their clients. Relatively risky ture. Small firms often lack a track record and projects should be financed with equity capital, rarely keep reliable accounts. Third, small borrow- where repayment is linked to profits; long-term ers often lack adequate collateral. loans with fixed returns are unsuitable for such In developing countries, bankers' reluctance to projects. lend to small firms has been compounded by other factors. Financial policies have left small firms un- ACCESS TO FINANCE. Many governments have able to compete for credit on the same terms as sought to improve the access of smaller firms to larger firms. Most directed credit programs have finance, partly for social reasons and partly be- discriminated against small borrowers. Interest cause such firms are often thought to be the most rate ceilings have prevented lenders from raising dynamic part of the economy. Although small- interest rates to compensate for additional risk and scale manufacturing, service, and commercial higher costs. And small firms have less political firms are generally less capital-intensive than influence: lenders know that governments are un- heavy industry or housing and thus have consider- likely to intervene on behalf of a failing small firm. ably smaller investment needs, they should have In short, the policies that led to overleveraging access to credit if they can use it more productively by many large firms have also limited access to than larger borrowers. As Box 7.3 illustrates, credit credit for small borrowers. Changing those policies can allow a small firm to invest and grow. will improve the flow of finance to small firms. In Because small firms have little name recognition, addition, measures that improve the links between they can neither borrow abroad nor issue equity. formal and informal financial markets (discussed They depend for external funding on trade credits in Chapter 8) would serve the same purpose. from other firms or on loans from financial inter- Financial innovations that secure loans by means 100 other than collateral are of particular benefit to close ties between industry and finance to work, small firms. By renting buildings and leasing regulators must prevent banks from lending im- equipment, small firms can acquire the use of as- prudently to related firms. sets without borrowing. With the development of securities markets, venture capital is more likely to Household finance appear as a source of finance for risky new projects. In the past, governments have relied Demographic trends will affect the financial sys- upon development finance institutions for venture tems of developing countries. As the share of the capital, but the risks for them were at least as great population living in urban areas increases, and as as for commercial banks. incomes rise, more people will live apart from the rest of their family, and more will live past retire- MONITORING AND CONTROL. In their efforts to in- ment age unsupported by their children. These crease the supply of equity capital and long-term changes will increase the demand for credit to fi- finance, governments have paid little attention to nance housing and for certain types of financial the possibility of reducing risk by enabling lenders assets. to monitor and control the use of financial re- Housing is a major investment in all countries: it sources. Monitoring can be done by banks where accounts for between 20 and 30 percent of a coun- they are the dominant lenders (as in Germany and try's capital stock (Box 7.1). In rural areas much Japan) or by specialized institutions, such as credit housing is built by the owner out of locally avail- rating agencies and stockbroking firms, where fi- able materials; the cash expenditure may be rela- nancial markets are more important (as in the tively small and spread out over a long period. In United States and the United Kingdom). urban areas and particularly for middle-class hous- The experience of Germany and Japan suggests ing, the expense of building or buying a house is that high leverage can be compatible with success- large relative to income and incurred all at once. ful industrialization. For such an approach to be The rapid growth of the urban population of most effective, lenders must have the confidence of, and developing countries will almost certainly lead to a a strong commitment to, their borrowers. This in greater demand for mortgage finance. Most fami- turn calls for the banks to maintain long-term rela- lies require a loan to buy or build a middle-class tionships with firms. The banks' involvement may house. The need for mortgage finance in many de- take different forms, such as holding equity posi- veloping countries is demonstrated by the com- tions or having seats on boards of directors, but mon sight of abandoned, half-completed struc- extensive consultations with managers are crucial. turesa significant waste of resources in view of Banks must also have the means to take swift cor- the share of housing in total investment. rective action when necessaryto replace man- Some governments provide concessional finance agers, restructure operations, or foreclose on loans for housing to preferred borrowers, often civil ser- if need be. vants, but others discourage mortgage lending in Close ties between industry and finance have order to free resources for investment in industry. worked well in some countries, but in others, es- As urbanization proceeds, it will be important for pecially in Latin America, they have not. In several governments to recognize the scale of housing in- developing countries, small groups of business- vestment, to improve laws concerning the use of men have used the funds of banks under their con- housing as collateral, and to integrate housing fi- trol to create industrial conglomerates. By elimi- nance on a nonpreferential basis with the remain- nating information and control problems, the der of the financial system (see Box 7.4). existence of such groups permitted the financing As more of the population will want and be able of some profitable, although more risky, ventures. to make provision for retirement, there will be an However, groups have used their control of fi- opportunity to develop contractual savings institu- nance to exclude potential competition. They have tions, such as life insurance companies and pen- captured economic rents for their owners by pass- sion funds. Individuals with greater wealth will ing on cheap credits to related firms. And they wish to hold more diversified portfolios. Invest- have rescued and supported fundamentally unvia- ment in housing and contractual savings both pro- ble businesses. When speculative ventures back- vide some diversification, but in a stable macroeco- fired or industrial companies suffered losses, nomic environment households are also likely to group banks continued to provide funding long demand securities with greater yields (and corre- after the ailing firms had become insolvent. For spondingly greater risk) than bank deposits. In 101 Box 7.4 Housing finance The formal financial sector in most developing coun- tries inflation, interest rate controls, and the instability tries finances only a small share of housing investment. of financial markets have deterred long-term lending of Mortgage credit from the formal sector was 28 percent any kind. Inadequate legal systems diminish the value 1 of all housing investment in a sample of eleven devel- of housing as collateral and hence also diminish oping countries, compared with more than 60 percent lenders' willingness to provide mortgage finance. And in OECD countries. The difference partly reflects the policymakers have been concerned that increased fi- shallowness of financial systems in developing coun- nance for housing might drive the cost of housing even tries. Years of financial repression not only have mini- higher. mized the role of the formal sector in housing finance, Shelter is a basic human need. Secure ownership of a but have raised housing prices because negative real house can raise the welfare of the household that lives interest rates favored investments in real assets. In in it. Moreover, when a house is purchased through a I another sample of eleven developing countries the mortgage, the buyer becomes, in effect, a contractual average ratio of house value to annual household in- saver: the buyer is paying the lender for the right to come was 5.5, compared with 3.0 in five high-income live in the house while saving for its purchase. And countries. when the title to a house can be easily transferred, the Several other factors explain the lack of smoothly household gains a relatively riskless form of collateral. functioning markets for housing finance in developing Furthermore, a housing loan, which is fungible with countries. Countries have often given little priority to other household resources, may provide the funds that finance. Because housing is a large invest- would permit the household to undertake a productive ment, it requires long-term finance, and in many coun- investment. Lhousing a growing number of developing countries, sales has since revealed too many errors of the first to individuals of corporate securities and shares kindfunding low-yielding projects. With time, in mutual funds have begun to increase. As macro- economies have become more complex, informa- economic stability is restored in other countries, tion flows have improved, and financial managers investors' interest in securities will continue to have become more skilled. In most countries both grow. sorts of error can be minimized by leaving more decisions to a diverse and competitive financial Building financial institutions and markets system that responds to market signals. The pri- mary role of government then shifts to making In planning for the future it is important to have a market signals more meaningful and, in particular, clear and consistent objective for finance. The key to preventing its own actions from distorting objective of the financial system is the provision of them. financial services at prices that reflect their cost. On occasion the government may have a role to The financial system can also be used in modera- play as a promoter of financial institutions and tion for other objectives. In the past, however, de- markets in order to create a diversified and com- veloping country governments have tried to do too petitive financial system. Many high-income and muchusing the financial system to finance the developing countries have used fiscal incentives to government budget deficit, redistribute income, favor particular institutions and markets. Such in- and serve as a tool in implementing their develop- centives may be justified to encourage financial di- ment strategies. Multiple and often conflicting ob- versity, particularly if the existing markets are jectives have impaired the financial system in dominated by large banks and are uncompetitive. many developing countries. Fiscal incentives, however, should be used only Financial markets are never perfect. In allocating moderately, should have clear objectives, and credit they can make two sorts of mistakes: fund- should be withdrawn once those objectives are ing low-yielding projects and failing to fund high- achieved. In the long term, countries should opt yielding ones. In the early stages of development, for regimes that do not favor one type of instru- developing country governments, fearing that the ment or institution over others. costs of failing to fund good projects were likely to Countries must also choose the range of permis- be high, intervened to direct credit. Perhaps that sible activities for financial institutions. Banks in assessment was sound at the time, but experience many high-income countries are operating increas- 102 ingly as universal banks, engaging in commercial in big product markets, such as wholesale banking as well as investment banking activities. Argu- (loans to larger borrowers) and deposit taking in ments in favor of universal banking include sav- cities. This can be done, even when the creation of ings in overhead costs, better information about another big commercial bank would not be justi- clients, and greater diversification of risks. The ar- fied, by encouraging the development of special- guments against are mostly prudential: universal ized intermediaries. A postal savings bank, for in- banking could lead to undue exposure to risk and a stance, would extend financial services to new concentration of economic power. As discussed in clients and foster competition for deposits; finance Chapter 6, however, prudential regulation can deal and leasing companies would spur competition in with these drawbacks. the market for loans. To improve competition and efficiency, some The banking sector small countries have opened their markets to for- eign banks or have encouraged joint ventures be- The banking sector in developing countries must tween foreign and domestic institutions. Many confront several difficult issues. The most pressing small and medium-size countries could buy the is that many banks are insolvent and must be re- specialized financial services they need (such as structured. This problem was discussed in Chapter reinsurance, swaps, and forward contracts) from 5. Another is that wide-ranging intervention in the abroad. Small, specialized institutions and foreign financial sector must gradually give way to sys- competition can force even big oligopolistic banks tems that provide services in response to market to behave competitivelyalthough not necessarily signals. This, in turn, calls for more competition across the full range of financial services. and better management. As the demand for financial services grows, countries will need to encourage the development INCREASING COMPETITION. Commercial (or de- of nonbank financial intermediaries and securities posit) banks hold between 50 and 90 percent of the markets in order to broaden the range of services assets of all financial intermediaries in most devel- and to stimulate competition and efficiency. Some oping countries and will continue to be at the heart countries have already made considerable prog- of their financial markets for the foreseeable fu- ress toward more diversified financial systems. In ture. In many countries these markets are domi- Malaysia, for example, a wide variety of institu- nated by a few large banks. The lack of effective tions and markets are operating in an environment competition is not so much due to monopolies of macroeconomic stability. Brazil and other Latin based on economies of scale as to restrictions on American countries have had some success in in- interest rates, on product innovation, on branch- stitution building, although high and volatile infla- ing, and on the entry of new institutions. Greater tion continues to undermine financial develop- freedom for banks to respond to market signals, to ment. In recent years several developing countries choose their own customers, to set interest rates, have broadened their money and capital markets and to determine the location of branches would and created new intermediaries, such as leasing stimulate greater competition. The creation of new companies and contractual savings institutions. banks and other institutions should be constrained Most countries, however, are still at an early stage only by the prudential regulations discussed in of financial development. Chapter 6. Competition also means allowing failed institutions to go out of business. Allowing foreign IMPROVING MANAGEMENT. Poor management institutions to open branches, start joint ventures has contributed to banks' difficulties in many with a local institution, or provide specialized ser- countries. A 1988 study of bank failure in the vices from abroad can be another source of United States concluded that management weak- competition. nesses, especially among smaller banks, were an Although economies of scale are not great in fi- important factor in 90 percent of the cases ana- nance, it may not be possible in small economies to lyzed. Improvements must be made in the skills of ensure a competitive market for every financial management and in the banks' internal systems, product. A few commercial banks supplemented particularly if the banks are to survive in the more by a postal savings bank may be all a small econ- competitive markets of the future (see Box 7.5). omy can support. Even in larger economies, finan- Many management tasks are similar to those of cial markets are often uncompetitive. In these it bank regulators and supervisors, as discussed in should at least be possible to promote competition Chapter 6. Indeed, banks with large branch net- 103 Box 7.5 Bank modernization: Indonesia's experience Indonesia began to deregulate its financial sector in The program had an institutional component and a 1983 and enacted a second set of measures in 1988. technology component. The institutional component These signaledat least potentiallya fundamental included an attempt to identify business opportunities shift from a highly protected state banking oligopoly to following deregulation; a reorganization to refocus the a broadly competitive financial market. In a competi- bank on its marketplace priorities, reinforce risk man- tive environment, state banks would need to improve agement, and speed management decisions; man- service, productivity, product innovation, and market- power management programs to improve the evalua- ing skills. They would also need to introduce better risk tion, deployment, development, and motivation of management, because competitive pressures would staff; and a comprehensive revamping of the bank's narrow lending spreads and increase balance sheet procedures for managing its assets and liabilities. The I volatility. project was accompanied by a massive effort to train Bank Negara Indonesia 1946 (or BNI) is the largest of staff. Indonesia's five state commercial banks, which to- The technology component was the full-scale auto- gether accounted for 71 percent of commercial bank mation of the bank's retail and wholesale functions. In I assets in 1987. BNI's board of managing directors re- preparation for automation, BNI greatly simplified its acted to the changing environment by adopting an am- procedures. To attract and retain the necessary techni- bitious modernization program with the support of an cal expertise, it paid higher salaries. international consulting firm. This program was given It is too soon to judge the overall success of BNI's top priority from its inception in 1983 to the end of reforms. BNI's competitors have begun or announced 1988. similar programs of their own. L works internalize a considerable part of the super- cessive concentration of risk is common. Too many visory function. loans to one borrower, an affiliated group, or bor- The internal systems of banks in developing rowers in one industry means that the quality of countries have some common problems. Many those loans could be jointly damaged by a single banks are operated without the benefit of a formal factor. Banks in Texas are an example of excessive planning process. Financial plans and budgets risk concentration. When the price of oil was high, may not exist, and little is done to control costs. As Texas banks were among the nation's most profit- a result institutions react to, rather than anticipate, able; when the price fell after 1982, they sustained changes in the external environment. This makes large losses, and several of the leading banks them vulnerable to sudden change. failed. The information available to management is nei- Excessive lending to related firms has proved a ther timely nor complete. At one bank in Nepal, serious problem in Chile, Kenya, Turkey, and unreconciled differences in interbranch accounts other developing countries. In Spain, the Rumasa have existed for years and are equal to the whole of group contained twenty banks and more than 700 the bank's capital. Without good information, it is companies and used the twenty banks to finance difficult to take corrective action on credit exten- the related firms. When the firms experienced dif- sions, problem loans, or off-balance-sheet risks. ficulties, the banks became insolvent. In the after- Commercial banks in many countries have lax ac- math of the crisis, it was discovered that 400 of the counting and auditing procedures and continue to firms were phantom companies created to borrow accrue income long after loans are nonperforming money, conceal the use of funds, and maintain the and recovery has become doubtful. Sometimes appearance of financial health. new lending is used to conceal debt servicing prob- Poor risk selection is the source of many problem lems; overdraft facilities are particularly vulnerable loans. This includes advancing an excessive pro- to such abuse. portion of the required capital without demanding Poor management is most often reflected in im- an adequate infusion of the borrower's own funds. proper lending. A lack of written lending policies Speculative loans based on the appreciation of as- makes it more difficult to manage risk; without set prices can also be dangerous. In Malaysia, a fall written policies, senior managers find it hard to in property prices and a rise in the debt servicing control the lending of their middle managers. Ex- costs in the early 1980s adversely affected loans to 104 those speculating in real estate. In Kuwait, a col- evaluate their services. Only the head office or cer- lapse in the securities markets, together with the tain major subsidiaries qualify to be investment system of settlement by postdated checks, created centers and thereby have a say in the use of serious problems for banks that had extended profits. Credit ceilings are used to limit the author- credit against securities and real estate. ity of branch managers and to prevent undue loan One of the most important tasks of management concentration on the books of a branch. Large is to train and motivate staff. The most successful loans require approval at higher levels and are car- international commercial banks appear to be those ried on the books of the head office. Internal prices with the best in-house training programs, where permit the efficient transfer of resources without top managers train and assess future managers. undermining the profit incentive of each branch. Commercial banks in developing countries should The profit center approach has much to recom- draw on the experience of banks in other countries mend it. In practice, however, it is complicated and in devising training programs for their own staff. requires skill and experience to work well. Countries such as Guinea, Hungary, and Korea have established joint venture banks with foreign Nonbank financial institutions commercial banks in order to transfer skills more rapidly (see Box 7.6). In most developing countries, nonbank financial Accountability is a problem for many banks in institutions (finance companies, development fi- developing countries because organizational struc- nance institutions, investment banks, mutual tures are overly complicated and responsibilities funds, leasing and factoring companies, insurance are poorly defined. To improve accountability, companies, pension funds, and so on) are a rela- commercial banks in high-income countries are tively small part of the financial system. Countries making greater use of independent profit centers. such as Brazil, India, Jordan, Korea, and Malaysia, Each branch is managed as a profit center, as are however, do have a large nonbank financial sector. other units supplying services such as leasing and Sometimes, stringent bank regulation or favorable consumer credit. Profit centers are judged and re- tax treatment gives nonbank intermediaries a warded on the basis of the profits they generate. strong competitive edge. In Korea, for example, Separately managed cost centers (for example, finance companies have grown rapidly since 1982 check processing) have to be judged on the basis of largely because they have greater freedom than unit costs because there is no way for the market to banks in setting interest rates. Box 7.6 Banks in Guinea Like most African countries at independence, Guinea A change of government and a new development had a commercial banking sector that was dominated strategy in 1984 gave a larger role to market forces and by a few foreign banks. In 1960 it established the Bank private sector initiative. The central bank was strength- of the Republic of Guinea as a socialist monobank. This ened with foreign technical advisers, the specialized was later divided into four specialized banks, each banks were liquidated, and a currency reform and a dealing with one function or a single category of cus- large devaluation were implemented. Three new com- tomer. The management of the banking system was mercial banks started business, with foreign participa- centralized, and the four specialized banks were, in tion. Foreign workers now account for about 7 percent practice, departments of the central bankthat is, the of staff, but their number will be gradually reduced as government. Credit was allocated in accordance with nationals finish their training. The total personnel of five-year plans. (Credit to the private sector was pro- the new system is a quarter of the old. Intermediation I hibited during 1965-79.) The banks confined them- margins have initially been high, because there has selves to providing working capital for state enter- been little competition among the banks, and the de- prises, which in most cases meant financing their mand for credit has expanded rapidly as the economy recurring losses. By 1985, 80 percent of the banks' has recovered. The banks also say that their nonper- I loans were irrecoverable. The banks were grossly over- forming assets are substantial (one-third of their port- staffed with badly trained employees and managers. folio), so further improvements in the legal framework Discrepancies in interbank claims amounted to 10 per- for loan recovery may be needed. cent of their combined balance sheet. 105 DEVELOPMENT FINANCE INSTITUTIONS. The most in the ways already outlined for commercial banks. common type of nonbank intermediary in devel- The DFIs that are to remain in the public sector oping countries is the development finance institu- need professional boards of directors, trained tion (DFI). Most are public or quasi-public institu- management, and competitive salaries. They also tions that derive much of their funding from the need to place greater emphasis on loan appraisal government or from foreign assistance. Originally, and recovery. they were intended to provide small and medium- To attract more funds from the public, DFIs need size enterprises with the long-term finance that the to charge market rates on their loans. Borrowing commercial banks would not supply. During the long-term funds will be feasible only if there is a 1970s that mandate was broadened to include the market for long-term finance (this is discussed fur- promotion of priority sectors. Using government ther below). Some DFIs have acquired equity hold- funds, DFIs extended subsidized credit to activities ings. Selling the shares of firms that have become judged unprofitable or too risky by other lenders. profitable could free resources to finance new ven- In practice, the DFIs found it difficult to finance tures and increase the supply of securities in local projects with high economic but low financial rates capital markets. To the extent that DFIs continue to of return and remain financially viable at the same lend foreign resources, better management of for- time. The DFIs' difficulties have been discussed in eign exchange risk will be necessary. In many Chapter 4. Today many of them are insolvent. If countries clients of DFIs and, in turn, the institu- they are to remain in operation, they will have to tions themselves were badly affected by sharp cur- be restructured. rency devaluations. If foreign exchange risk is to DFIs face competition from commercial banks, be passed on to borrowers, loans should go only to leasing companies, and other sources of long-term those with foreign exchange revenues or hedging and equity finance. The procedures of other insti- opportunities. tutions are often speedier and less bureaucratic. Past experience has shown that DFIs cannot Moreover, commercial banks offer much more achieve all of their objectives and remain finan- than just long-term loans. If DFIs were to charge cially viable. If they are to lend for socially attrac- market rates for their services, many would soon tive but financially dubious purposes, they should lose their customers. Where other institutions offer do so as agents of the government with no risk to competing services and the existing DFIs are finan- themselves. In some countries they have used cially and institutionally weak, the best course is to managed funds to this end. close the DFIs or merge them with sounder institu- tions. There is no reason to close DFIs that can LEASING COMPANIES. Smaller and less well- mobilize their own funds and are profitable at established enterprises find leasing companies an market interest ratesalthough it might be sensi- attractive source of long-term finance. By leasing ble to merge them with càmmercial banks, plant and equipment, small firms can avoid the which thereby would gain expertise in long-term requirements for collateral that often prevent them financing. from obtaining long-term finance for a direct pur- Monitoring and control of borrowers has posed chase. Of course, leasing depends on the ability to particular problems for DFIs. Because they provide repossess leased assets (in fact, as well as in princi- mostly long-term loans, they do not have the same ple) and on the existence of markets for used day-to-day contact with customers as commercial equipment. The share of leasing in capital forma- banks. And the narrow specialization of DFIs has tion (excluding building and construction) in se- made it difficult for them to diversify their risks; lected developing countries ranges from 0.5 per- they have been particularly vulnerable to fluctua- cent in Thailand (1986) to 8 percent in Korea (1985) tions in the business cycle. Merger with commer- to 14 percent in Malaysia (1985). This compares cial banks would help to solve both problems. Al- with shares of 8 percent in Germany, 9 percent in ternatively, DFIs might expand their range of Japan, and 20-28 percent in five other industrial services within the constraints of their institutional countries. capabilities and professional skills. Activities po- Governments can encourage leasing by ensuring tentially suitable for DFIs include consulting and that tax systems do not discriminate against this leasing; the skills involved are similar to those re- type of financing and by amending laws that are quired by DFIs' existing activities. unclear or unfavorable (as they are in Thailand). The operations of DFIs need to be strengthened The more successful leasing companies in develop- 106 ing countries have been joint ventures between na- less demanding listing requirements or an ade- tional institutions (commercial as well as financial) quate network of business contactsis essential so on one side and overseas leasing companies or that investments can be sold. bank groups with experience in leasing on the other. CONTRACTUAL SAVINGS INSTITUTIONS. Contrac- tual savings institutions (life insurance companies, VENTURE CAPITAL COMPANIES. Venture capital is occupational pension schemes, national provident temporary start-up financing in the form of equity funds, and funded social security systems) have capital or loans, with returns linked to profits and long-term and generally predictable liabilities. with some measure of managerial control. Venture They are potentially good sources of finance for capitalists expect losses on some ventures to be investment in corporate bonds and equities. In greater than with traditional financing, but they high-income countries these institutions are the invest because they think that greater than normal main suppliers of long-term finance. They provide returns on others will more than make up for those savers with opportunities to diversify risk and losses. Venture capital is ideally suited to projects with the benefits of investing in a portfolio selected involving uncertainty, poor information, and lack by professional investors. of collateral. It is therefore an alternative to finance A major impediment to the development of con- from DFIs. It is clearly not suitable for every coun- tractual savings as a source of long-term corporate try, however, It requires an entrepreneurial class finance has been the preemptive use of these funds and an environment conducive to private sector by government. In many countriesBrazil, Co- initiatives. A source of long-term investable re- lombia, Ecuador, India, Kenya, and Malaysia, for sources is also necessary. And an active secondary instancegovernments require contractual sav- marketeither a secondary stock exchange with ings institutions to invest a significant part of their I Box 7.7 Pension funds as a source of term finance Compulsory pension funds have contributed signifi- In the first eight years of the new system, the total cantly to the supply of long-term investment funds in value of assets grew to about 18 percent of GDP. Two- Singapore and Chile. In Singapore the Central Provi- thirds of the funds are invested in government securi- dent Fund receives exceptionally high mandatory con- ties, one-quarter in mortgage bonds, and the rest in tributions from employers and employees. Such contri- shares and other investments. Initially the earnings on butions rose to 50 percent of salaries in 1984, before assets were very high (owing to high real interest being temporarily reduced to 35 percent in 1986. Funds rates), but they are now about 4-5 percent in real are mostly invested in government bonds, but employ- terms. ees are now allowed to use their provident fund sav- The fraction of the portfolio invested in equity shares ings to buy housing. At retirement, employees receive was negligible until 1985, because companies that had either a lump-sum payment equivalent to their contri- a dominant shareholder did not qualify for pension butions plus the accumulated return on the assets of fund investment. Only with the denationalization of a the fund or an annuity determined by their life expec- number of large state enterprises (mainly utilities) and tancy at retirement. The accumulated resources of the some further relaxation of prudential standards has it provident fund are now equivalent to about 65 percent become possible for the pension managers to invest in of GNPa substantial amount of very long-term sav- corporate equities. Investment in corporate equities is ings (with average maturity between twenty-five and likely to remain a small part of assets, not because of thirty years), which will continue to grow. regulation, but because securities are in short supply. Chile restructured its pension system in 1981. Contri- Even after the denationalization program, the value of butions are compulsory but are privately managed by all corporate stock is only about 25 percent of GNP; the competitive firms. Employees can choose among plans value of pension assets will grow to about 100 percent and switch at their discretion. Thus managers who per- of GNP as the system matures. form better can expect to gain accounts. Compulsory The main issue for both funded and pay-as-you-go contributions are set at 10 percent of salaries. Benefits social security systems is the rapid increase in life ex- based on life expectancy are determined at retirement; pectancy. This will require adjustments in the contribu- the minimum pension is 85 percent of the legal mini- tion rates, retirement benefits, or the retirement age. mum wage, or about 40 percent of the average wage. 107 resources in government securities or programs ance between safety and real returns and by foster- with low returns in the social sectors. (Sometimes irig greater competition. contractual savings institutions hold government securities because they lack alternative investment Securities markets opportunities,) Although a government with a deficit needs Well-developed securities markets enlarge the funds from a source other than the banking sys- range of financial services. Short-term money mar- tem, it does not necessarily need long-term fi- kets provide competition to the banks in supplying nance. Furthermore, the government's legitimate credit to larger corporations, and under appropri- concern with the soundness of the assets in which ate conditions capital markets can provide long- pension funds invest need not preclude invest- term finance to government and large firms. ment of those funds in the private sector. Gov- ernments in high-income countries have enacted MONEY MARKETS. The development of securities prudential rules for pension and insurance invest- markets usually starts with trading in a short-term ments, and these rules allow pension funds to in- money market instrument, often a government se- vest in private sector activities. Chile and Singa- curity. Other money market instruments are inter- pore have moved in recent years to allow the bank deposits, bankers' acceptances, certificates of pension authorities to invest in other than govern- deposit, and commercial paper issued by nonfi- ment securities (see Box 7.7). nancial corporations. Money markets provide a Because pension and insurance institutions are noninflationary way to finance government defi- likely to be relatively large and therefore able to cits. They also allow governments to implement afford professional management, these managers monetary policy through open market operations are able to play a role in the monitoring and control and provide a market-based reference point for of the firms in which they invest. Governments setting other interest rates. Furthermore, money can encourage the industry to develop by creating markets are a source of funds for commercial a regulatory framework that seeks a proper bal- banks and other institutions with limited branch Box 7.8 Capital markets in India In the 1950s India's capital markets helped to mobilize bay exchange increased from $11.8 billion to $19.4 bil- financial resources for the corporate sector. The impor- lion between the end of 1980 and 1987; average capitali- tance of these markets then diminished, because subsi- zation ratios remained roughly equal to 6.5 percent of dized credits were available from commercial and de- GNP. The number of listed companies on all exchanges velopment banks, equities had to be issued at a increased from 2,114 in 1981 to 6,017 in 1987. New discount substantially below market value, the capital issues of debentures also multiplied. However, there market lacked liquidity, and investor safeguards were were also abuses, such as the use of misleading pro- inadequate. spectuses and insider trading. In addition, the process- A reform of the Foreign Exchange Regulations Act in ing of new issues, which were heavily oversubscribed the early 1970s limited the expansion of foreign-owned because of their low prices, was plagued by delays in and foreign-controlled companies. In response, many share allocation. U companies decided to become Indian companies. This In April 1988 the Securities and Exchange Board of led to the issue of substantial quantities of company India was established to oversee and regulate the mar- shares at low prices. The market's revival continued in kets. In August 1988 a credit rating agency was estab- the 1980s, as various measures were introduced to lished to grade capital issues. In January 1989 pro- stimulate both demand and supply. Incentives for eq- posals were published regarding the appointment of uity and debenture issues included reducing the corpo- market makers offering bid-and-asked quotations, the rate rate of tax for listed companies and fixing the per- responsibility of stockbrokers for vetting companies be- mitted interest rate for debentures above that for fixed fore listing, the opening of stockbroking to banks and deposits but below that for bank loans. The govern- other financial institutions, and the creation of a sec- ment also authorized the use of cumulative, convert- ond-tier market for smaller enterprises, with less oner- ible preference shares and equity-linked debentures ous listing requirements. The measures were intended and gave generous fiscal incentives to investors. to improve market liquidity and transparency and to The growth of the Indian capital markets has been provide adequate protection to investors. impressive. Equity market capitalization on the Bom- 108 Table 7.1 Equity market indicators, 1987 Average market Turnover rati&' capitalizationa (percentage Number of (percentage of average companies Country of GNP) capitalization) listed High-income countries Japan 92 93 1,912 United Kingdom 80 72 2,135 United States 58 93 7,181 Germany, Fed. Rep. of 21 161 507 France 18 56 650 Developing countries Jordan 60 15 101 Malaysia 58 23 232 Chile 27 11 209 Korea, Rep. of 19 111 389 Portugal 10 44 143 Zimbabwe 10 4 53 Thailand 9 114 125 Mexico 8 159 233 Brazil 7 43 590 Philippines 7 62 138 Venezuela 7 8 110 India 6 19 6,017 Greece 5 18 116 Pakistan 5 9 379 Nigeria 4 1 100 Colombia 3 8 96 Turkey 3 6 50 Argentina 2 16 206 Average market capitalization is a five-quarter average of the total value of listed stock, based on year-end data, assuming constant exponential growth during the year. Turnover ratio is the value of stocks actually traded as a percentage of the average total value of listed stock. Bombay exchange. Source: IFC. networks, including foreign banks and leasing and and the corporate sector. By making long-term in- factoring companies. By enabling large corpora- vestments liquid, capital markets mediate between tions to issue short-term securities in the form of the conflicting maturity preferences of lenders and commercial paper, money markets make the cor- borrowers. Capital markets also facilitate the dis- porate loan market more competitive and reduce persion of business ownership and the reallocation the market power of large commercial banks. Mea- of financial resources among corporations and sures to promote the growth of money markets industries. have been among the most successful financial re- In mature economies, new share issues have forms in high-income and developing countries been overshadowed in recent years by the retire- alike in the 1980s. ment of existing equity. In the United States and One such measure is to issue government securi- the United Kingdom, as a result of mergers and ties at market interest rates. The reluctance of fi- takeovers and the spread of share repurchase pro- nance ministries to pay market rates on their debt grams, net new equity finance has been negative is usually the biggest obstacle to the development for several years. In earlier periods, however, secu- of money markets. Governments also need to re- rities markets were far more important as a source move regulatory obstacles, such as the rules that of finance. From 1901 to 1912, for example, new prevent banks from issuing certificates of deposit stock issues provided 14 percent of corporate fi- or corporations from issuing commercial paper. nancing in the United States. In several develop- The publication of clear rules of conduct for market ing countries, including India and Korea, the secu- participants is essential. rities markets have raised impressive amounts of new equity and bond finance in recent years (see CAPITAL MARKETS. Capital markets provide long- Box 7.8). term debt and equity finance for the government Several developing countries have made great 109 strides in recent years in establishing and invigo- requires all limited liability companies of a certain rating equity markets. Such markets now exist in size to make the same financial disclosures as pub- more than forty countries. Indeed, the market cap- licly listed firms. In the past, demand for securities italization of stock exchanges (that is, the total has been inhibited by the lack of investor confi- value of listed shares) is a greater proportion of dence. In the future, much of the demand is likely GNP in Jordan and Malaysia than in France and to come from institutional investors. Germany, and India's stock exchanges list more A primary reason for the underdeveloped state companies than the stock markets of any other of capital markets in many developing countries is country except the United States (see Table 7.1). In the absence of an appropriate legal, regulatory, many countries, however, equity markets remain and tax framework, In some countries new shares small. Only a few countries have active corporate have to be issued at par value, which makes them bond markets; they include Canada, India, Korea, unattractive to companies if the market value of and the United States. their shares has appreciated significantly. In other The supply of equities has been limited by the countries the tax-free status of time deposits or reluctance of owners of private companies to dilute government and public enterprise bonds lessens their ownership and control by issuing stock or to the appeal of private corporate instruments. Far comply with requirements to disclose information more important in developing countries, however, about their operations. The availability of less ex- is lax enforcement of corporate income taxes. This pensive debt finance has also discouraged equity makes it possible for closely held corporations to issues. Some countriesfor example, Koreahave avoid taxes by showing very low accounting provided considerable tax incentives to encourage profits; publicly traded corporations cannot hide corporations to go public. In Jordan, any firm seek- their profits without hurting investor confidence. ing limited liability must offer a substantial per- A common problem in securities markets, espe- centage of its shares to the general public. Chile cially early in their development, is the danger of a speculative boom followed by a sharp decline. Such crises have affected markets in Brazil, Hong Kong, Korea, Mexico, the Philippines, Singapore, and Thailand. Large increases and declines in Figure 7.2 Stock indexes in selected developing prices also affect securities markets in high-income countries and the United States, 1987 and 1988 countries, but they can be much more pronounced in young markets. The Wall Street collapse of Oc- Index (December 1986 = 100) tober 1987 was far less abrupt than the collapse of 800 many smaller markets (see Figure 7.2). Countries with a relatively large business sector 700 and middle class should encourage the develop- 600 Portugal - Turkey ment of securities markets. Fiscal policies that dis- criminate against equities should be changed. 500 Governments also need to define the operational 400 scope of underwriters, brokers, dealers, merchant banks, and mutual funds and to encourage the es- 300 tablishment of credit rating agencies. Privatization 200 of state-owned enterprises can be another stimulus to securities markets. Privatization has been one of 100 the forces revitalizing Chile's equity market in re- Philippines United States cent years. In France, 167 state enterprises and 0 subsidiaries were divested from late 1986 through March September March September early 1988, and their shares were taken up by more December June December June December 1986 than 13 million individuals. As a result the capitali- 1987 1988 zation of the Paris stock market increased by an amount equivalent to 6 percent of GDP. Note: For the developing countries, the stock index is the IFC index of total returns in U.S. dollars; for the United States, it is Encouraging foreign portfolio investment is an- the Standard and Poor's 500. other way to raise demand for securities in devel- Source: IFC 1988 and 1989. oping countries. The increasing role of institu- tional investors means that foreign portfolio 110 investment might grow substantially. Prices in sev- Priorities for reform eral emerging markets have shown a low or nega- tive correlation with price movements in the Building a financial system more responsive to the United States and Japan and thus offer foreign in- needs of lenders and borrowers will require sub- vestors an opportunity to reduce risk. During stantial improvements in the macroeconomic, le- 1975-87, equity markets in six developing coun- gal, and regulatory environments. Developing tries outperformed the market in the United countries also need to broaden the range and im- States, and two of them (Chile and Korea) outper- prove the efficiency of their financial institutions formed Japan. and markets. Much can be achieved by removing In capital-exporting countries, regulations on obstacles to the development of different instru- foreign portfolio investment limit the extent to ments, by adopting a system of regulation by func- which contractual savings institutions can invest tion rather than by institution, and by strengthen- abroad. In developing countries, concern over vol- ing the management capabilities of individual atile flows of money and increasing control by for- institutions. eigners has prompted a variety of restrictions and To operate efficiently, financial institutions and disincentives. Foreign portfolio investment is usu- markets have to be guided primarily by market ally passive, but the concerns of developing coun- forces rather than government directives. Compe- tries can in any case be met by such means as the tition needs to be strengthened by encouraging the closed-end country fund, whose shares can be entry of new and innovative providers of finan- traded but not redeemed. More than thirty devel- cial services, by phasing out interest rate controls oping country funds, most of them closed-end, and high levies on financial transactions, and by have been floated in emerging markets since 1980. stimulating the development of money and capital Since issue, the market value of twenty-five of them markets. has increased by 86 percent (as of August 1988). 111 Issues in informal finance Small-scale producers and enterprises have long tion because many of the costs of advancing a loan been known to account for a large share of eco- or accepting a deposit are independent of the size nomic activity in developing countries. Most of of the transaction. Often the cost to formal institu- these enterprises are noncorporate: small farmers, tions of opening branches in villages and small producers, tradespeople, and independent trad- towns is not justified by the business that can be ers. They do not maintain income statements and generated. In one African country it was estimated balance sheets, are not registered with any govern- that an institution serving a largely noncorporate ment office, and often are not licensed as busi- clientele would require a minimum of 2,500 de- nesses. Recent studies that have attempted to posit accounts to cover the cost of a single em- quantify their importance conclude that the non- ployee for a year. Noncorporate borrowers rarely corporate sector accounts for 30-70 percent of the have collateral acceptable to banks. Their credit- labor force in some developing countries. worthiness resides in their human capital, which is Noncorporate businesses differ greatly in their difficult for formal intermediaries to gauge. The demand for financial services. Street vendors need interest rates that banks are allowed to pay for de- short-term finance to buy stock, and they need a posits or to charge on loans often fail to reflect depository for temporary surpluses. Small-scale these factors. All this makes supplying financial producers need somewhat larger and longer-term services to the informal sector unprofitable for for- loans to buy equipment or to hire rionfamily labor. mal institutions. Small farmers need to cope with an uncertain and The popular view of informal finance is of pow- fluctuating income stream, which they do by accu- erful moneylenders who exploit the poor through mulating liquid assets and sometimes rolling loans usurious interest and unfair seizure of collateral. In over to subsequent cropping seasons. As farming fact, informal finance is both extensive and di- becomes more capital-intensive, farmers may also verse. The informal sector accounts for most of the demand longer-term credit to buy equipment. This financial services provided to the noncorporate chapter examines the ability of informal and formal sector. In addition to family and friends, who pro- institutions to satisfy the financial needs of house- vide a large percentage of the loans, informal fi- holds, agriculture, and noncorporate enterprises. nance consists of professional moneylenders, Formal financial arrangements are often not well pawnbrokers, tradespeople, and associations of suited to the needs of the noncorporate sector. The acquaintances. In separate studies of five Asian sums involved can be too small for a formal institu- countries, professional moneylenders provided 112 less than 20 percent of informal rural credit; on Short-term credit average they accounted for only 6 percent. Informal financial arrangements reduce transac- Noncorporate enterprises commonly require small tion costs and risk in ways denied to formal institu- amounts of short-term funds to cover immediate tions. Moneylenders, for example, can operate out expenditures, such as a business opportunity, a of their own homes or on the street, maintain only social obligation, or an emergency. Such funding the simplest accounts, and mix finance with other might come from moneylenders or pawnbrokers business. The services they provide are outside the but is more likely to be borrowed from relatives or review and control of the monetary authorities. friends. The choice of arrangement will depend on The remaining costs can be fully reflected in im- cost and convenience. plicit or explicit interest rates. But informal short-term credit may entail hidden Freedom from regulation allows informal agents costs. For instance, lending between friends and greater flexibility. But it also denies them many of relatives often carries low interest or no explicit the legal sanctions available to formal intermedi- interest charge. In societies with strong traditions aries. In place of formal legal mechanisms, infor- of mutual assistance and reciprocity, individuals mal agents rely on their knowledge of one another who need funds can call on friends and relatives and on local sanction to reduce the risk of lending. for help. Acceptance of such help obligates the Social standing and the ability to obtain future fi- borrower to reciprocate by providing nonfinancial nancial services are often at stake in the market for services or by supplying funds in turn when the informal financial services. These sanctions are ef- lender needs to borrow. These traditional obliga- fective. That is why informal financial arrange- tions of mutual support can be a problem for those ments are so widespread (see Box 8.1). who wish to accumulate capital. The desire to pro- tect personal savings from family and friends cre- Informal financial arrangements ates a strong demand for less accessible savings instruments when these become available. Without trying to be exhaustive, this section offers Market vendors and other small businesses often examples of informal financial arrangements. The turn to moneylenders for their short-term credit examples cover three main sorts of transactions: needs. The so-called five-six arrangement under short-term finance for daily stocks or emergencies; which the borrower receives $5 in the morning and finance to smooth a fluctuating income stream; repays $6 to the lender in the evening is common. and finance for larger, long-term investments. The The interest rate of 20 percent a day seems ex- limitations of informal arrangements are then tremely usurious. But the moneylender does not examined. perform the transaction every day of the year, and Box 8.1 Informal finance in Niger p A sample of 398 village households in rural Niger in The total size of all fifty-six tontines, as measured by member contributions per meeting, was the equivalent 1986 indicated that informal credit accounted for 84 percent of total loans and was equal to 17 percent of of $72,000. This suggests a promising base for deposit I I agricultural income. Informal tontines (rotating savings mobilization in rural Niger. and credit associations), money guards, and merchant Many of the money guards are traders who have I finance predominate. The first two supply a variety of storage facilities, offer deposit and pawnbroking ser- I services in the local market, and merchant finance vices, and market goods in other regions. Fifty-six bridges formal and informal markets. Large whole- money guards were surveyed in 1986 in the twenty- salers borrow from formal banks, purchase a range of two villages in the tontine sample. Their deposit base consumer goods, and then consign these goods ranged from several depositors to as many as 150, I through a network of small village retailers. These re- and (in the immediate postharvest season) from tailers, in turn, may sell the items to villagers on credit. CFAFIO,000 ($30) to CFAF5 million ($13,000). They nei- ther paid interest on their deposits nor charged fees for I Out of a sample of fifty-six tontines in twenty-two villages, some had only four members, others more safekeeping. Money guards also provided loans, the than forty. The average member contribution ranged average size of which was CFAF55,000 ($144). L. from 100 CFA francs (25 cents) to CFAF25,000 ($70). ] 113 Box 8.2 Rotating savings and credit associations Rotating savings and credit associations (ROSCAs) are bids, a practice common in China, India, Thailand, and a popular form of informal finance. They have various some parts of West Africa. The winner is the person aliases: tanda in Mexico, pasanaku in Bolivia, sun in the willing to accept the largest reduction in share payment Dominican Republic, syndicate in Belize, gumaiyah in from other participants in return for receiving the next Egypt, isusu in Nigeria, susu in Ghana, tontine in Niger fund. All participants in a commission ROSCA, except (see Box 8.1), hagbad in Somalia, xitique in Mozam- the leader, pay for the right to participate and receive I bique, arisan in Indonesia, paluwagan in the Philip- back less than they contribute. pines, chit fund in India and Sri Lanka, pia huey in Thai- Recent research in Bolivia showed that one-third to land, hui in China, kye in Korea, and ko in Japan. one-half of all adults living in urban areas often partici- ROSCAs intermediate in the most basic way. A small pated in ROSCAs and that their ROSCA payments number of individuals, typically six to forty, form a amounted, on average, to about one-sixth of their sala- group and select a leader who periodically collects a ries. These associations were even found among em- given amount (a share) from each member. The money ployees of formal financial intermediaries. Despite hy- collected (the fund) is then given in rotation to each perinflation and poor loan recovery by formal lenders, member of the group. In some countries, such as India Bolivians reported few problems in their ROSCAs. I and Cameroon, ROSCAs have evolved into formal Studies show that a relatively high proportion of those banks. with steady incomes in Cameroon, India, and Sri Three types of ROSCAs are found in many countries. I In common ROSCAs, the leader receives no special Lanka often participate in ROSCAs. These associations have also been reported among employees of the cen- consideration (other than possibly getting the first tral banks of Belize, Bolivia, the Dominican Republic, fund). Commission ROSCAs pay their leaders, who in and the Philippines. return may assume liability for defaults. Promotional The popularity of ROSCAs among low- and middle- I ROSCAs are used by merchants to sell goods, espe- income groups shows that people like to save, even cially consumer durables. under trying circumstances. The Bolivian research Loans are interest free in most common and pro- showed that more than 90 percent of the people inter- j motional ROSCAs; the amount received is equal to viewed joined ROSCAs primarily because they wanted I the total paid in by the member. More sophisticated to save more and felt that membership forced them to ROSCAs may allocate funds on the basis of discount do so. loan losses and transaction costs reduce the real- credit may also borrow from moneylenders if for- ized rate of return. To keep collection rates high mal lenders take too long to process an applica- and transaction costs low and to minimize the cost tion. Two to three weeks is quick for many formal of idle funds, the moneylender maintains relations intermediaries, and two to three months is not un- with the same borrowers. Conversely, borrowers common. Often, loans from moneylenders are are paying not only for that day's loan but also for used to make a transaction at short notice, and continuing access to immediate credit. funds from formal lenders are used to repay the Loans from moneylenders are typically short- moneylenders. term and are extended to clients of long standing; Borrowers who own marketable assets may turn they are rarely tied to collateral. Most moneylend- to pawnbrokers for short-term credit. Pawnbro- ers use their own funds for lending. Interest rates kers take possession of assets for a fixed term and are high. Where entry is restricted and alternative lend against them at an agreed rate of interest. financial services are lacking, high interest rates During the term of the loan the borrower is free to may be partly a result of imbalances in economic repay and thereby to redeem his asset. Once the and social power, but the cost and risk of small term expires, the pawnbroker can sell the asset loans are also high. To meet the demand for timely and keep the proceeds. Because the loan has collat- and convenient loans, the moneylender must eral, the pawnbroker needs no further information maintain adequate liquidity, some of which will be about risk. But the pawnbroker must know the idle during slack periods. The opportunity cost of resale market well if he is to sell such assets this reserve is part of the moneylender's costs. profitablyespecially since the borrower has the Many noncorporate agents with access to formal option of avoiding the pawnbroker altogether by 114 selling and then repurchasing the asset on his tion by saving. Formal intermediaries have been own. slow to develop deposit services for this sector, but Pawnbroking is an example of how collateral is a variety of informal arrangements allow farmers, used in some informal arrangements to reduce risk small businesses, and households to pooi their and fill the gaps in information that characterize savings. The simplest such arrangement is the use the noncorporate sector. Other, slightly more so- of money guardslocal people who safeguard phisticated solutions include sale and repurchase cash for those who have no secure means of doing arrangements (in which the borrower retains phys- so. Most such deposits earn no interest and are ical possession of the asset while the moneylender secured only by the word of the money guard. The has legal title) and the use of overdraft checks for guards maintain enough liquidity to return de- loan surety. In these cases commercial law makes posits at short notice. Some deposits may be used repayment enforceable, and recourse to banking by the guards for business transactions or for lend- law continues to be avoided. ing, but if so the practice is seldom made public. Informal deposit services are also provided by Seasonal credit and short-term savings group savings associations. Deposits can be made at regular or irregular intervals. Funds are some- Another common need is to smooth fluctuations in times lent temporarily and then returned to the income. This can be done with liquid savings or depositor at the end of an agreed period, or they seasonal credit. In rural areas marketing interme- can be applied to the cost of providing a public diaries are often an important source of credit for good. A popular arrangement is the rotating sav- farmers. In urban areas retailers may offer credit ings and credit association (ROSCA), which is de- for the goods they sell. Marketing agents often scribed in detail in Box 8.2. Members pool money provide lines of credit to farmers in return for a by making periodic payments into a fund, which commitment to sell produce through the agents. then rotates among members as a lump-sum pay- The farmer may be charged explicit interest, or he out. This allows at least some members to finance may pay indirectly through the price received for large expenditures sooner than if they had relied his crop. The agent knows the farmer, and this on their own savings. Some ROSCAs even meet reduces his risk and transaction costs. the demand for the larger and longer-term loans It is sometimes difficult for analysts to determine that are needed to finance the cost of housing. the implicit interest charges when loans or repay- The popularity of such arrangements shows the ments are made in kind. In the Sudan, for exam- potential for pooling individual savings among ple, a merchant might provide a farmer with two small farmers or microentrepreneurs. In England sacks of millet in return for three sacks at harvest- and elsewhere building societieswhich later be- time two months later. The apparent monthly in- came an important part of the formal financial terest rate is 25 percent. But the true rate is much systemoften began as ROSCAs. lower because the price of millet is typically higher between harvests than at harvesttime. Long-term finance Philippine corn traders provide credit to many farmers. Transaction costs are low for lender and Because informal lenders and their customers are borrower alike, and interest rates range from 2 to 3 small and isolated, the risks of long-term lending percent a month. (Interest rates on bank loans to are greater. Not much term finance is provided by corn traders are 1.5-2.0 percent a month.) The the informal sector, but some informal arrange- terms of the loans are flexiblemost range from ments have developed, mainly for housing fi- four to five monthsbut because borrowers are nance. One example is key money, as in Bolivia vulnerable to the climate, it is common for traders and Korea. A home buyer can lease his house in to carry loans over to a second or even a third exchange for a large cash payment. After an harvest. Although the interest costs of trader credit agreed period the house and the money are reex- are higher than for loans from formal institutions, changed. The interest that could have been earned transaction costs are lower, and so the total cost of on the money is the rental value of the house. The borrowing is roughly the same. The difference is recipient of key money may use it to finance a busi- that formal, targeted credit is simply not available ness venture or the purchase of the house, thus to most corn producers when it is needed. circumventing the lack of conventional mortgage Noncorporate agents can smooth their consump- finance. He must then save enough to return the 115 original amount to the renter by the end of the government programs of directed, low-cost lend- rental period. ing have experienced serious difficulties. Two types of lending arrangements, which fall in the Limitations of informal financial arrangements gray area between informal and formal finance, of- fer some promise. These are group lending Despite their success in providing financial ser- schemes and cooperative financial institutions, vices to small businesses that would otherwise lack which can be found the world over. them, informal financial arrangements do not meet all the needs of the sector. For example, such ar- Group lending schemes rangements do not allow savings to be collected from more than a small group of individuals well The funds for group lending schemes can come known to one another, and they do not move from a commercial bank, a government develop- funds over large distances. Especially in rural areas ment bank, or private institutions. The role of the local markets may be segmented from national group varies. In some cases the funds are lent to markets, which limits the supply of credit. Most the group as a whole, which then allocates them loans are from family and friends or group associa- among members. Or loans maybe made directly to tions and are at low interest rates. The higher rates individual members of the group. In either case that moneylenders and pawnbrokers charge are in the group provides a guarantee; it is answerable to large part due to the higher costs and risks associ- the outside lender for the repayment of loans. ated with informal loans. But some loans from The idea is that by joining together, small bor- moneylenders are at very high interest rates be- rowers can reduce the costs of borrowing and im- cause of the power imbalance that exists between prove their access to credit. The outside lender's borrower and lender. In fact, much of the tradi- costs are reduced because lending to a group tional criticism of moneylenders has derived from lowers the risk of dealing with small businesses the high interest charges and intimidating prac- and circumvents the problems involved in select- tices of loan sharkslenders who often finance ille- ing borrowers. The groups themselves must be se- gal activities. Except in housing finance, informal lective in accepting new members. In this way, arrangements generally do not provide term fi- groups act as a substitute for information about nance. These shortcomings may inhibit the long- borrowers and thereby reduce the costs of process- term planning and investment that are necessary if ing loans. Group members encourage each other productivity is to rise. to repay on time so that the rest can qualify for The limitations of informal financial arrange- loans in the future. This directly reduces the ments do not call for completely new institutions. lender's commercial risks. Indeed, formal intermediaries have often failed The two most common means of providing where informal arrangements have prospered. group accountability are (a) joint and several liabil- Formal institutions, and the policymakers who set ity and (b) limited liability. Joint and several lia- their rules, might learn much about these markets bility encourages extremely careful selection of by studying informal arrangements more closely. members because any member can be held liable Their essential features are these. Transactions are for the defaults of others. It may, however, deter undertaken by mutual consent, so the arrange- the comparatively wealthy from joining the group, ments must meet the needs of both the buyer and since they have more to lose. In rural Zimbabwe, the seller of the service. Transaction costs are kept schemes based on joint and several liability to a minimum. And lenders are able to reduce the worked well in times of average production but risk of default by using knowledge that they have fared worse than other schemes in the same area in already gathered from other social or business times of drought and low production. The threat of dealings. Sometimes informal arrangements pro- default led farmers to withhold repayment and vide a basis for establishing links with formal insti- hope for a general amnesty, since they would be, tutions so as to provide a fuller range of services. in any event, accountable for other members' debts. Semiformal finance Group lending schemes based on limited liability are more common. In Malawi and Nepal borrow- Several approaches have been tried to overcome ers are required to put part of their loans in a fund the limitations of informal finance for the noncor- that would be forfeited if any member defaulted. If porate sector. As discussed in Chapter 4, many all members repay their loans, these deposits are 116 Box 8.3 The Grameen Bank: an alternative approach to noncorporate finance in Bangladesh While the government struggled to create a viable rural disbursed, of which almost Tkl.2 billion had been re- banking system in Bangladesh, a small private initia- covered. Outstanding loans were thus about Tk300 tive was started in 1976 to help the landless without million, with almost 70 percent held by women bor- normal bank collateral to obtain credit. This program rowers. has become the Grameen (Rural) Bank. The unique In sharp contrast to the Bangladesh commercial operating procedures of the Grameen Bank grew out of several earlier attempts to reach the rural poor and banking system, the Grameen Bank has experienced excellent loan recovery. As of February 1987 about 97 I were a sharp departure from traditional banking. The percent of loans had been recovered within one year bank's customers, who are restricted to the very poor, after disbursement and almost 99 percent within two are organized into five-person groups, and each group years. This good performance is reportedly attributable member must establish a regular pattern of weekly sav- to a combination of factors: close supervision of field I ing before seeking a loan. The first two borrowers in a operations, dedicated service by bank staff, borrowing group must make several regular weekly payments on for purposes that generate regular income, solidarity their loans before other group members can borrow. within groups, and repayment in weekly installments. Most loans are to finance trading and the purchase of Another factor which encourages repayment is the bor- livestock. rower's knowledge that the availability of future loans By February 1987 the Grameen Bank was operating depends on the repayment of borrowed funds. 300 branches covering 5,400 villages. Nearly 250,000 Bank staff meet weekly with groups to disburse persons were participating, among them an increasing loans, collect savings deposits and loan payments, and number of women, who accounted for about 75 per- provide training in financial responsibility. This means I cent of the total. The membership included about 13 high operating costs. The ratio of expenses to loans percent of households with less than half an acre of rose from 9 percent in 1984 to 18 percent in 1986. These land in the areas in which the bank was operating. high costs have been partially offset by low-cost funds Loans are smallon average, about 3,000 taka ($100) in from international agencies. 1985. By the end of 1986 about Tkl.5 billion had been I returned. This practice has resulted in a good on external funds. Few collect deposits, partly be- record of repayment. In Malawi, where 10 percent cause the supply of cheap external funds reduces of loans was held as security, 97 percent of sea- the intermediary's incentive to provide this ser- sonal credit disbursed between 1969 and 1985 was vice, but also because deposit taking is viewed as recovered. In Nepal's Small Farmer Development too complex a task for unpaid group leaders. De- Program, which required security deposits of 5 spite these drawbacks, some group lenders, such percent, the repayment rate in 1984 was 88 per- as the Grameen Bank of Bangladesh, have an im- cent. These repayment rates compare favorably pressive record (see Box 8.3). with other small-borrower credit programs. An- other way of imposing limited liability is to link Cooperative finance continued access to credit with prompt repayment of existing loans (as is done in Ghana, Malawi, and In group lending, borrowers and intermediaries Zimbabwe). are separate entities. In a cooperative arrange- Group lending schemes have improved access to ment, borrowers and depositors own the interme- credit in many countries, but they too have draw- diary. In some countries such cooperatives fall out- backs. Groups have often been created at the ini- side the regulations that govern banks and similar tiative of governments or private development institutions. This can give financial cooperatives agencies. This top-down approach means that a flexibility, but it can also cut them off from the scheme can be extended rapidly, but it may under- rediscounting and other facilities that are generally cut the force of local sanction. In one Latin Ameri- available to other institutions. can scheme, bank employees formed groups from In many developing countries cooperatives oper- lines of borrowers at their windows. Such arbitrary ate under a government department that supports selection is unlikely to achieve group accountabil- them with funds, technical assistance, and policy ity. A second shortcoming is that the schemes rely guidance. Government support is attractive to the 117 cooperatives' managers because it allows lending interest rates, dividends on shares, and lending to expand quickly, but it weakens the incentive of policies. The credit unions are federated, and they cooperative members to provide their own fi- jointly manage a central fund, invest in low-risk nance. When loans are made according to govern- financial instruments, and mediate transfers be- ment directive, lenders may find it difficult to col- tween member unions with surplus funds and lect. Such loans are often seen as grants and hence those with deficits. Loans from the central fund to as resources that can be spent on consumption. unions lacking liquidity amounted to only 13 per- Often, cooperatives have been promoted as a cent of its assets; deposits with financial institu- counter to usurious moneylenders and marketing tions accounted for 81 percent. Togo's credit agents. This has sometimes led the advocates of unions, like informal suppliers of financial ser- cooperatives and credit unions to think that finan- vices, live or die in the marketplace. But unlike cial services can be supplied to small producers for informal intermediaries, they have access to less than the real cost. broader financial markets through their federated Moreover, the goals of government and coopera- structure. As a result, they can intermediate be- tives can differ greatly: governments often view tween regions and diversify their assets. cooperatives as instruments for the conduct of broader policy. In Africa, for example, a ministry Improving finance for the noncorporate sector wished to use the cooperative credit system to channel low-interest funds from foreign donors to Although informal financial arrangements do targeted programs. When the ministry's plan was serve the needs of the noncorporate sector, they presented to the cooperative, the director declined cannot be regarded as adequate. Many of the at- because he felt that the funds would never be re- tempts by governments and international donors couped by his institution. The director was told to to increase the supply of finance to the noncor- reconsider or resign. The plan went into effect, re- porate sector have focused on providing access to payment rates were extremely low, and other co- affordable credit. They have foundered because operative lending programs were undermined. they did not take into account the true costs and The cooperative managed to refuse liability for risks of lending to the sector. Lowering the costs nonrepayment, but the defaults affected repay- and risks would help to put the sector within reach ments of the institution's other loans. of formal institutions. Greater competition be- Similarly, the support of foreign donors can be a tween formal and informal lenders would improve mixed blessing. Cooperatives may seem a suitable the allocation of resources. channel for development funds, but they often end up with heavy liabilities and a bad collection Improving the legal environment record. This mirrors the experience of develop- ment banks discussed in Chapter 4. Cooperatives Legal reforms could make it easier for small enter- that lend internally generated funds with an eye prises with relatively large financial needs to use on the rate of return do better than those that are formal services. Such reforms include better defini- told what to do by outsiders. Even those loans that tion and enforcement of property rights. Squatters involve no liability for the cooperative incur staff and small farmers with clear land titles would then costs which may overburden a small institution. have an acceptable form of collateral. Property Despite the difficulties, cooperatives are a good laws that limit inheritance by women or prohibit way of increasing access to financial services. Their married women from holding property in their costs are often low because they use volunteer la- own names limit their access to credit. In many bor and because they can reduce risk through countries banking laws require women to obtain group accountability and local sanction. Where permission from their husbands or fathers to bor- governments have been more concerned with the row. In much of Africa such laws reduce agricul- viability of cooperatives than with social objec- tural investment by placing an economically irrele- tivesand where interest rate restrictions have vant barrier between the farmer and her source of been relatively modestcooperatives have flour- finance. ished and the supply of financial services has Laws meant to protect borrowers have often broadened. In Togo, for example, savings in the made loan contracts harder to enforce and have credit union system grew by 25 percent a year and thereby raised the risk of lending. Licensing and loans by 33 percent a year during 1977-86. Mem- registration formalities and taxation of businesses bers elect a board of directors, which decides on need to be kept in check. Small businesses in Peru, 118 for example, are forced to operate clandestinely which reduced their incentive to collect deposits because legal status costs too much. So regulation and undercut their independence. Many coopera- fails even in its narrow objective. Meanwhile, the tive members, seeing that this new source of fi- economic welfare of suppliers and customers is re- nance was risky, continued to rely on the informal duced because businesses would have better ac- arrangements. If the advantages of formality are cess to formal credit if they were properly regis- visible and worthwhile, clients will participate and tered and licensed. the institution will prosper. If not, they will return to the informal arrangements. Links between informal and formal finance Formal intermediation for the noncorporate sector Improvements in the provision of financial ser- vices might be gained by upgrading informal Governments in many developing countries have arrangements and linking them to formal insti- encouraged formal institutions to serve the non- tutions. This implies building upon, not sup- corporate sector. The means have included low- planting, the existing arrangements. The linking of cost rediscount facilities for targeted lending informal arrangements with cooperatives is be- through commercial banks, mandatory lending coming increasingly common in Africa. In Kinkala, targets, and state-supported lending institutions. a small rural town in the People's Republic of the As Chapter 4 pointed out, these policies have cre- Congo, a savings and credit cooperative, Coopéra- ated weak institutions and have thereby retarded tive d'Epargne et de Credit (COOPEC), has 268 the development of an efficient financial sector. members. Informal arrangements operate in the They have been particularly damaging to the farm local market. Among them is a ROSCA with sector. These failures have come to be widely iec- twenty-four members. Each member contributes ognized, and a search for better solutions is under 2,000 CFA francs a month (about $4.50 in 1985) and way. receives the total collection of CFAF48,000 every Government-supported credit programs for the two years. This scheme has been linked with noncorporate sector can work. This is shown by COOPEC so that ROSCA members (who are also the Badan Kredit Kecamatan (BKK) program in In- enrolled in the cooperative) make their monthly donesia (see Box 8.4). The program provides loans contribution to the COOPEC manager, who de- to rural enterprises and other small borrowers. Its posits the total CFAF48,000 in a savings account. viability has been maintained through interest ROSCA members are considered a good risk; their rates that reflect lending costs and through the use loan applications are looked upon favorably by the of local sanction to enforce repayment. Shared COOPEC loan committee. In this way, COOPEC profits encourage careful lending by BKK staff. has mobilized funds from its members and has sat- Funds for the program have come from a govern- isfied credit demand. ment-mandated rediscounting facility, but the An example of an apparently successful conver- scheme was designed to maintain its indepen- sion of borrowing groups into a cooperative bank dence. is the Working Women's Forum of Madras. In 1978 Most of the successful formal institutions that thirty women engaged in petty trade organized as serve the noncorporate sector, however, take de- a group to borrow from a commercial bank. De- posits. Some institutions have greatly improved spite the success of this and other affiliated groups their position by doing so. The Banco Agricola in of Indian women, dissatisfaction with delays and the Dominican Republic began to offer passbook inflexible disbursement and repayment schedules savings services in 1984 because it was in serious led them to form and staff their own bank in 1981. financial difficulty and urgently needed funds. By An example of upgrading that produced mixed 1987 deposits had increased more than twentyfold. results is the conversion of indigenous savings and Although 60 percent of the depositors were pre- credit associations (isusu) into cooperatives in east- vious borrowers from the institution, the rest were ern Nigeria. Cooperatives based on isusu per- a new clientele who demanded only a safe and formed better in most respects than the rest. Mem- convenient store for liquidity. bers of these cooperatives, however, not only Mobilization of voluntary deposits is desirable remained members of indigenous savings and for several reasons. First, resource allocation can credit associations but also held most of their sav- be improved if noncorporate agents have good de- ings there. This was partly because the govern- posit opportunities with positive real rates of inter- ment gave the cooperatives easy access to funds, est and low transaction costs. Second, the flow of 119 I Box 8.4 The Badan Kredit Kecamatan: financial innovation for the noncorporate sector in Indonesia A government project in central Java, the Badan Kredit through the organization of retired military officers I Kecamatan (BKK), lends tiny sums without collateral, cost 47.5 percent a month. The BKK's effective largely to middle-aged peasant women. The BKK takes monthly rate is about 7.5 percent. A maximum of one no longer than a week to process the one-page loan week elapses between loan application and disburse- application form and does not supervise the loans. ment or rejection. If the first loan is repaid on time, It sounds like a recipe for disaster, yet the BKK is one new loans may be disbursed on the same day as the of the most successful banking operations of its kind in application. To get a loan, borrowers must fill out a the world. More than 35 percent of central Java's 8,500 simple one-page form and receive the approval of their villages are serviced by almost 500 subdistrict BKK village leader. No collateral is required. The system re- units and 3,000 village posts. As of December 31, 1987, lies upon character references from local officials and the BKK had 516,000 outstanding loans, 90 percent of peer pressure to encourage repayment. which were for less than $60. The BKK earned $1.4 The BKK reduces risk by making initial, short-term million in profits in 1987a 14 percent return on the loans of about $5. The administrative costs would seem consolidated average outstanding portfolio for that prohibitive. But these loans introduce villagers to the year. Although the delinquency rate appears to be financial system and enable them to graduate to larger highabout 20 percent of outstanding loansa closer loans. Most clients agreed that the greatest incentive look reveals that about three-quarters of arrears are for repaying on time was the expectation of getting several years old and should be written off. If these another loan. loans were subtracted, the actual repayment rate Each local BKK is an independent unit, not a bank would be around 95 percent. (The BKK resists writing branch. The staff of the regional development bank off bad debts because it feels that this sends the wrong supervises the local units carefully. Salaries of BKK message to borrowers.) staff are low, but motivation to expand the portfolio Starting in 1970, at the initiative of the governor of and maintain a good collection rate is high, since 10 central Java, a BKK unit was created in each of the percent of a BKK's profits are divided among its staff. If subdistricts (kecamatan) with an initial loan of 1 million a BKK goes bankrupt, staff members are no longer rupiah. The loan was provided by the provincial gov- paid. ernment through the regional development bank at The main source of BKK funds has been loans from 1 percent interest per month. Additional funds are bor- the regional development bank. Each loan to borrow- rowed from the regional development bank, also at ers, however, has a mandatory savings component that 1 percent interest per month. To bypass restrictions earns interest and can be withdrawn when the loan is and paperwork, these BKK units were classified as fully repaid. Recently the BKK began a voluntary sav- nonbanks. This enabled the BKK to charge interest ings program in nine units. More than $30,000 was rates high enough to cover its costs, to avoid credit raised within seven months, with an average savings allocation, and to ignore traditional collateral require- account of only $9. Most of these voluntary savers were ments. not BKK borrowers. The program will be duplicated at BKK loans are relatively cheap. Daily credit from 400 of the healthiest units in 1988-89. moneylenders costs 20 percent a day. Monthly loans L resources is typically from small savers to high- are to provide sustainable financial services to the yield activities in the corporate sector. Inadequate noncorporate sector. This means better manage- deposit facilities can block the most important ment and improved incentives for employees. In- channel for this flow. Third, financial institutions novation will be needed to contain the added risks require the independence and discipline that only of providing finance to the noncorporate sector. voluntary deposits can provide. Institutions gain Group lending is one example. Another is the ratch- from extra information on potential borrowers, etmg of loansmaking small loans initially and big- from the relationships that bind intermediary and ger ones after the borrower has proved creditworthy. client, and from the borrowers' knowledge that This has been the practice of many group schemes loans come from neighbors and not distant gov- and of both the Grameen Bank and the BKK. ernment or international agencies. Formal institutions could extend more of their A strengthening of formal financial institutions services to the noncorporate sector if it was profit- (as discussed in Chapter 7) will be needed if they able to do so. This means improving the ability of 120 banks to reduce loan losses and establishing clear Governments, in their efforts to overcome these property rights for borrowers. Above all, profit- shortcomings, have underestimated the difficulties ability requires reducing directed credit programs of supplying services to the sector. Government with interest rate restrictions, since these fail to programs have benefited the few people fortunate reflect the costs and risks involved in lending to enough to receive cheap credit, but in general they the noncorporate sector. have failed to reduce costs or to facilitate the trans- Most of the financial needs of the noncorporate fer of resources from those with surplus funds to sector are met quite well by a wide variety of infor- those who can make use of them or to promote mal arrangements. Providers of informal services viable financial institutions. Financial services to rely on their knowledge of their customers and on rural areas and to the urban poor would benefit local sanction to contain credit risk. But some in- from better legal systems, more clearly defined formal financial arrangements are costly, and they property rights, and better links between informal offer limited alternatives in instruments and and formal financial institutions. suppliers. 121 Toward more liberal and open financial systems A number of countries, both developed and devel- and breadth of financial reform varied among oping, have taken steps to liberalize their financial countries, and it is difficult to disentangle the ef- systems during the past decade. Interest rates fects of financial reform from those of other re- have been liberalized in Argentina, Australia, forms that were taking place at the same time. Chile, France, Ghana, Indonesia, Japan, the Re- Overall, though, it seems clear that financial liber- public of Korea, Malaysia, New Zealand, Nigeria, alization has helped to mobilize resources through the Philippines, Sri Lanka, Turkey, the United the formal financial system and to improve the effi- States, and Uruguay. In other countries, such as ciency with which they are used. Thailand and Yugoslavia, interest ceilings have The task of reform is not straightforward. This been managed more flexibly than before. Several chapter discusses the pitfalls to be avoided in the countries, such as Chile and Korea, privatized transition from a regulated financial sector to one their commercial banks. Argentina, Chile, Paki- that is more market-oriented. It also discusses the stan, and Turkey reduced their directed credit pro- issues raised by the integration of a country's fi- grams, and interest rate subsidies were reduced or nancial system with international financial mar- abolished in Korea and the Philippines. kets. Several factors prompted these shifts in policy. During the past decade many developing coun- Recent experiences with financial reform tries began to place greater emphasis on the pri- vate sector and on market-determined pricing. In The pace and scope of reform have differed sub- higher-income countries, the inflationary shocks of stantially from country to country. Financial sec- the 1970s and early 1980s underscored the limita- tors in most of the high-income countries were al- tions of regulations on interest rates and credit. ready mature and market-based, and reform Rapid advances in telecommunications and infor- focused on eliminating controls and thereby pro- mation processing have spurred the development moting competition. In some developing coun- of new financial instruments and have promoted tries, however, financial systems were heavily re- greater financial integration both domestically and pressed before reform. Three countries in Latin internationally. This has made it harder for govern- AmericaArgentina, Chile, and Uruguayshifted ments to control financial markets. within a few years from highly controlled to The lessons of reform are obscured by difficulties largely uncontrolled finance. The Philippines and in interpretation. The starting point and the pace Turkey also eliminated most of their interest rate 122 controls within a very short period, but they did volatile. As it surged from time to time, real inter- not undertake major financial reforms in other ar- est rates fell, but even so they were often very high eas. Elsewhere, reforms were even more limited in both countries. and were introduced more gradually. Some devel- All three governments tried to change deep- oping countriesMalaysia, for instancealready seated inflationary expectations by publishing a had market-oriented systems, but in others, such schedule of preannounced changes in the ex- as China, the overall economy remained con- change rate. These schedules (tablita) allowed for a trolled. The process of reform was frequently inter- slowing rate of devaluation and were intended to rupted when political resistance or deteriorating convince the public that the domestic rate of infla- economic conditions forced governments to slow tion would gradually converge with the interna- or even to reverse liberalization. tional rate. Similarly, the countries liberalized their With few exceptions developing countries intro- capital accounts to bring domestic and foreign in- duced financial reforms in periods of economic terest rates into line. It was hoped that these mea- stress as part of stabilization and structural adjust- sures would hasten the return to low inflation and ment programs. But the degree of stress also var- at the same time bring down the countries' high ied among countries. For example, Argentina, domestic interest rates. Inflation, however, stayed Chile, Turkey, and Uruguay had large fiscal deficits higher than the rate implied by the tablita, and as a and suffered from inflation of between 50 and 200 result the real exchange rate appreciated consider- percent in the five years before financial reform. In ably and exports and output suffered. The wide contrast, Indonesia, Korea, Malaysia, and New differentials between high domestic and lower for- Zealand had relatively low levels of inflation both eign interest rates, together with preannounced before and after financial reform. Although these changes in exchange rates, promised very high re- countries were also attempting to stabilize their turns and attracted large inflows of capital. These economies and restructure their trade and indus- in turn caused rapid monetary expansion and trial sectors, their reforms were quite different be- made it difficult to control domestic demand. The cause they were conducted against a more stable lack of effective regulation and supervision al- background. lowed speculation and reckless lending to go un- checked. Southern Cone countries To restore external balance in the early 1980s, all three countries had to devalue their currencies Three of the most dramatic and far-reaching pro- substantially. These and other measures were nec- grams of financial reform were carried out by Ar- essary, but, together with persistently high inter- gentina, Chile, and Uruguay in the mid-1970s. The est rates, they added to the financial distress of the measures included the lifting of controls on inter- corporate sector, and many financial institutions est rates and capital movements (local banks were failed. By one estimate, the nonperforming assets allowed to offer dollar-denominated loans and de- of Chile's banks amounted to 79 percent of capital posits), the elimination of directed credit pro- and reserves in 1982 and to more than 150 percent grams, the privatization of nationalized banks, and in 1983. The monetary authorities in all three coun- the lowering of barriers to entry for both domestic tries were forced to rescue failing banks. Monetary and foreign banks. These reforms were imple- expansion, partly caused by these efforts to assist mented relatively quickly, during periods of high the banks, undermined the governments' broader and volatile inflation, and as part of broader pro- adjustment programs and jeopardized financial grams of stabilization and liberalization. Each pro- liberalization. Argentina and Chile were both gram encountered serious difficulties, partly be- forced to reintroduce direct controls on their finan- cause of the way in which financial deregulation cial sectors. But after nationalizing its failed banks, was handled and partly because of problems in the Chile resumed its liberal policies. It began a long- real sector. term program to rehabilitate and reprivatize the Following the reforms in Chile, inflation de- banks and to put in place a sound system of pru- clined from 600 percent in 1974 to 20 percent in dential regulation and supervision. Argentina, 1981. In the face of decelerating inflation, the real too, has been gradually liberalizing since it reim- interest rate rose to extremely high levels: lending posed direct controls. rates were more than 30 percent in real terms in The financial crises in the Southern Cone coun- the years between 1975 and 1982. In Argentina and tries were caused by macro- and microeconomic Uruguay, in contrast, inflation remained high and problems at home and shocks from abroad. Within 123 a brief period firms faced rapid changes in relative radically reorganized. Between 1980 and 1986 the prices, a fall in domestic sales, sharp increases in banking system's assets shrank 44 percent in real interest rates, a major devaluation of the currency, terms. and a sudden termination of external credit. The Until 1980 the Turkish government maintained biggest problems began in the real sectors of the strict control of nominal interest rates. Inflation economy, but efforts to liberalize the financial sec- was high, and real interest rates were negative. In tor undoubtedly contributed to the resulting insta- 1980 the government removed the controls and al- bility. lowed banks to issue negotiable certificates of de- posit (CDs). At the same time it embarked upon a The Philippines and Turkey stabilization and structural adjustment program. The financial reforms were short-lived, however. The Philippines and Turkey have also reformed Two years later, after financial difficulties, the cen- their financial systems, which were once heavily tral bank reimposed ceilings on deposit interest repressed. Their reforms, however, centered on rates. freeing interest rates. In the early 1980s the Philip- Turkey's liberalization program differs from the pines liberalized interest rates and allowed com- others in several respects. The government's bud- mercial banks to provide a much broader range of get deficit declined between 1980 and 1982, which financial services. In the first years after the re- took some pressure off the financial markets. The forms, interest rates rose to about 10 percent in real government did not liberalize capital flows be- terms, and the financial sector grew rapidly. But tween 1980 and 1982 and thus avoided some of the when the country suffered serious macroeconomic complications that plagued the Southern Cone instability during 1983-85, a widespread financial countries. The annual inflation rate, as measured crisis developed. by changes in the wholesale price index, declined Beginning in the late 1970s the Philippines pur- from more than 100 percent in 1980 to 25 percent in sued expansionary policies to sustain high eco- 1982. Real interest rates increased sharply during nomic growth despite a world recession. The fiscal the stabilization period. The domestic currency de- deficit increased from 0.2 percent of GNP in 1978 preciated in real terms, GNP growth became posi- to 4 percent in 1982, and the current account deficit tive after two years of contraction, and the compo- rose from 5 percent of GNP to 8 percent over the sition of demand shifted from domestic absorption same period. Political uncertainty reinforced a toward exports. Turkey appeared to be on the right gradual loss of confidence in the domestic econ- path. omy; capital began to flow abroad just as the sup- These macroeconomic changes, however, hit ply of foreign finance began to dry up. A smaller corporate profits and left businesses struggling to external deficit in later years was made possible adjust. Financial problems in the corporate sector only by sharp cuts in imports and domestic ab- then caused distress in the banking system. Non- sorption. The peso devaluation of 1983-84 and the performing loans, especially among smaller banks, large fiscal deficit caused inflation to rise to 50 per- prompted intense competition for financial re- cent in 1984. In that year the government imple- sources. Banks that needed liquidity increased mented a stringent stabilization program that in- their deposit rates. Bigger banks tried to limit this cluded the sale of new high-yield instruments by competition with a gentlemen's agreement on in- the central bank, with the aim of slowing monetary terest rates, but they failed and the competition growth. To keep their deposit base in the face of continued. Banks also issued large volumes of CDs this new competition, banks and financial compa- through brokerage houses (which offered higher nies also increased their interest rates, which at interest rates), even though this practice was pro- times rose to more than 20 percent in real terms. hibited after 1981. Additional financial resources The highly leveraged corporate sector thus faced were used to meet immediate obligations and to mounting financial strain. refinance nonperforming loans: in other words, Financial distress in the corporate sector, bad many insolvent borrowers continued to borrow. management in the banks, political corruption, Indicators of financial depth improved during this and inadequate regulation and supervision all led period, but a large part of the additional intermedi- to a rapid deterioration in the balance sheets of ation went to finance interest payments on non- financial institutions. Eventually the crisis forced performing loans. the government to intervene. A number of smaller The government finally intervened in mid-1982. banks were taken into the public sector, and the It found that some banks had failed to meet their two largest banks, both government-owned, were reserve requirements because of liquidity prob- 124 Box 9.1 Financial liberalization in New Zealand New Zealand is an example of a developed country rate, introduced market-based tenders for sales of gov- p that has made the transition from a heavily regulated ernment securities, and established a new system of financial system to one more reliant on market forces. monetary control. To promote competition among fi- By 1984 government intervention in finance had be- nancial institutions, the government encouraged the come widespread. Most intermediaries were subject to entry of new banks irrespective of domicile and ex- interest rate controls, credit was directed toward pre- tended the right to deal in foreign exchange to institu- ferred sectors such as housing and farming, and inter- tions outside the banking sector. External capital con- mediaries were obliged to buy government securities at trols were removed to deepen the foreign exchange below-market interest rates. Although these policies market. Liberalization was accompanied by strength- stimulated investment in housing and agriculture and ened supervisory capabilities. Prudential regulation provided the government with a cheap source of deficit emphasized the prevention of system-wide failure financing, they contributed to slow growth by reducing rather than failures of individual institutions, and the the credit available for other, potentially more profit- government chose not to introduce a deposit insurance able activities. They also undermined financial stability scheme. and the effectiveness of monetary policy as financial It is too early to make definitive judgments on the intermediation shifted to firms less amenable to regula- success of the financial reforms, but the evidence thus tion and to institutions less constrained by prudential far is reassuring. The removal of capital controls did not lead to capital flightan outcome attributed to the I standards. Following the 1984 election the government intro- credibility and the comprehensive nature of New duced a new market-oriented strategy. The compre- Zealand's program of reform. The number of banks hensive package of structural reforms sought to spur operating in New Zealand has risen from four to fif- growth and to redress external imbalance by increasing teen. Financial activity appears to have gravitated back the role of market forces in the economy. Included toward the banking sector, and the narrowing of some were trade liberalization, labor market reforms, mea- banking margins, especially on foreign exchange trans- sures to restore fiscal discipline, and reform of state- actions and consumer loans, indicates that competition I owned enterprises (including privatization). In the fi- has increased. New Zealand's apparent success sug- nancial sector the government abolished all interest gests the importance of incorporating financial reforms rate controls and credit directives, floated the exchange into a broader program of structural reform. lems. The government merged five insolvent on the services that could be offered by different banks with bigger ones, imposed ceilings on de- institutions were also reduced or eliminated. Fi- posit interest rates, and increased its monitoring. nancial systems in these countries were already In the meantime several brokerage houses, includ- market-oriented, and the reforms were designed ing some of the largest, went bankrupt. to stimulate further competition and efficiency. While Turkey reregulated interest rates, the With modestly rising inflation in the 1970s and Philippinesafter substantially restructuring its fi- early 1980s, interest rate controls on deposits pre- nancial intermediariescontinued its liberal pol- vented institutions from competing effectively icy. The financial problems of both countries re- with unregulated suppliers in the securities mar- flected past economic policies and bad bank kets and Euromarkets. Although the reforms gen- management. External shocks, structural adjust- erally improved the efficiency of financial systems, ment, and abnormally high interest rates turned they caused stress for certain institutions such as these problems into a financial crisis. The liberali- the savings and loan system in the United States zation of interest rates left the corporate sector vul- and finance companies in Malaysia. Interest rates nerable to macroeconomic shocks. In both coun- in general were affected more by macroeconomic tries weak prudential regulation and supervision developments than by the financial reforms. Bank allowed the capitalization of interest and a rapid deposit and loan rates rose modestly in real terms. deterioration of bank portfolios. Financial depth increased substantially. Interest rate spreads and the dispersion of rates in different Reforms in other countries market segments narrowedall signs of greater competition and efficiency. Australia, Japan, Malaysia, New Zealand (see Box Other countries that had more repressed sys- 9.1), and the United States have all liberalized their tems have also undertaken financial reforms. The interest rates during the past decade. Restrictions scope and pace of reforms, however, have been 125 Box 9.2 Financial reform in Korea Korea's heavily regulated financial system was a key terest rates rose, and growing numbers of highly in- instrument in the government's industrial policy of the debted firms found it difficult to service their debts. 1960s and 1970s Interest rates were controlled and The government swiftly reduced nominal interest were kept low during most of this period. A substantial rates, but because inflation declined, real lending rates proportion of bank creditwell above one-thirdwas stayed between 5 and 10 percent throughout the 1980s. directed by the government to designated sectors. By By the mid-1980s Korea had established macroeco- the late 1970s, however, a growing consensus had nomic stability: the annual inflation rate fell to 2-3 per- emerged that this approach was retarding the growth cent, and the fiscal and current account deficits were of the financial sector and preventing the efficient allo- eliminated. Industry undertook a major restructuring. cation of resources. Confronted with a significant mac- The financial sector has grown rapidly in the 1980s, roeconomic imbalance and slower economic growth, largely owing to the explosive expansion of nonbank the government changed directions. institutions and securities markets and, to a lesser ex- Stabilization, structural adjustment, and financial re- tent, to growth in the banking sector. The ratio of M3 to foim programs were all introduced in the early 1980s. GNP almost doubled between 1980 and 1987 (see Box The government adopted several measures to encour- table 9.2). Building on this progress, the government age competition in the financial market. Nonbank insti- began the full liberalization of bank interest rates in late tutions, which were relatively new and lightly regu- 1988. Most lending rates were freed at that time, al- lated, were further deregulated, and barriers to entry though deposit rates are still controlled. The govern- were greatly relaxed. Additional foreign financial insti- ment also announced plans to open Korea's financial tutions, including banks and life insurance companies, markets to further foreign participation. were allowed to open branches. Commercial banks, most of which had been owned by the government, were privatized. The government eliminated its prefer- Box table 9.2 Korea's financial sector, 1980, 1984, ential lending rates and did not introduce any new and 1987 directed credit programs. At the same time, the author- (percentage of GNP) ities fostered greater competition among different sorts Indicator 1980 1984 1987 of financial institutions by allowing them to offer a wider range of services. M2 34.2 37.2 41.3 M3 48.6 68.1 94.4 The loans of commercial banks, even after privatiza- Corporate bonds 4.5 8.0 10.2 tion, continued to be closely monitored and super- Stock market capitalization 6.9 7.8 26.8 vised. The authorities continued to regulate the inter- Note: M2 is currency in circulation plus demand, time, and savings est rates of banks and nonbank institutions, but they deposits and residents' foreign currency deposits at the central bank partially deiegulated interest rates in the money and and deposit money banks. M3 is the sum of M2, deposits at non- bank financial institutions, debentures, commercial bills, and certifi- securities markets. Controls on capital flows were cates of deposit. maintained. When inflation started to decline, real in- Source: Bank of Korea and Ministry of Finance, Republic of Korea. limited and gradual. In Indonesia the major banks Latin American countries, other than those of are still publicly owned, but the government has the Southern Cone, have proceeded much more liberalized the credit ceilings and interest rates of cautiously. Several countries, particularly Brazil public banks and shifted control to the banks' and Mexico, were more successful in building bal- managements. Certain categories of deposit and anced and diversified institutional structures. But loan rates, however, remain controlled. Korea also financial reform there and elsewhere in Latin changed its financial policy in the 1980s, moving America was hindered by the failure to reduce in- away from heavy regulation to a more market- flation. oriented approach. These reforms have led to In Sub-Saharan Africa financial reforms are in rapid growth in the financial sector (see Box 9.2). place or under way in several countries, including Financial reforms in Greece, Morocco, Portugal, Côte d'Ivoire, Ghana, Guinea, Madagascar, Mo- and Tunisia have included a substantial reduction zambique, Nigeria, and Tanzania. The objectives in directed credit programs, an extensive are to restructure institutions, improve regulatory although far from completeliberalization of inter- procedures, and prepare the way for a greater reli- est rates, and efforts to develop money and capital ance on markets. The centrally planned economies markets. have also undertaken some financial reforms that 126 involve higher interest rates and somewhat greater key. In freeing the financial system from heavy competition in the provision of services. economic regulation, these countries failed to establish an adequate system of prudential reg- Lessons of reform ulation. In Chile, for example, privatizing banks without an adequate framework of prudential reg- These attempts at financial sector reform point to ulation allowed them to be acquired by industrial certain pitfalls, although the longer-term benefits groups, which used them to make excessive loans are considerable. The clearest lesson is that re- to group firms. Effective regulation and supervi- forms carried out against an unstable macroeco- sion by bank management, by market forces, and nomic background can make that instability worse. by public authorities are all necessary to reduce Complete liberalization of interest rates in coun- recklessness and fraud. tries with high and unstable rates of inflation can Financial liberalization, like other reforms, in- lead to high real interest rates and wide spreads volves transfers of wealth and income. Creditors between lending and deposit rates. Furthermore, gain from higher interest rates, and debtors lose. it did not prove possible in unstable economies to Financial institutions with long-term loans and prevent the real exchange rate from appreciating short-term deposits can be adversely affected by or to keep interest rates in line with the productiv- interest rate deregulation that results in higher ity of the real sector. As a result, the removal of rates. Firms with foreign exchange debt can suffer capital controls allowed volatile capital flows and huge losses when the currency is devalued. In the undermined monetary control. long run the change in relative prices is necessary In contrast, countries with reasonable macroeco- to bring about economic adjustment; in the short nomic stability were able to avoid the pitfalls of run the losses can be a political and economic ob- high real interest rates, fluctuations in the real ex- stacle to needed reforms. So a fourth lesson is that change rate, and insolvency among firms and the authorities must anticipate how reforms will banks. Some countries with considerable macro- change relative prices and how these changes will economic instability chose to liberalize gradually; affect different groups. Considerations of equity they retained certain controls on interest rates and and political feasibility alike may make it necessary capital flows while encouraging greater competi- to provide transitional compensation to those most tion and adjusting interest rates to reflect market adversely affected. conditions. These countries also avoided serious All this suggests that in the initial stages of re- disruption and achieved rapid growth in their fi- form many developing countries will be unable to nancial sectors. liberalize as extensively as some of the high- A second lesson is that where prices are dis- income countries. Although generalization is haz- torted owing to protection or price controls, finan- ardous, experience to date suggests the following cial liberalization may not improve the allocation of steps in moving from a regulated to a more liberal resources, which is one of its key objectives. In financial system. Reform should start by getting fact, deregulation may make matters worse by the fiscal deficit under control and establishing causing the financial system to respond more flexi- macroeconomic stability. The government should bly to bad signals. For example, Chile's overvalued then scale down its directed credit programs and exchange rate in the early 1980s greatly favored the adjust the level and pattern of interest rates to nontradables sector, which led to excessive invest- bring them into line with inflation and other mar- ment in real estate. Financial reform allowed more ket forces. In the initial stage of reform the govern- resources to flow to that sector. In the subsequent ment should also try to improve the foundations of crisis, real estate was one of the sectors that were financethat is, the accounting and legal systems, hardest hit. Exchange rate realignments and re- procedures for the enforcement of contracts, dis- forms in trade and public enterprise policy should closure requirements, and the structure of pruden- precede, or at least happen along with, financial tial regulation and supervision. It should encour- liberalization. age managerial autonomy in financial institutions. A third lesson is that direct intervention in fi- If institutional insolvency is widespread, the gov- nance must be replaced by an adequate, if less in- ernment may need to restructure some financial vasive, system of laws and regulations. Failure to institutions in the early stages of reform. Measures provide adequate prudential regulation and bank- to improve efficiency in the real sectorthat is, ing supervision contributed to financial insolvency more liberal policies toward trade and industry in the Southern Cone, the Philippines, and Tur- also ought to be taken at an early stage. 127 In the next stage, financial reform should seek to pending both on economic circumstances and on promote the development of a greater variety of political possibilities. This section reviews the markets and institutions and to foster competition. main components of a broadly conceived program Broader ranges for deposit and lending rates of financial reform. should be introduced. On the external side, for- eign entry into domestic financial markets should Financing fiscal deficits be encouraged to increase competition and efficiencybut perhaps with restrictions, until do- Macroeconomic stability depends on reducing mestic institutions are able to compete fully. Until public deficits to a level that can be financed by such reforms are well under way, it will probably means other than inflation or other taxes on the be necessary to maintain controls on the move- financial sector. Central government deficits have ment of capital. If, however, a country already has in recent years been equivalent to about one-fifth an open capital account, the government should of total government spending for a large sample of give priority to maintaining macroeconomic stabil- developing countries. About half of this total was ity to avoid destabilizing capital flows. After sub- financed by borrowing from central banks. The re- stantial progress has been made toward reform, sulting monetary expansion caused high inflation the government can move to the final stage: full in many countries. Government borrowing from liberalization of interest rates, the elimination of the domestic banking system through high reserve the remaining directed credit programs, the relaxa- and liquidity requirements is less inflationary than tion of capital controls, and the removal of restric- borrowing from the central bank, but it reduces tions on foreign institutions. bank profitability, distorts interest rates, and In sequencing the removal of exchange controls, crowds out private sector borrowers. To the extent trade transactions should be liberalized first and that a government finances its deficit domestically, capital movements later. Latin America's experi- borrowing from a securities market is therefore ence suggests that liberalizing them simultane- preferable to forced borrowing from financial insti- ously is undesirable. The speed of adjustment in tutions, which in turn is preferable to borrowing the capital market is faster than in the goods mar- from the central bank. ket. An inflow of capital can lead to an appreciation In most countries it is possible to start a market of the exchange rate, which undermines trade liber- for government bills, provided the government is alization. In the end, internal and external liberali- willing to pay the market interest rate. Indeed, zation will be complementary, but external reform several developing countries, including Indonesia, should wait until internal reform and the recovery the Philippines, and Sri Lanka, have established of domestic markets are under way. When macro- short-term government securities markets. This is economic stability has been established and the do- desirable not only because borrowing from such a mestic financial system has been liberalized and market is less inflationary than borrowing from deepened, it will be safe to allow greater freedom banks but also because a bills market makes it pos- for foreign institutions and capital flows, to link the sible for the government to engage in open market domestic and international financial markets. operations. These can be used to manage the mon- If the reform process as a whole is too quick, etary and credit aggregates without the distortions firms that entered into contracts and arrangements entailed by direct controls. A government bills under the old rules and that would otherwise be market is also a first step toward building a broader viable may face heavy losses. A gradual liberaliza- market for corporate securities. Once market par- tion will also impose losses, but it will allow firms ticipants have become familiar with owning and time to adjust and financial institutions time to de- trading government instruments and the infra- velop the new skills they will need. Undue delay, structure of brokers and traders is in place, it is however, carries the cost of perpetuating the ineffi- relatively easy for the private sector to issue its ciencies of financial repression. The appropriate own securities. And by borrowing from a bills mar- balance must be judged in each case. Here, at any ket instead of from the insurance and pension sys- rate, generalization is not helpful. tems, governments free long-term funds for in- vestment in private sector assets. Components of financial reform Interest rate policy Many countries have taken the first steps toward reforming their financial systems. The elements Studies suggest that rigid ceilings on interest rates necessary to take the process further will vary, de- have hindered the growth of financial savings and 128 reduced the efficiency of investment. High and rected credit programs and interest rate subsidies. volatile inflation worsens their impact. In most Many governments are unwilling to eliminate di- countries this overall rigidity has been com- rected credits entirely but are nonetheless increas- pounded by a pattern of interest rates that failed to ing the flow of credit to the private sector and re- discriminate between borrowers on the basis of ducing their own role in credit allocation. Two loan maturity, risk, or administrative cost. Govern- principles should guide the design of any remain- ments have often told banks to charge lower inter- ing programs. First, there can be only a limited est rates on loans to small borrowers and on loans number of priority sectors: a wide variety of di- of longer maturity. Growing recognition of the rected credit programs means that nothing is being harm that administered interest rates can cause given priority. Second, governments should be has recently led many governments to give market conscious of how little information they have in forces a bigger say. Governments in developing relation to the information they would need to and developed countries alike have deregulated in- price credit for different sectors appropriately. terest rates during the past decade. With regard to interest rates, the aim should be li the initial conditions are wrong, however, lib- to eliminate the difference between the subsidized eralization may fail to bring about the correct pat- rate and the market rate. The lowest interest rate tern of interest rates. In countries that have not yet should not be less than the rate charged by the been restored to macroeconomic stability, govern- commercial banks to prime borrowers. Increasing ments may need to continue managing interest the availability of credit to priority sectors should rates. In such cases the aim should be to adjust be the main focus of the remaining directed credit interest rates to reflect changes in inflation and ex- programs, since experience has shown that gener- change rates. Countries with open economies ous subsidies badly distort the allocation of re- need to pay close attention to the differentials be- sources. tween domestic and international rates. Beyond Charging nonprime borrowers the prime rate that, governments should phase out preferential implies a subsidy to the extent of the added risk interest rates. When good progress has been made and administrative costs. Instead of forcing the toward establishing macroeconomic stability, liber- banks to cover these costs by charging other bor- alizing industry, and restructuring the financial rowers more or paying depositors less, the author- system, the government might then move toward ities would be better advised to bear the costs a more thoroughgoing liberalization of interest themselves. Directed credit administered through rates. Some countries began by setting ranges and central bank rediscounts rather than through allowing banks to fix their rates within them. As quantitative allocations forced on the banks pro- liberalization moved to later stages, the ranges motes voluntary lending. Governments should were widened and then removed. not, however, let central bank rediscounts become a significant source of monetary expansion. Sec- Directed credit tors that require large subsidies should be dealt with in the budget, not through credit allocation. In most developing countries government inter- Finally, it seems more defensible to provide di- vention in the allocation of credit has been exten- rected credits for certain activities (for example, ex- sive. Although a degree of intervention may have ports or research and development) or for specific been useful during the early stages of develop- sorts of financing such as long-term loans than to ment, many countries have come to recognize target specific subsectors such as textiles or wheat. that this policy has had an adverse effect on indus- Targeting specific sectors is too risky in a world of trial and financial development. The evidence sug- shifting comparative advantage. gests that directed credit programs have been an inefficient way of redistributing income and of Institutional restructuring and development dealing with imperfections in the goods market. Some programs that were well designed and Many financial institutions today are insolvent, narrowly focused, however, have been reasonably and successful financial reform requires that they successful in dealing with specific imperfections in be restructured. Insolvent institutions allocate new the financial markets, such as a lack of risk capital. resources inefficiently because their aim is to avoid In the future, governments should attack the immediate bankruptcy rather than to seek out cus- conditions that made directed credit appear tomers with the best investment opportunities. Be- desirableimperfections in markets or extreme cause financial institutions often become insolvent inequalities in incomeinstead of using di- as a result of ill-advised policies toward trade and 129 industry, policy reforms and the restructuring of External financial policy industrial companies may also be necessary. Gov- ernments should not simply recapitalize the insol- Financial reforms have been undertaken in inter- vent financial institutions but should seize the op- national as well as domestic markets. Many high- portunity to restructure the financial system in line income countries have eased their capital controls with the country's future needs. and cut restrictions on the entry of foreign inter- Liberalization should not be limited to the re- mediaries. The result has been an increase in cross- form of the banking system but should seek to border financial flows and in foreign participation develop a more broadly based financial system in domestic markets. Conversely, the development that will include money and capital markets and of offshore markets has reinforced the trend to- nonbank intermediaries. A balanced and competi- ward deregulation in domestic markets. Offshore tive system of finance contributes to macroeco- financial markets have grown much more quickly nomic stability by making the system more robust than domestic markets in recent yearsa sign of in the face of external and internal shocks. Active the pace at which finance is becoming an inte- securities markets increase the supply of equity grated global industry. International bank lending capital and long-term credit, which are vital to in- and net issues of international bonds grew two dustrial investment. Experience in countries such and a half times faster than GNP in the high- as Malaysia and the Philippines suggests that the income countries during 1976-86. liberalization of commercial banking will not add The growing importance of international finance much by itself to the availability of long-term credit is also reflected in the rise in the share of foreign and equity capital. In Korea, by contrast, the rapid loans, or of purchases of foreign securities, in growth of the securities market and the develop- banks' transactions. For example, the ratio of ex- ment of new nonbank institutions substantially ternal assets to total assets for banks in the high- improved the supply of long-term credit even income countries rose from 14 percent at the end of though only limited liberalization of the banking 1975 to 19 percent at the end of 1985. External fi- system took place. nance went mainly to firms in high-income coun- In many developing countries today the financial tries, but some of the growth represents commer- institutions in the most distress are part of the pub- cial bank lending to the now overly indebted lic sector. Privatization of government banks is one developing countries. Similarly, the greater partici- way of improving their efficiency. But this course pation of foreign financial institutions has been ev- should be followed only after the quality of bank ident in most major markets. The number of for- portfolios and the regulatory framework have im- eign banking firms in the high-income countries proved. In some countries thin capital markets has increased sharply. The ratio of the assets of mean that selling bank shares to a large number of foreign banks to the assets of all banks increased in individuals is hardly feasible. Hence privatization Belgium from 8 percent at the end of 1960 to 51 of public banks may simply shift the ownership of percent at the end of June 1985, in France from 7 to the bank from the government to large industrial 18 percent, in the United Kingdom from 7 to 63 groups. That would increase economic concentra- percent, and in Luxembourg from 8 to 85 percent. tion and undermine sound bankingas Chile dis- In the United States the ratio increased from 6 per- covered in the late 1970s. In small countries with cent at the end of 1976 to 12 percent in mid-1985. few banks and weak regulation and supervision, Advances in telecommunications and data pro- greater foreign participation in bank ownership cessing have driven these changes, which are and management (as in Guinea of late) is well likely to prove irreversible. The greater interna- worth considering. tional mobility of capital, the globalization of finan- Where public institutions are not privatized, cial markets, and the development of new financial other steps should be taken to improve efficiency. instruments have rendered a closed financial poi- It is important that managers of public banks be icy costly and largely ineffective. To varying de- professionals with autonomy and accountability; grees, developing countries have participated in clear procedures will be needed that keep govern- the trend toward more open and integrated finan- ment interference in individual loan decisions, as- cial markets, partly in response to the growing eco- set management, and personnel policy to a mini- nomic integration brought about by trade, tour- mum. It is equally important that public banks not ism, and migrant labor. Some countries have be shielded from prudential regulation. adopted foreign currency deposit schemes to in- 130 duce a greater flow of remittances from migrant banks have not been restructured, foreign partici- workers. To encourage remittances and to discour- pation may be beneficial, but some restrictions will age and, if possible, reverse capital flight, coun- remain necessary to prevent excessive disinterme- tries will need to make domestic financial assets diation by local banks. competitive in yield with foreign assets. Achieving macroeconomic stability with positive real rates of CAPITAL FLOWS. The integration of domestic and interest and a realistic exchange rate will also en- world financial markets requires freer trade not courage foreign investors to increase direct and only in financial services but also in financial as- portfolio investments. sets. Restrictions on capital flows have been re- The merging of domestic and international fi- laxed in many developing countries, generally as nance has certain advantages for any country. For- part of broader programs of reform. Capital flows eign competition forces domestic institutions to be are already quite free in Argentina, Chile, Malay- more efficient and to broaden the range of services sia, Mexico, the Philippines, Thailand, Uruguay, they offer. It can also accelerate the transfer of fi- and Francophone Africa. A growing number of de- nancial technology, which is especially important veloping countries are encouraging foreign partici- for developing countries. The countries that suc- pation in their domestic securities markets. Since ceed in integrating their markets with the rest of 1980 more than thirty closed-end funds have been the world will gain greater access to capital and to established as a means for foreigners to invest in financial services such as swaps, which will permit developing country equities. them to diversify their risks. But opening financial Capital movements to and from the developing markets also poses problems. If it is done prema- countries are already substantial. In 1982, for ex- turely, it can lead to volatile financial flows that can ample, more than a quarter of cross-border bank magnify domestic instability. Free entry of foreign lending went to developing countries. (In more re- institutions can lead to the disintermediation of cent years the flows have, of course, been much high-cost domestic banks. Furthermore, interna- smaller.) The developing countries' stock of out- tionalization means giving up a large degree of au- standing foreign debt is very large$1, 176 billion tonomy in domestic monetary and financial policy. at the end of 1988, of which more than half was Domestic deposit and lending rates can be kept in lent by commercial sources. In 1987 the recorded line with world rates only if reserve requirements amount of foreign bank deposits held by residents and banks' costs of intermediation are in line with of developing countries was $290 billion; this is those in other countries. undoubtedly an understatement of capital held abroad. Economic agents in many developing ENTRY OF FOREIGN FINANCIAL INSTITUTIONS. Atti- countries have been borrowing and depositing tudes toward licensing foreign banks and other fi- more abroad than in their own banks. This partly nancial institutions vary widely among developing reflects the natural international diversification of countries. A few exclude foreign financial institu- portfolios, but to a greater extent it reflects efforts tions; others permit representative offices but not to avoid the repressed yields of domestic financial branches. At the other extreme, the Bahamas, Bah- systems. rain, Hong Kong, Panama, and Singapore view The scale of capital flows to and from developing exports of financial services as a source of employ- countries does not mean that their financial mar- ment and foreign exchange. They either allow for- kets have been substantially open. On the con- eign institutions to operate under the same rules as trary, many developing countries continue to re- domestic banks or provide liberal rules for offshore strict outward capital flows in an attempt to direct financial institutions. more domestic funds to domestic investment. Fur- Maximizing the benefits of foreign entry requires thermore, fears that foreigners would gain control the deregulation of domestic financial institutions of domestic corporations have led to restrictions on and the establishment of a competitive environ- inward portfolio investment in new ventures. ment. Artificially low interest rates, directed Although the capital market should not be credit, barriers to entry, and other impediments to opened prematurely, freer capital movements will competition make it likely that foreign intermedi- promote better alignment of domestic interest aries will simply capture monopoly rents rather rates with international rates, increase the avail- than promote competition and efficiency. Where ability of funds from abroad, and provide more markets are not fully liberalized and domestic opportunities for risk diversification. 131 Conclusions of the Report challenges to development. Moreover, change is certain to encounter political opposition: people This Report has tried to capture the essentials of benefiting from the present arrangements will re- the complex field of finance. In at least two re- sist reform. Othersalthough they stand to benefit spects it fails to do justice to the subject. First, too in the long runwifi be hurt in the short run and often the developing countries have been dis- may not choose to make the sacrifices demanded cussed as though they were all alike, when in fact today for uncertain gains in the future. Change policies and experience vary widely among coun- may be most resisted in the very countries where it tries. Second, the Report has treated in a perfunc- is most necessary. tory way the human and political dimensions of Once reform is under way, the response will not the subject, both in discussing the origins of the be immediate; indeed, it may be painfully slow. financial problem and in offering prescriptions for After prolonged periods of inflation and many change. failed attempts to control it, the public will expect Unlike the problems of industry, those of finance inflation to continue and will behave accordingly. are not frozen in bricks and mortar, plant and ma- Entrepreneurs unpersuaded of the permanence of chinery. Financial claims, together with the all- new policy will be slow to change their ways. important "rules of the game," could be rewritten This Report has tried to specify the prerequisites overnight by government decree. But this is not to for building an efficient financial system capable of imply that reforming a country's financial system mobilizing and allocating resources on a voluntary can be accomplished quickly or easily. Time is basis. Such a system would continue to make mis- needed for people to acquire the necessary skills in takes and waste resources. But it would probably accounting, management, and bank supervision. make fewer mistakes and waste fewer resources Training staff, building new institutions, and than the interventionist approach followed in perhaps hardest of allgetting people to revise many developing countries today. their expectations have proved among the greatest 132 This Report has drawn on a wide range of World Chapter 1 Bank reports and on numerous outside sources. World Bank sources include ongoing research, as Data in this chapter were drawn mainly from IMF, well as country economic, sector, and project OECD, and World Bank sources. Background work. The principal sources for each chapter are sources for the analysis of the international eco- noted below. These and other sources are then nomic environment include Fardoust 1989 and listed alphabetically by author or organization in work by the International Commodity Markets two groups: background papers commissioned for and International Economic Analysis and Pros- this Report and a selected bibliography. The back- pects divisions of the International Economics De- ground papers, some of which will be available partment of the World Bank. The analysis of struc- through the Policy, Planning, and Research (PPR) tural adjustment relies on World Bank 1988a. Working Paper series, synthesize relevant litera- Shahrokh Fardoust was particularly helpful on the ture and Bank work. The views they express are section concerning prospects for growth. Ahmad not necessarily those of the World Bank or of this Jamshidi, Robert Lynn, and Christian Petersen cre- Report. ated the debt reduction scenarios. Box 1.1 was In addition to the principal sources listed, many drafted by André Sapir. Box 1.3 benefited from persons, both inside and outside the World Bank, comments by Oey Meesook. Desmond McCarthy helped with the Report. In particular, the core provided useful comments on the chapter. team wishes to thank Paul Beckerman, Gerard Caprio, Alan Gelb, and Patrick Honohan for their Chapter 2 extensive support. Others who provided notes or detailed comments include Robert Aliber, Jean The section "Finance and growth" draws particu- Baneth, Charles Blitzer, Robert Buckley, Anthony larly on the background papers by Balassa, Bhatt, Churchill, Mansoor Dailami, William Easterly, Gelb, Honohan and Atiyas, and Neal; the seminal Mark Gertler, Manuel Hinds, Thomas Hutcheson, classics McKinnon 1973 and Shaw 1973; the work Melanie Johnson, Deena Khatkhate, Johannes of Khatkhate (particularly 1972); and Fry 1988. In Linn, Linda Lowenstein, Carlos Massad, Diane addition, it benefited from Asian Development McNaughton, John Odling-Smee, Guy Pfeffer- Bank 1985, Fischer 1987, Haque 1988, Jung 1986, mann, Vincent Polizatto, Paul Popiel, Sarath Raja- Lanyi and Saracoglu 1983, Modigliani 1986, Rossi patirana, Bertrand Renaud, and Alain Soulard. 1988, Sundararajan 1987, and White 1988. The sec- 133 tion "Risks and costs of finance" draws primarily ports, and contributions from operational staff. on the background paper by Mayer and on Balten- Atiyas 1989 and the background papers by Al- sperger and Devinney 1985, North 1987, Tobin Sultan, Antoniades and Kouzionis, Larrain, 1984, and Williamson 1985. The section "Govern- Montes-Negret, Sheng, Silverberg, Sundaravej ment intervention" draws primarily on Bernanke and Trairatvorakul, and Tenconi provided informa- 1983 and Kaufman 1988. Box 2.1 is based on ma- tion on specific countries. The discussion of finan- terial supplied by Alan Gelb and Gerard Caprio. cial distress and its consequences draws heavily on Jacques Polak provided useful comments on the Hinds 1988. The discussion of financial restruc- chapter. turing draws on the background paper by de Juan and an unpublished paper by Alfredo Thorne. Chapter 3 Veneroso 1986 and de Juan 1987 were also helpful. Box 5.3 is based on de Juan 1987, and Box 5.6 is The discussion of the historical evolution of finan- based on material prepared by Jorge Martins. cial systems in high-income countries draws exten- sively on Born 1983; Cameron 1967 and 1972; Chapter 6 Goldsmith 1969, 1985, and 1987; and Kindleberger 1978 and 1984. For developing countries prior to This chapter draws extensively on the Bank's oper- the 1940s, the discussion is based mainly on Sayers ational experience with financial institutions and 1952, Crick 1965, Newlyn and Rowan 1954, Okigbo systems in developing countries. The discussion of 1981, Diaz-Alejandro 1982 and 1985, Joslin 1963, property rights, contracts, economic institutions, Young 1925, and Fetter 1931. The discussion of and legal systems draws on Williamson 1985, postwar developments in high-income countries is North 1981, Furubotn and Pejovich 1974, Posner based mainly on Vittas 1978, Bank for International 1977, von Mehren and Gordley 1977, and the Inter- Settlements 1986, Watson and others 1988, and Su- national Encyclopedia of Comparative Law (Interna- zuki and Yomo 1986. Box 3.2 was drafted by Paul tional Association of Legal Science). The discus- Beckerman. Charles Kindleberger provided de- sion of company law and corporate governance tailed comments on the chapter. draws on Grossfeld and Ebke 1978 and Bacon and Brown 1977. Dalhuisen 1986 is the main source on Chapter 4 bankruptcy laws. The section on accounting draws on Nobes and Parker 1985 and a background note This chapter draws heavily on World Bank and by Maurice Mould. The discussion of banking leg- IMF sources. The section "Government interven- islation, regulation, and supervision draws on the tion in credit allocation" also benefited from Vir- background papers by Effros and Polizatto. Box 6.1 mani 1982; Diamond 1957 and 1968; Levitsky and draws on Song 1983, Box 6.2 on Feder and others Prasad 1987; Levitsky 1986; Hanson and Neal 1988, and Box 6.3 on Iqbal and Mirakhor 1987. Box 1987; Nair and Fiippides 1988; Von Pischke, Ad- 6.4 was drafted by Akhtar Hamid, Box 6.5 by ams, and Donald 1983; Adams, Graham, and Von Harry Snoek, and Box 6.6 by the Bank's Legal De- Pischke 1984; and Gordon 1983. The section "Mac- partment. Ibrahim Shihata, Ahmed Jehani, Hans roeconomic policies and financial development" Jurgen Gruss, and other staff of the Bank's Legal draws on Hanson and Neal 1987, Easterly 1989, Department and Robert C. Effros and Harry Snoek Fischer 1986, Jud 1978, Hinds 1988, and Polak of the IMF provided valuable comments on the 1989. Box 4.3 is based on Vogel 1984a. Box 4.4 was chapter. drafted by Vincent Rague and Moina Varkie, Boxes 4.5 and 4.8 by Paul Beckerman, and Box 4.6 by Chapter 7 Patrick Honohan. Box 4.7 is based on Cole and Park 1983 and unpublished material by Jia-Dong This chapter draws on a wide range of sources, Shea and Ya-Hwei Yang and by Juro Teranishi. Al- including those cited for earlier chapters. The dis- berto Musalem provided useful comments on the cussion of business finance draws on the back- chapter. ground paper by Mayer and on Aoki 1984, Cable 1985, Corbett 1987, Edwards 1987, and others. The Chapter 5 household finance discussion draws on the back- ground papers by Buckley and Renaud. The dis- The information in this chapter comes primarily cussion of institution building draws on the opera- from World Bank databases, financial sector re- tional experience of the Bank and on the 134 background papers by the Capital Markets Depart- benefited from McKinnon 1988a and 1988b and ment of the IFC, de Juan, Ibanez, Polizatto, Reilly, Leite and Sundararajan 1988. The discussion of in- and Skully. Other useful sources are Davis 1985, stitutional restructuring and development bene- Hector 1988, Sprague 1986, and van Agtmael 1984. fited from a background note by Alan Geib. The Box 7.1 is based on Goldsmith 1985 and national section on external financial policy uses data and accounts data; Box 7.2 on the background paper by material from Watson and others 1988. Box 9.1 was Mayer and on Mayer 1987, Modigliani and Miller drafted by Murray Sherwin and Gerald Halliday. 1958, and others; Box 7.4 on the background paper by Buckley; and Box 7.8 on the background paper by Kar. Box 7.3 was drafted by Salman Shah and Background papers Box 7.5 by Brian Dickie. Tarsicio Castaneda and Roland Tenconi provided material for the other These papers are available from the World Develop- boxes. ment Report office, World Bank, Washington, D.C. Al-Sultan, Fawzi H. "Averting Financial Crisis: Chapter 8 The Case of Kuwait." Antoniades, Dimitris, and Dimitris Kouzionis. "Fi- The discussion of microenterprises draws on pa- nancial Distress of Industrial Firms in Greece pers presented at the 1988 World Conference on and Their Impact on the Greek Banking Sys- "Support for Microenterprises" and particularly tem." on Chandavarkar 1988, Meyer 1988, and Seibel Balassa, Bela. "The Effects of Interest Rates on 1988. Liedholm 1985 also provided background Savings in Developing Countries." material for this section. The discussion of the fi- "Financial Liberalization in Developing nancial needs of small farmers and of the financial Countries." arrangements available to them is based on the Bhatt, V V "On Financial Innovations and Credit work of Dale Adams and The Ohio State Univer- Market Evolution." sity Rural Finance Group. The discussion of the "On Participating in the International financial needs of and services to the noncorporate Capital Market." sector draws on an unpublished manuscript by Buckley, Robert. "Housing Finance in Developing J. D. Von Pischke. The material on trader financing Countries: A Transaction Cost Approach." draws on Larson 1988. The discussion of group Capital Markets Department, International Fi- lending and cooperative finance is based on nance Corporation. "Attractiveness of Emerging Wieland 1988 and Vogel 1988. Hans Dieter Seibel Markets for Portfolio Investment." provided material for the section on the links be- "Debt to Equity Conversion." tween informal and formal finance. Box 8.1 is "Leasing." based on a background note by Douglas Graham, Cho, Yoon Je, and Deena Khatkhate. "Lessons Box 8.2 on a background note by Dale Adams, Box from Financial Liberalization in Asia and Latin 8.3 on a background note by Richard Meyer, and AmericaA Comparative Study." Box 8.5 on background notes by Susan Goldmark. de Juan, Aristobulo. "Does Bank Insolvency Mat- Background material was also provided by John ter?" Gadway, Bruce Gardner, Claudio Gonzalez-Vega, Effros, Robert C. "Financial Sector Study: The Re- Mario Massini, H. J. Mittendorf, and Glenn lationship between Law and Development." Pederson. Gelb, Alan. "Financial Policies, Efficiency, and Growth: An Analysis of Broad Cross-Section Re- Chapter 9 lationships." Honohan, Patrick, and Izak Atiyas. "Intersectoral The data used in this chapter were drawn mainly Financial Flows in Developing Countries." from IMF publications and World Bank sources. Ibanez, F. "Venture Capital and Entrepreneurial The discussion of recent experiences with financial Development." reform and the lessons of reform benefited from Kar, Pratip. "Capital Markets in India." Atiyas 1989, Corbo and de Melo 1985, Edwards Larrain, Mauricio. "How the 1981-83 Chilean 1984, Fry 1988, McKinnon 1988a and 1988b, Banking Crisis Was Handled." McKinnon and Mathieson 1981, Velasco 1988, and Mayer, Cohn. "Myths of the West: Lessons from the background papers by Balassa, and Cho and Developed Countries for Development Fi- Khatkhate. The discussion of interest rate policy nance." 135 Montes-Negret, Fernando. "The Decline and Re- Akyuz, Yilmaz. 1988. "Financial System and Poli- covery of Colombia's Banking System: 1982- cies in Turkey in the 1980s." 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"The Argentine Banking "Experiences of Financial Distress in Thailand Crisis of 1980." IMF Working Paper 87/77. Wash- Tenconi, Roland. "Restructuring of the Banking ington, D.C.: International Monetary Fund. Pro- System in Guinea." cessed. Baltensperger, Ernst, and Timothy M. Devinney. Selected bibliography 1985. "Credit Rationing Theory: A Survey and Synthesis." Journal of Institutional and Theoretical The word "processed" describes works that are Economics 141, 4: 475-502. reproduced from typescript by mimeograph, Bank for International Settlements. 1986. Recent In- xerography, or similar means; such works may not novations in International Banking. Basle. be cataloged or commonly available through li- Banking Laws Committee, Government of India. braries, or may be subject to restricted circulation. 1978. Report on Personal Property Security Law, 1977. Delhi: Government of India Press. Adams, Dale, and Jerry R. Ladman. 1979. "Lend- Beckerman, Paul. 1988. 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Washington, D.C.: World Bank, Agri- 1988. "The Role of Groups, Credit Unions cultural Policies Division, Agriculture and Rural and Other Cooperatives in Rural Lending." Development Department. Processed. Washington, D.C.: World Bank, Agricultural Wffliamson, Oliver E. 1985. The Economic Institu- Policies Division, Agriculture and Rural Devel- tions of Capitalism: Firms, Markets, Relational Con- opment Department. Processed. tracting. New York: Free Press. Vogel, Robert C., and Paul Burkett. 1986. Mobiliz- Wilson, Stuart. 1952. "The Business of Banking in ing Small-Scale Savings: Approaches, Costs, and India." In R. S. Sayers, ed. Banking in the British Benefit. World Bank Industry and Finance Paper Commonwealth. Oxford: Clarendon Press. 15. Washington, D.C. World Bank. 1988a. Adjustment Lending: An Evalua- von Mehren, Arthur Taylor, and James Russell tion of Ten Years of Experience. Policy and Research Gordley. 1977. The Civil Law System. Boston: Lit- Series 1, Country Economics Department. tle, Brown. Washington, D.C. Von Pischke, J. D., Dale W Adams, and Gordon 1988b. Recent Developments in Developing Donald. 1983. Rural Financial Markets in Develop- Country Debt. Debt and International Finance Di- ing Countries. Baltimore, Md.: Johns Hopkins vision, International Economics Department. University Press. Washington, D.C. Watson, Maxwell, and others. 1988. International 1988c. World Debt Tables, 1988-89 Edition: Capital Markets: Developments and Prospects. External Debt of Developing Countries. Washing- Washington, D.C.: International Monetary ton, D.C. Fund. Young, John Parke. 1925. Central American Currency White, Lawrence H. 1988. "Money and Capital in and Finance. Princeton, N.J.: Princeton Univer- Economic Development: A Retrospective As- sity Press. sessment." Title Markets Development Policy Youngjohns, B. J. 1982. "Cooperatives and Credit: Paper. Washington, D.C.: U.S. Agency for Inter- A Re-examination." Development Digest 20, 1: national Development. 3-9. 144 7 Statistical appendix The tables in this statistical appendix present sum- should refer to the "Definitions and data notes" mary data on the population, national accounts, for an explanation of the country groupings and to trade, and external debt of the low- and middle- the technical notes to the World Development In- income economies, the high-income economies, dicators for definitions of the concepts used. and all reporting economies as a group. Readers Table A.1 Population growth, 1965 to 1987, and projected to 2000 1987 Average annual growth (percent) population Country group (millions) 1965-73 1973 -80 1980-87 1987-90 1990-2000 Low- and middle-income economies 3,859 2.5 2.1 2.0 2.1 1.9 Low-income economies 2,820 2.5 2.1 2.0 2.1 1.9 Middle-income economies 1,039 2.4 2.3 2.2 2.1 1.9 Sub-Saharan Africa 442 2.6 2.8 3.1 3.3 3.1 East Asia 1,511 2.7 1.7 1.5 1.6 1.5 South Asia 1,079 2.4 2.4 2.3 2.2 1.9 Europe, Middle East, and North Africa 390 2.0 2.1 2.1 2.0 2.0 Latin America and the Caribbean 404 2.6 2.4 2.2 2.1 1.9 17 highly indebted countries 582 2.6 2.4 2.4 2.3 2.2 High-income economies 776 1.0 0.8 0.7 0.6 0.5 OECD members 746 1.0 0.7 0.6 0.5 0.4 Total reporting economies 4,635 2.2 1.9 1.8 1.8 1.7 Oil exporters 578 2.7 2.8 2.7 2.6 2.5 145 Table A.2 Population and GNP per capita, 1980, and growth rates, 1965 to 1988 1980 GNP 1980 1980 GNP Average annual growth of GNP per capita (percent) (billions population per capita Count ry group of dollars) (millions) (dollars) 1965-73 1973 -80 1980-85 1986 1987 1988 Low- and middle-income economies 2,347 3,354 700 4.1 2.7 1.2 2.7 2.5 3.5 Low-income economies 765 2,459 310 3.3 2.6 3.9 3.6 3.0 6.5 Middle-income economies 1,582 894 1,770 4.6 2.6 -0.3 2.1 2.1 2.5 Sub-Saharan Africa 200 356 560 3.1 0.5 -3.7 0.8 -4.4 -0.2 East Asia 566 1,362 420 5.1 4.6 6.4 5.8 6.8 9.3 South Asia 221 923 240 1.4 2.0 2.9 2.2 0.9 5.6 Europe, Middle East, and North Africa" 591 338 1,730 6.0 2.4 0.0 1.0 -0.2 0.1 LatinAmericaandtheCaribbean 698 347 2,010 4.1 2.5 -2.2 1.8 1.9 -0.9 l7highlyindebtedcountries 892 494 1,810 4.2 2.6 -2.6 1.7 0.5 -1.0 High-income economies 7,961 741 10,740 3.5 2.2 1.5 2.0 2.8 3.0 OECD members 7,698 716 10,750 3.5 2.1 1.7 2.1 2.7 3.3 Total reporting economies 10,308 4,095 2,520 2.7 1.5 0.6 1.3 1.8 2.6 Oil exporters 951 479 1,980 4.7 2.7 -2.3 -2.7 -1.3 a. Preliminary. b. Figures after 1980 exclude Iran and Iraq. Table A.3 Population and composition of GD!', selected years, 1965 to 1988 (billions of dollars, unless otherwise specified) Country group and indicator 1965 1973 1980 1984 1985 1986 1987 1988a Low- and middle-income economies GDP 373 841 2,387 2,469 2,496 2,565 2,798 3,053 Domestic absorption" 374 838 2,423 2,452 2,489 2,567 2,800 Net exports' -2 2 -36 17 7 -2 -2 Population (millions) 2,375 2,895 3,354 3,635 3,705 3,782 3,859 3,918 Low-income economies GDP 162 305 771 799 815 775 793 893 Domestic absorption" 164 304 777 808 843 800 807 Net exports' -2 1 -5 -10 -28 -26 -14 Population (millions) 1,745 2,131 2,459 2,660 2,709 2,764 2,820 2,878 Middle-income economies GDP 208 534 1,616 1,670 1,681 1,800 2,024 2,172 Domestic absorption" 208 532 1,646 1,644 1,645 1,778 2,022 Net exports' 0 2 -30 27 35 22 2 Population (millions) 630 764 894 975 996 1,017 1,039 1,040 Sub-Saha ran Africa GDP 28 63 207 184 185 154 137 146 Domestic absorption" 28 62 205 184 185 160 140 Net exports' 0 1 2 -0 1 -5 -4 Population (millions) 239 294 356 403 415 428 442 456 East Asia GDP 91 212 573 640 629 630 709 852 Domestic absorptionb 91 210 576 631 630 613 673 Net exports' 0 2 -4 9 -1 17 35 Population (millions) 980 1,207 1,362 1,446 1,465 1,487 1,511 1,515 South Asia GDP 65 93 221 253 277 2% 320 316 Domestic absorption" 67 94 232 264 291 307 330 Net exports' -2 -1 -12 -11 -14 -11 -10 Population (millions) 647 783 923 1,010 1,033 1,056 1,079 1,103 Europe, Middle East, and North Africa" GDP 74 186 473 458 470 525 561 567 Domestic absorption" 74 185 487 473 487 556 607 Net exports' -0 1 -15 -15 -17 -31 -45 Population (millions) 250 292 338 367 374 382 390 398 146 Table A.3 (continued) Country group and indicator 1965 1973 1980 1984 1985 1986 1987 1988 Latin America and the Caribbean GD? 99 253 716 673 682 700 773 837 Domestic absorption" 98 254 726 639 651 683 762 Net exportsc 1 -0 -10 34 31 17 11 Population (millions) 239 294 347 379 387 395 404 412 17 highly indebted countries GDP 121 300 915 816 826 825 877 934 Domestic absorption" 119 299 921 778 789 805 861 Net exports' 1 1 -6 38 38 20 16 Population (millions) 341 419 494 543 556 569 582 596 High-income economies GDP 1,412 3,340 7,914 8,543 8,933 10,860 12,570 13,963 Domestic absorption" 1,403 3,309 7,859 8,517 8,906 10,805 12,536 Net exports' 9 31 55 26 27 55 34 Population (mfflions) 646 700 741 762 767 772 776 781 OECD members GDP 1,397 3,293 7,654 8,284 8,693 10,633 12,329 13,695 Domestic absorption" 1,389 3,267 7,662 8,263 8,669 10,570 12,286 Net exports' 8 26 -8 21 24 62 43 Population (millions) 632 681 716 734 738 742 746 749 Total reporting economies GD? 1,786 4,186 10,300 11,011 11,431 13,465 15,428 17,125 Domestic absorption" 1,779 4,154 10,279 10,969 11,398 13,418 15,410 Net exportsc 7 31 20 42 33 47 18 Population (millions) 3,021 3,595 4,095 4,397 4,472 4,554 4,635 4,699 Oil exporters GDP 78 226 966 993 1,011 855 855 Domestic absorption" 76 211 863 957 985 877 863 Net exports' 3 15 102 36 26 -21 -7 Population (millions) 321 396 479 534 548 563 578 593 Note: Components may not sum to totals because of rounding. Preliminary. Private consumption plus government consumption plus gross domestic investment. Includes goods and nonfactor services. Figures after 1980 exclude Iran and Iraq. Table A.4 GDP, 1980, and growth rates, 1965 to 1988 1980 GDP Average annual growth of GDP (petvent) (billions Country group of dollars) 1965-73 1973 -80 1980-85 1986 1987 1988 Low- and middle-income economies 2,387 6.6 4.9 3.4 4.7 4.2 5.0 Low-income economies 771 6.0 4.7 5.9 5.8 5.4 8.6 Middle-income economies 1,616 6.9 5.1 2.2 3.9 3.4 2.6 Sub-Saharan Africa 207 6.1 3.2 -0.5 3.2 -1.3 3.1 East Asia 573 7.9 6.5 7.8 7.3 8.6 9.4 South Asia 221 3.8 4.4 5.4 4.6 3.1 7.6 Europe, Middle East, and North Africa" 591 7.6 4.3 2.3 3.1 1.9 2.6 LatinAmericaandtheCaribbean 716 6.4 5.2 0.5 3.6 2.7 1.0 17 highly indebted countries 915 6.6 5.2 0.2 3.5 1.7 1.5 High-income economies 7,913 4.6 2.9 2.3 2.6 3.4 3.7 OECD members 7,655 4.5 2.8 2.4 2.7 3.3 3.7 Total reporting economies 10,302 4.9 3.3 2.6 3.1 3.6 4.0 Oil exporters 964 7.4 5.0 0.8 -0.9 1.3 a. Preliminary. b. Figures after 1980 exclude Iran and Iraq. 147 Table A.5 GDP structure of production, selected years, 1965 to 1987 (percentage of GDP) 1965 1973 1980 1984 1985 1986 1987' Agri- Agri- Agri- Agri- Agri- Agri- Agri- cul- Indus- cul- Indus- cul- Indus- cul- Indus- cul- Indus- cul- Indus- cul- Indus- Count ry group ture try ture try ture try ture try ture try ture try ture try Low- and middle-income economies 29 30 23 34 19 38 19 35 19 36 18 35 17 Low-income economies 41 26 37 31 32 36 33 33 31 33 31 32 30 35 Middle-income economies 19 32 15 35 12 38 12 37 12 37 13 36 Sub-Saharan Africa 40 18 33 24 28 32 33 26 33 26 33 23 31 26 East Asia 37 34 31 40 26 44 25 41 23 42 23 43 21 45 South Asia 42 19 45 18 35 22 31 24 30 24 29 25 28 25 Europe, Middle East, and North Africab 22 32 16 38 14 41 13 39 13 14 15 Latin America and the Caribbean 15 32 12 33 9 36 10 35 10 35 11 35 17 highly indebted countries 18 31 15 33 12 36 14 35 14 35 13 34 High-income economies 5 40 5 38 3 37 3 35 3 35 3 34 3 34 OECD members 5 40 5 38 3 37 3 35 3 34 3 34 3 34 Total reporting economies 10 38 8 37 7 37 6 35 6 35 6 34 6 34 Oil exporters 19 32 14 38 11 47 13 40 13 38 13 35 a. Preliminary. b. Figures after 1980 exclude Iran and Iraq. Table A.6 Sector growth rates, 1965 to 1987 (average annual percentage change) Agriculture industry Services Country group 1965-73 1973 -80 1980-87 1965-73 1973 -80 1980-87 1965-73 1973 -80 1980-87 Low- and middle-income economies 3.1 2.6 3.4 8.8 4.9 5.1 7.1 6.4 3.4 Low-income economies 3.0 2.1 4.0 10.6 6.9 8.6 5.9 4.9 5.2 Middle-income economies 3.3 3.3 2.5 8.0 4.0 2.9 7.5 6.9 2.8 Sub-Saharan Africa 2.4 0.3 1.2 13.5 4.7 -1.2 4.1 3.6 1.5 East Asia 3.2 3.0 5.9 12.7 9.3 10.1 9.2 6.4 6.4 South Asia 3.4 2.4 1.4 3.7 5.4 7.2 3.9 5.7 6.1 Europe, Middle East, and North Africa' 3.5 3.1 2.4 8.7 1.6 1.9 8.3 8.5 3.2 Latin America and the Caribbean 2.9 3.7 2.2 6.9 4.8 0.8 7.1 6.3 1.3 17 highly indebted countries 3.0 2.2 1.8 8.0 5.2 0.2 7.2 6.2 1.2 High-income economies 1.4 0.5 2.5 3.9 2.2 1.9 4.5 3.4 3.0 OECD members 1.4 0.5 2.4 3.7 2.0 2.3 4.5 3.3 3.0 Totalreportingeconomies 2.5 1.8 3.2 4.8 2.8 2.5 4.9 3.9 3.1 Oil exporters 3.3 2.2 2.4 9.4 3.3 -1.5 6.4 8.0 2.7 Note: Figures in italics are for years other than those specified. a. Figures after 1980 exclude Iran and Iraq. 148 Table A.7 Consumption, investment, and saving, selected years, 1965 to 1987 (percentage of GDP) Country group and indicator 1965 1973 1980 1984 1985 1986 1987a Low- and middle-income economies Consumption 79.7 76.3 74.7 75.9 75.6 76.1 75.8 Investment 20.8 23.4 26.8 23.4 24.1 24.0 24.3 Saving 18.6 22.1 23.6 21.3 21.6 21.3 23.1 Low-income economies Consumption 81.3 76.5 75.5 77.4 76.6 76.3 74.1 Investment 19.8 23.3 25.2 23.8 26.9 27.1 27.7 Saving 18.3 22.7 23.6 21.5 22.3 22.5 25.4 Middle-income economies Consumption 78.5 76.2 74.3 75.2 75.2 76.1 76.8 Investment 21.4 23.4 27.6 23.2 22.7 22.6 23.1 Saving 18.7 21.7 23.6 21.1 21.2 20.8 21.9 Sub-Saha ran Africa Consumption 85.2 80.4 78.5 88.7 87.3 88.9 86.2 Investment 14.4 18.6 20.8 11.5 12.4 14.5 16.4 Saving 12.6 15.5 18.3 7.8 9.0 7.2 9.4 East Asia Consumption 77.0 71.4 71.1 69.6 69.2 67.4 65.1 Investment 22.8 27.7 29.5 28.9 31.0 29.8 29.9 Saving 23.0 28.3 27.8 29.0 29.3 31.3 33.7 South Asia Consumption 85.0 82.9 82.2 82.2 81.0 81.1 80.8 Investment 17.9 17.7 23.1 22.0 23.9 22.6 22.4 Saving 14.4 16.6 17.9 17.2 18.4 18.1 20.3 Europe, Middle East, and North Africa1' Consumption 78.2 74.2 72.6 75.4 75.5 77.2 80.6 Investment 22.3 25.1 30.5 27.9 28.1 28.6 27.5 Saving 17.6 26.0 26.0 22.0 21.8 20.3 I.atin America and the Caribbean Consumption 78.5 78.8 77.2 78.2 77.9 80.2 80.4 Investment 20.3 21.2 24.2 16.7 17.5 17.4 18.2 Saving 19.1 19.0 20.3 16.3 16.9 15.2 16.2 17 highly indebted countries Consumption 77.9 78.3 75.4 78.7 77.8 79.0 78.7 Investment 21.0 21.4 25.3 16.6 17.6 18.6 19.4 Saving 19.9 19.5 22.1 16.3 17.5 16.8 High-income economies Consumption 79.5 75.0 77.1 78.9 79.8 79.3 78.9 Investment 19.9 24.0 22.2 20.8 19.9 20.2 20.8 Saving 20.8 25.4 23.5 21.4 20.4 20.9 21.2 OECD members Consumption 79.6 75.2 77.9 79.2 80.0 79.3 79.0 Investment 19.8 24.0 22.2 20.6 19.7 20.1 20.7 Saving 20.8 25.4 22.6 21.2 20.3 20.9 21.1 Total reporting economies Consumption 79.6 75.3 76.5 78.2 78.9 78.7 78.4 Investment 20.1 24.0 23.3 21.4 20.8 20.9 21.5 Saving 20.4 24.8 23.5 21.3 20.7 21.0 21.5 Oil exporters Consumption 76.6 70.9 63.8 72.0 73.5 77.8 76.8 Investment 19.9 22.4 25.7 24.3 24.0 24.7 24.1 Saving 18.2 24.3 34.7 24.6 23.7 19.8 22.2 a. Preliminary. b. Figures after 1980 exclude Iran and Iraq. 149 Table A.8 Growth of export volume, 1965 to 1988 Average annual change in export volume (percent) Country group and commodity 1965-73 1973-80 1980-85 1986 1987 1988" By commodity Low-andmiddle-incomeeconomies 5.2 3.8 4.4 5.6 6.6 7.1 Manufactures 11.6 12.8 9.7 8.5 16.3 9.7 Food 2.4 4.2 3.6 0.0 5.2 1.3 Nonfood 2.1 0.4 1.2 5.6 -1.5 4.9 Metals and minerals 4.8 6.5 0.1 7.0 9.2 -2.1 Fuels 5.5 -0.4 1.0 5.4 -5.4 10.7 Totalreportingeconomies 8.7 4.6 2.4 4.9 5.9 8.5 Manufactures 10.7 6.1 4.5 2.3 7.2 8.1 Food 4.6 6.8 1.9 11.6 12.3 6.2 Nonfood 3.1 0.9 2.1 0.6 14.5 6.4 Metalsandminerals 6.8 8.6 0.4 6.1 0.7 3.5 Fuels 8.6 0.5 -3.9 12.5 -4.3 6.2 By country group Low-andmiddle-incomeeconomies 5.2 3.8 4.4 5.6 6.6 7.1 Manufactures 11.6 12.8 9.7 8.5 16.3 9.7 Primary goods 4.3 1.2 1.5 3.6 -0.3 5.7 Low-income economies 9.6 2.3 1.5 7.0 4.3 6.8 Manufactures 1.8 8.5 10.0 15.9 23.3 10.8 Primary goods 11.2 1.1 -1.1 3.4 -4.0 4.6 Middle-income economies 3.9 4.4 5.3 5.2 7.3 7.2 Manufactures 16.8 13.8 9.7 7.1 14.8 9.5 Primary goods 2.4 1.2 2.5 3.7 1.2 6.1 Sub-Saharan Africa 15.1 0.2 -3.3 1.1 -3.3 4.3 Manufactures 7.6 5.6 4.4 1.3 4.8 5.1 Primary goods 15.4 -0.0 -3.7 1.1 -3.5 3.5 East Asia 9.7 8.7 9.1 14.4 13.4 9.3 Manufactures 17.5 15.5 13.2 19.3 23.8 11.2 Primary goods 7.3 4.7 4.8 8.1 -1.0 5.9 South Asia -0.7 5.8 3.6 8.9 10.2 7.1 Manufactures 0.6 8.2 2.6 10.4 15.7 13.2 Primary goods -1.8 3.1 4.9 7.3 3.9 -0.7 Europe, Middle East, and North Africa Manufactures Primary goods LatinAmericaandtheCaribbean -1.0 0.9 4.5 -4.2 4.0 8.3 Manufactures 16.6 10.1 10.2 -10.6 5.5 14.5 Primary goods -1.8 -0.5 3.0 -2.3 3.6 6.5 l7highlyindebtedcountries 3,0 1.2 2.4 -3.7 2.0 7.3 Manufactures 13.4 10.2 7.8 -8.6 5.5 13.5 Primary goods 2.3 -0.3 0.9 -1.9 0.8 5.2 High-income economies 9.9 4.8 1.8 4.8 5.9 8.8 Manufactures 10.6 5.5 3.8 1.3 5.7 7.1 Primary goods 8.9 3.5 -2.5 13.6 6.3 13.6 OECD members 9.4 5.4 3.3 3.6 6.4 7.8 Manufactures 10.6 5.2 3.7 1.4 4.9 6.1 Primary goods 6.7 5.9 2.2 10.2 10.6 13.6 Oil exporters 8.7 0.0 -7.0 13.5 -5.2 10.5 Manufactures 11.7 3.9 9.9 8.8 15.1 11.0 Primary goods 8.6 -0.1 -8.2 14.0 -7.4 10.0 Estimated. Projected. 150 Table A.9 Change in export prices and terms of trade, 1965 to 1988 (average annual percentage change) 1965-73 1973 -80 1980-85 1986 1987 1988b Country group Export prices Low- and middle-income economies 6.1 14.8 -4.3 -8.3 11.5 4.8 Manufactures 6.4 8.2 -3.7 9.4 10.3 .8.7 Food 5.9 8.6 -4.1 7.2 -7.4 .16.1 Nonfood 4.6 10.2 -4.9 0.0 21.1 2.5 Metals and minerals 2.5 4.7 -4.5 -4.8 13.3 22.7 Fuels 8.0 26.2 -4.1 -46.7 22.9 -17.4 High-income OECD members Total 4.8 10.3 -3.1 12.0 10.9 6.8 Manufactures 4.6 10.8 -2.8 19.6 13.4 8.4 Terms of trade Low- and middle-income economies 0.1 2.6 -2.0 -9.3 1.3 1.0 Low-income economies -4.8 4.0 -1.1 -16.8 4.2 -1.6 Middle-income economies 1.7 2.1 -2.4 -6.7 0.3 1.7 Sub-Saharan Africa -8.5 5.0 -2.3 -23.2 3.3 -5.3 East Asia -0.6 1.2 -0.6 -7.0 1.4 1.8 South Asia 3.7 -3.4 1.7 2.8 -2.1 5.2 Europe, Middle East, and North Africa .. .. .. .. .. LatinAmericaandtheCaribbean 3.9 2.4 -1.9 -14.0 -2.1 -0.4 l7highlyindebtedcountries 1.4 3.5 -1.3 -13.7 -0.7 -0.8 High-income economies -1.2 -2.0 -0.4 8.7 -0.1 0.2 OECD members -1.0 -3.3 -0.2 12.4 -0.2 0.7 Oil exporters 0.3 9.6 -2.2 -47.5 16.7 -17.3 a. Estimated. b. Projected. 151 Table A.10 Growth of long-term debt of low- and middle-income economies, 1970 to 1988 (average annual percentage change, nominal) Country group 1970-73 1973-80 1980-85 1986 1987 1988 Low- and middle-income economies Debt outstanding and disbursed 17.9 22.0 14.5 12.8 11.6 1.5 Official 15.1 17.9 14.6 20.1 20.4 6.2 Private 20.7 25.2 14.4 8.3 5.7 -2.3 Low-income economies Debt outstanding and disbursed 16.9 17.1 13.0 21.8 21.7 6.2 Official 15.0 14.8 11.5 23.6 23.1 8.3 Private 26.1 24.9 16.9 18.1 18.8 1.4 Middle-income economies Debt outstanding and disbursed 18.4 23.7 14.9 10.6 8.9 0.1 Official 15.3 20.5 16.7 18.2 18.9 5.0 Private 20.0 25.2 14.1 7.2 4.0 -2.8 Sub-Saha ran Africa Debt outstanding and disbursed 20.9 25.3 12.6 22.5 20.5 4.7 Official 17.2 22.9 13.7 29.7 27.7 4.4 Private 25.5 29.0 10.5 11.6 7.9 5.3 East Asia Debt outstanding and disbursed 23.6 22.4 17.7 17.7 11.2 0.2 Official 27.1 18.5 15.8 21.7 24.1 7.4 Private 20.7 25.5 19.0 15.3 3.1 -5.2 South Asia Debt outstanding and disbursed 11.7 11.2 10.8 14.3 16.7 4.9 Official 12.4 11.2 8.3 16.4 15.3 7.6 Private 1.8 11.6 36.1 4.4 24.6 -8.3 Europe, Middle East, and North Africa Debt outstanding and disbursed 21.6 28.5 15.9 12.3 13.5 1.9 Official 15.2 25.2 18.3 13.6 14.3 7.5 Private 30.0 31.7 13.9 11.0 12.8 -3.9 Latin America and the Caribbean Debtoutstandinganddisbursed 16.8 21.2 14.2 8.8 7.5 0.2 Official 11.8 15.0 15.5 24.2 23.9 4.4 Private 18.8 23.1 13.9 5.1 3.0 -1.4 17 highly indebted countries Debt outstanding and disbursed 17.4 21.8 13.6 11.4 8.8 1.0 Official 13.3 15.4 14.5 30.1 28.3 4.9 Private 19.1 23.8 13.4 6.7 2.8 -0.7 152 Table A.11 Investment, saving, and financing requirement, 1965 to 1987 (percentage of GNP) Balance of payments: Gross domestic investment Gross national saving total to be financed Country 1965-73 1973-80 1980-87 1965-73 1973 -80 1980-87 1965-73 1973 -80 1980-87 Latin America and the Caribbean *Argentina 19.7 23.4 14.4 20.4 22.6 9.5 0.7 -0.8 -4.9 25.4 24.7 8.3 21.3 18.3 -1.6 -4.1 -6.4 -9.9 *Brazil 21.3 23.9 19.7 19.1 19.3 17.0 -2.1 -4.6 -2.8 *Chile 14.3 17.3 17.4 11.9 12.1 7.7 -2.4 -5.2 -9.8 *Colombia 18.9 18.8 19.9 15.8 19.0 16.0 -3.2 0.2 -3.8 *Costa Rica 21.8 25.5 25.4 13.0 13.8 15.0 -8.8 -11.7 -10.4 *Ecuador 19.0 26.7 23.3 12.7 21.2 17.5 -6.2 -5.6 -5.8 Guatemala 13.3 18.7 13.4 11.6 16.4 9.5 -1.7 -2.3 -3.9 *Jamaica 32.0 20.2 22.8 23.7 13.6 11.2 -8.4 -6.6 -11.6 *Me,(jco 20.6 24.2 23.4 14.9 20.5 22.1 -5.7 -3.7 -1.3 *Pe 24.1 23.9 27.0 20.9 19.7 23.0 -3.2 -4.2 -4.1 *Uruguay 12.0 15.7 12.8 12.0 11.3 9.7 -0.0 -4.4 -3.1 *Venezuela 31.1 34.2 21.4 31.9 35.8 24.2 0.8 1.6 2.8 Sub-Saha ran Africa Cameroon 16.6 21.8 22.4 16.9 18.2 -4.9 -4.1 *CôtedIvofre 22.8 29.1 19.9 .. 16.8 9.9 . . -12.3 -10.0 Ethiopia 12.8 9.5 11.7 11.0 6.9 4.9 -1.8 -2.6 -6.8 Ghana 12.3 8.7 7.1 8.7 . . 2.0 -3.5 -1.8 -5.1 Kenya 22.6 26.2 25.1 17.2 16.4 18.3 -5.5 -9.8 -6.8 Liberia 19.1 28.7 15.0 27.5 7.7 -1.2 -7.3 Malawi 20.0 29.7 19.0 10.7 7.0 -19.0 -12.0 Niger 9.7 23.8 17.2 . . 9.7 2.7 . . -14.1 -14.6 *Nigeria 16.3 22.8 14.5 11.8 24.4 12.8 -4.5 1.6 -1.8 Senegal 14.7 17.5 15.5 4.2 -2.8 . . -13.3 -18.3 Sierra Leone 13.8 14.1 13.7 9.8 -1.0 5.3 -4.0 -15.1 -8.4 Sudan 11.9 16.2 16.0 11.0 9.6 4.2 -0.9 -6.6 -11.9 Tanzania 19.9 23.9 18.7 17.1 13.6 9.0 -2.8 -10.3 -9.7 Zaire 13.7 15.0 14.3 16.9 8.6 4.9 3.2 -6.4 -9.4 Zambia 31.9 28.5 18.4 34.3 19.9 4.9 2.4 -8.6 -13.5 East Asia Indonesia 15.8 24.5 28.0 13.7 24.6 24.9 -2.1 0.1 -3.2 Korea, Republic of 23.9 31.0 30.4 17.6 25.7 30.0 -6.3 -5.3 -0.4 Malaysia 22.3 28.7 32.9 22.6 29.4 28.1 0.2 0.6 -4.7 PapuaNewGuinea 27.8 22.0 27.6 .. 11.1 3.5 .. -11.0 -24.0 *Philippines 20.6 29.1 22.7 19.7 24.3 18.2 -1.0 -4.8 -4.5 Thailand 24.3 26.9 25.2 22.1 21.9 20.7 -2.1 -5.0 -4.4 South Asia India 18.4 22.5 24.5 16.9 22.2 22.8 -1.5 -0.3 -1.7 Pakistan 16.1 17.5 17.5 11.6 13.7 . . -5.9 -3.8 Sri Lanka 15.8 20.6 27.3 11.2 13.4 16.2 -4.6 -7.2 -11.0 Europe, Middle East, and North Africa Algeria 32.1 44.5 35.8 31.7 38.9 35.4 -0.4 -5.6 -0.4 Egypt, Arab Republic of 14.0 29.3 28.4 9.3 18.1 16.2 -4.7 -11.2 -12.2 *Morocco 15.0 25.6 22.7 13.6 16.4 14.7 -1.4 -9.1 -7.9 Portugal 26.6 29.7 29.4 25.8 . . . . -3.6 Tunisia 23.3 29.9 29.1 17.8 23.6 22.1 -5.5 -6.3 -7.1 Turkey 18.5 21.8 22.7 16.0 18.1 19.3 -2.5 -3.7 -3.3 *Yugoslavia 29.9 35.6 38.9 27.2 32.9 38.9 -2.6 -2.7 -0.1 Note: An asterisk indicates a highly indebted country. 153 Table A.12 Composition of debt outstanding, 1970 to 1987 (percentage of total long-term debt) Debt from official sources Debt from private sources Debt at floating rate Country 1970-72 1980-82 1987 1970-72 1980-82 1987 1973-75 1980-82 1987 Latin America and the Caribbean *Argentifla 12.6 9.0 14.2 87.4 91.0 85.8 6.6 29.2 79.3 *Bolivia 58.2 50.3 73.3 41.8 49.7 26.7 7.4 28.0 27.9 *Bril 30.7 12.6 24.1 69.3 88.3 76.2 26.1 46.1 58.3 *Chile 47.0 11.0 22.0 53.0 89.0 78.0 8.3 23.4 68.2 *Colombia 68.2 46.1 53.8 31.8 53.9 46.2 5.4 33.7 36.8 39.8 36.8 51.0 60.2 63.2 49.0 15.6 42.4 49.8 *Ecuador 51.8 30.6 34.9 48.2 69.4 65.1 8.2 36.5 68.6 Guatemala 47.5 71.0 66.0 52.5 29.0 34.0 3.5 5.6 29.4 *Jamaica 7.4 68.3 82.3 92.6 31.7 17.7 4.6 17.4 24.9 *Mexico 19.5 10.9 16.4 80.5 89.1 83.6 32.0 61.7 67.6 *pel_u 15.5 39.3 46.0 84.5 60.7 54.0 16.1 23.0 29.9 *Uguay 44.2 21.1 20.3 55.8 78.9 79.7 10.1 28.5 65.0 *Venezuela 29.9 3.0 3.4 70.1 97.0 96.6 17.1 60.3 68.7 Sub-Saha ran Africa Cameroon 82.2 57.2 67.5 17.7 42.8 32.5 1.8 11.1 5.0 *Côte d'Ivoire 51.4 23.8 40.4 48.6 76.2 59.6 19.3 37.1 37.1 Ethiopia 87.3 91.2 83.3 12.7 8.8 16.7 1.5 2.1 5.8 Ghana 56.6 88.5 86.5 43.4 11.5 13.5 0.0 0.0 5.6 Kenya 58.3 55.9 74.4 41.7 44.1 25.6 2.1 10.0 3.6 Liberia 81.1 75.3 82.9 18.9 24.7 17.1 0.0 15.6 10.7 Malawi 85.9 73.0 95.8 14.1 27.0 4.2 2.3 21.1 2.7 Niger 96.9 42.3 67.9 3.0 57.7 32.1 0.0 13.1 9.2 *Nigeria 68.8 14.6 44.6 31.2 85.4 55.4 0.7 48.6 48.8 Senegal 59.2 69.5 90.3 40.8 30.5 9.7 24.7 8.5 4.1 Sierra Leone 60.6 68.2 83.0 39.4 31.8 17.0 3.8 0.1 0.6 Sudan 86.1 74.4 75.2 13.9 25.6 24.8 2.2 9.7 1.0 Tanzania 63.6 75.9 89.2 36.4 24.1 10.8 0.4 0.3 2.5 Zaire 42.5 66.9 84.7 57.5 33.1 15.3 32.8 11.5 5.3 Zambia 21.8 70.2 86.0 78.2 29.8 14.0 20.7 10.0 14.7 East Asia Indonesia 72.1 51.8 54.9 27.9 48.2 45.1 4.9 15.0 23.9 Korea, Republic of 35.2 34.3 38.1 64.8 65.7 61.9 11.9 29.0 24.4 Malaysia 51.0 22.1 21.0 49.0 77.9 79.0 17.4 36.1 43.7 Papua New Guinea 6.2 25.6 31.4 93.8 74.4 68.6 0.0 23.5 18.0 *philippines 22.6 32.6 43.8 77.4 67.4 56.2 7.2 23.4 45.2 Thailand 40.1 40.4 50.4 59.9 59.6 49.6 0.4 21.9 26.1 South Asia India 95.1 91.1 75.5 4.9 8.9 24.5 0.0 3.3 12.0 Pakistan 90.6 92.8 94.6 9.4 7.2 5.4 0.0 3.1 5.4 Sri Lanka 81.6 80.9 80.2 18.4 19.1 19.8 0.0 12.1 6.0 Europe, Middle East, and North Africa Algeria 45.9 18.9 17.0 54.1 81.1 83.0 34.0 24.2 33.0 Egypt, Arab Republic of 66.9 82.1 79.7 33.1 17.9 20.3 3.1 2.5 1.9 *Morocco 79.2 56.5 71.9 20.8 43.5 28.1 2.7 26.8 30.5 Portugal 29.3 24.7 17.9 70.7 75.3 82.1 0.0 33.9 41.1 Tunisia 71.8 60.7 68.9 28.2 39.3 31.1 0.0 13.4 16.2 Turkey 92.4 63.1 58.0 7.6 36.9 42.0 0.8 23.1 30.9 *Yugoslavia 37.5 23.6 35.1 62.5 76.4 64.9 3.2 10.1 39.2 Note: An asterisk indicates a highly indebted country. 154 ( I World Development Indicators Contents Key 157 Introduction and maps 158 Tables 1 Basic indicators 164 Production 2 Growth of production 166 3 Structure of production 168 4 Agriculture and food 170 5 Commercial energy 172 6 Structure of manufacturing 174 7 Manufacturing earnings and output 176 Domestic absorption 8 Growth of consumption and investment 178 9 Structure of demand 180 10 Structure of consumption 182 Fiscal and monetary accounts 11 Central government expenditure 184 12 Central government current revenue 186 13 Money and interest rates 188 Trade and balance of payments 14 Growth of merchandise trade 190 15 Structure of merchandise imports 192 16 Structure of merchandise exports 194 17 OECD imports of manufactured goods: origin and composition 196 18 Balance of payments and reserves 198 External finance 19 Official development assistance from OECD and OPEC members 200 20 Official development assistance: receipts 202 21 Total external debt 204 22 Flow of public and private external capital 206 23 Total external public and private debt and debt service ratios 208 24 External public debt and debt service ratios 210 25 Terms of external public borrowing 212 Human resources 26 Population growth and projections 214 27 Demography and fertility 216 28 Health and nutrition 218 29 Education 220 30 Income distribution and ICP estimates of GDP 222 31 Urbanization 224 32 Women in development 226 Technical notes 228 Box A.1 Basic indicators for economies with populations of less than 1 million 230 Box A .2 Selected indicators for nonreporting nonmember economies 232 Bibliography 248 Country classifications: World Development Report 1988 and selected international organizations 250 156 Key In each table, economies are listed in their Figures in the colored bands are summary = not available. group in ascending order of GNP per cap- measures for groups of economies. The 0 and 0.0 = zero or less than half the unit ita except for those for which no GNP per letter w after a summary measure indicates shown. capita can be calculated. These are itali- that it is a weighted average; m, a median Blank means not applicable. cized, in alphabetical order, at the end of value; t, a total. their group. The reference numbers below Figures in italics are for years or periods All growth rates are in real terms. other than those specified. reflect the order in the tables. Data cutoff date is April 30, 1989. Afghanistan 38 Honduras 53 Panama 81 Algeria 84 Hong Kong 102 Papua New Guinea 50 Argentina 82 Hungary 80 Paraguay 61 Australia 105 India 21 Peru 68 Austria 108 Indonesia 36 Philippines 46 Bangladesh 5 Iran, Islamic Republic of 93 Poland 76 Belgium 106 Iraq 94 Portugal 87 Benin 24 Ireland 97 Romania 95 Bhutan 2 Israel 99 Rwanda 22 Bolivia 44 Italy 103 Saudi Arabia 98 Botswana 63 Jamaica 58 Senegal 43 Brazil 78 Japan 116 Sierra Leone 23 Burkina Faso 11 Jordan 70 Singapore 101 Burma 39 Kampuchea, Democratic 41 Somalia 19 Burundi 14 Kenya 26 South Africa 75 Cameroon 60 Korea, Republic of 85 Spain 96 Canada 114 Kuwait 112 Sri Lanka 33 Central African Republic 25 Lao People's Democratic Republic 8 Sudan 27 Chad 3 Lebanon 77 Sweden 115 Chile 67 Lesotho 30 Switzerland 120 China 18 Liberia 37 Syrian Arab Republic 72 Colombia 66 Libya 91 Tanzania 10 Congo, People's Republic of the 57 Madagascar 12 Thailand 55 Costa Rica 71 Malawi 6 Togo 20 Côte d'Ivoire 52 Malaysia 73 Trinidad and Tobago 90 Denmark 113 Mali 13 Tunisia 64 Dominican Republic 51 Mauritania 35 Turkey 65 Ecuador 62 Mauritius 69 Uganda 17 Egypt, Arab Republic of 49 Mexico 74 United Arab Emirates 117 El Salvador 56 Morocco 48 United Kingdom 104 Ethiopia 1 Mozambique 9 United States 119 Finland 111 Nepal 7 Uruguay 79 France 109 Netherlands 107 Venezuela 88 Gabon 86 New Zealand 100 Viet Nam 42 Germany, Federal Republic of 110 Nicaragua 54 Yemen Arab Republic 47 Ghana 32 Niger 16 Yemen, People's Democratic Greece 89 Nigeria 31 Republic of 34 Guatemala 59 Norway 118 Yugoslavia 83 Guinea 40 Oman 92 Zaire 4 Haiti 29 Pakistan 28 Zambia 15 Zimbabwe 45 Note: For economies with populations of less than 1 million, see Box Al; for nonreporting nonmember economies, see Box A.2. 157 Introduction The World Development Indicators provide infor- sured, and care must be taken in interpreting the mation on the main features of social and eco- indicators. The statistics are drawn from sources nomic development. Most of the data collected by thought to be most authoritative, but many of the World Bank are on the low- and middle-income them are subject to considerable margins of error. economies. Because comparable data for high- Variations in national statistical practices also re- income economies are readily available, these are duce the comparability of data which should thus also included here. Additional information on be construed only as indicating trends and charac- some of these and other countries may be found in terizing maj or differences among economies, other World Bank publications, notably the Atlas, rather than taken as precise quantitative indica- World Tables, World Debt Tables, and Social Indicators tions of those differences. of Development. Data available for nonreporting The indicators in Table I give a summary profile nonmembers are summarized in the main tables of economies. Data in the other tables, rearranged and shown by country in Box A.2 of the technical this year, fall into the following broad areas: pro- notes. duction, domestic absorption, fiscal and monetary This edition presents revised country classifica- accounts, trade and balance of payments, external tions and new regional groupings. In these notes finance, and human resources. the term "country" does not imply political inde- Two tables have been suspended from this edi- pendence, but may refer to any territory whose tion, one added, and two more modified. The table authorities present for it separate social or eco- on labor force has been dropped since updates de- nomic statistics. As in the past, the Bank classifies pend on population census data that are usually economies for certain operational and analytical collected only every five or ten years. The trade purposes according to GNP per capita, and in this table on origin and destination of manufactured edition some new groups are shown, others have exports has now been replaced with Table 17, been dropped, and some have been renamed. See OECD imports of manufactured goods: origin and the definitions and data notes at the beginning of composition. Table 18, Balance of payments and the main report for a detailed description of the reserves, now shows receipts of workers' remit- country groupings. tances on a net basis rather than credits only, Every effort has been made to standardize the which was the practice in the past. Table 30, In- data. However, full comparability cannot be en- come distribution and ICP estimates of GDP, as the 158 name indicates, now includes International Com- years earlier for economic indicators and up to parison Program (ICP) data on GDP comparisons. three years on either side for social indicators, See the technical notes for details on these since the latter tend to be collected less regularly changes. but change less dramatically over short periods of Data on external debt are compiled directly by time. All dollar figures are U.S. dollars. The vari- the Bank on the basis of reports from developing ous methods used for converting from national member countries through the Debtor Reporting currency figures are described, where appropriate, System. Other data are drawn mainly from the in the technical notes. United Nations and its specialized agencies and Differences between figures in this year's and the International Monetary Fund (IMF); country last year's edition reflect not only updating revi- reports to the World Bank and Bank staff estimates sions to the countries themselves, but also re- are also used to improve currentness or consis- visions to historical series and changes in meth- tency. For most countries, national accounts esti- odology. In addition, the Bank also reviews mates are obtained from member governments by methodologies in an effort to improve the interna- World Bank staff on economic missions and are, in tional comparability and analytical significance of some instances, adjusted by Bank staff to conform the indicators, as explained in the technical notes. to international definitions and concepts to pro- As in the World Development Report itself, the vide better consistency. main criterion used to classify economies in the For ease of reference, ratios and rates of growth World Development Indicators is GNP per capita. are shown; absolute values are reported in only a These income groupings are analytically useful for few instances in the World Development Indica- distinguishing economies at different stages of de- tors but are usually available from other World velopment. Many of the economies are further Bank publications, notably the recently released classified by geographical location. Other classifi- 1988-89 edition of the World Tables. Most growth cations include 17 highly indebted countries and rates are calculated for two periods, 1965-80 and all oil exporters. The major classifications used in 1980-87, and are computed, unless noted other- the tables this year are 42 low-income economies wise, by using the least-squares regression with per capita incomes of $480 or less in 1987, 53 method. Because this method takes all observa- middle-income economies with per capita incomes tions in a period into account, the resulting growth of $481-$5,999, and 25 high-income economies. rates reflect general trends that are not unduly in- For a final group of 10 nonreporting nonmember fluenced by exceptional values, particularly at the economies, paucity of data, differences in method end points. To exclude the effects of inflation, con- for computing national income, and difficulties of stant price economic indicators are used in calcu- conversion are such that only aggregates, where lating growth rates. Details of this methodology available, are shown in the main tables. Country- are given at the beginning of the technical notes. specific data for selected indicators for these coun- Data in italics indicate that they are for years or tries, however, are included in Box A.2 in the tech- periods other than those specifiedup to two nical notes. 159 Economies with populations of less than I mil- Throughout the World Development Indicators, lion are not shown separately in the main tables, the data for China do not include Taiwan, China. but basic indicators for these countries and territo- However, footnotes to Tables 14-18 provide esti- ries are in a separate table in Box A.1. mates of the international transactions for Taiwan, The summary measures are overall estimates: China. countries for which individual estimates are not The table format of this edition follows that used shown, because of size, nonreporting, or insuffi- in previous years. In each group, economies are cient history, have been included by assuming listed in ascending order of GNP per capita, except they follow the trend of reporting countries during those for which no such figure can be calculated. such periods. This gives a more consistent aggre- These are italicized and in alphabetical order at the gate measure by standardizing country coverage end of the group deemed to be appropriate. This for each period shown. Group aggregates include order is used in all tables except Table 19, which countries with less than 1 million population, even covers only OPEC and high-income OECD coun- though country-specific data for these countries do tries. The alphabetical list in the key shows the not appear in the tables. Where missing informa- reference number for each economy; here, too, tion accounts for a significant share of the overall italics indicate economies with no estimates of estimate, however, the group measure is reported GNP per capita. Economies in the high-income as not available. group marked by the symbol are those classified Groups of economies Countries are colored to show their income group; for example, all low-income econo- mies (those with a CNP per capita of $480 or less in 1987) are colored yellow. The groups are those used in the 32 tables that follow. Coda Low-income economies HAS Honduras Middle-income economies Gualernualu El Salvador Nicaragua High-income economies CortaRiru uoantraf Nonreporting nonmembers (see Box A.2) Economies not included in the main tables (see Box Al) UOkRao(NU) ueRutnrn Wallo and Sarooa (Fr) Soruerroan Samoa - US) French Nue)Nl) Polynesia Dominican tonga (Fr) Rep. Puerto Rico St Krnrard Mcciv Vrrgrn Macgd Ontigna and Barbuda (US) Mon toe cuat (U K) Orgestrrra Guadelouper (Fr) Uropune Sonrinioc So Marlinipoe (Fr) Netherlanda Antilles SC LuoSo (held) Barbados Sl Vinoenlard Ide Gsnnal Srnnudaoes Trinidad cod tobago Venr000la 160 by the United Nations or otherwise regarded by sources used in compiling the tables. The bibliog- their authorities as developing. In the colored raphy gives details of the data sources, which con- bands are summary measurestotals, weighted tain comprehensive definitions and descriptions of averages, or median valuescalculated for groups concepts used. It should also be noted that country of economies if data are adequate. notes to the World Tables provide additional expla- The methodology used for computing the sum- nations of sources used, breaks in comparability, mary measures is described in the technical notes. and other exceptions to standard statistical prac- For these numbers, w indicates that the summary tices that have been identified by Bank staff on measures are weighted averages; m, median val- national accounts and international transactions. ues; and t, totals. The coverage of economies is not uniform for all indicators, and the variation from Comments and questions relating to the World measures of central tendency can be large; there- Development Indicators should be addressed to: fore readers should exercise caution in comparing the summary measures for different indicators, Socio-Economic Data Division groups, and years or periods. International Economics Department The technical notes and footnotes to tables should be The World Bank referred to in any use of the data. These notes outline 1818 H Street, N.W. the methods, concepts, definitions, and data Washington, D.C. 20433. Mend en) Fanrue Islands Finland Normay F (Den) Smeder UmndlaPoeadSseralouReWdeloa ISlesMaeCd Genrrraik _-GhneFafl Seem Rep Cuechonlnnayra IrMeeG N Poland CRunneIlnluedK Fed Rep ann ItulMMGaPP Spec Swiderlaed Gtnypr Panes Ta ICed Pcitagta La Uapep Gidrahur UK)- Malta China a Isiamindep:LdTi Alphaniutan Gab Pakinlan Kira nrunruri heutan AiQerra AR Nepal LiGya Saudi Qatar U Arabia UmledArab Beep lade a)L F t Hnnp Along (UK) InMa \ aamno Macas (Purl) oud Mn a lUn Peupids apedende Anne Aep helene Peuplad Seer Any Philippr anN e)hecnnn Aol horn Guam (US) Sudan an Gambia hurNnu Rosa D)iboati TraM Territnry Pt the Guinha-BisnuS Guinea NiGeria Ethiopia PoMtiu Islands Sd Lanka Srerra Shone Clan Ghana (US) Cenlral Liberia Atriran Any Camennon Sum Maid nec Jobs Krrlbali J n1L- UGanda Penpiec Kenya Equalsnal Gainek I Sedan Rep Papua Gun Tame and Prinuipe Amandu TI An U. Nen GuieeP Cnngo Zaire Karachi / Seychelles Solomon K Tannanra a. lulonbu Taualu - Cumorus Vaeaala°- MabaQusn Maurilius Ananiun (Fr) hue Culedseia (Pt) Sesuilund Leanths Nens Zealand 161 Population 0-15 million The colors on the map show the general 15-50 million size of a country's population. For ex- tables; the technical note to that table 50-100 million ample, countries with a population of gives data for an additional 55 reporting 100 + million less than 15 million are colored yellow. economies in Box A.1, and 10 nonre- Note that Table 1 gives the population porting nonmember economies in Box Data not available for each of the 120 countries in the main A .2. Fertility and mortality Total fertility Infant mortality Life expectancy Births per woman Deaths per 1,000 live births Years 8 150 80 6 100 60 4 50 2 40 0 0 0 1965 1987 2000 1965 1975 1987 1965 1970 1975 1980 1987 Low-income economies - Middle-income economies High-income economies Nonreporting nonmember economies Note: For explanations of terms or methods, see the technical notes for Tables 27 and 32. 162 Share of agriculture in GDP 0-9 percent The value added by a country's agricul- tural sector divided by the gross domes- absolute values of production. For 10-19 percent countries with high levels of subsistence tic product gives the share of agriculture 20-39 percent in GDP. The map classifies countries by farming, the share of agriculture in GDP 40 + percent those shares. For example, countries is difficult to measure due to difficulties whose shares of agriculture in GDP in assigning subsistence farming its ap- Data not available range from 0 to 9 percent are colored propriate value. For more details, see yellow. The shares say nothing about the technical note for Table 3. External balances of low- and middle-income countries Percentage Low-income Middle-income Highly indebted Sub-Saharan of GDP economies economies economies Africa 1 1970-79 1980-83 1984-87 1970-79 1980-83 1984-87 1970-79 1980-83 1984-87 1970-79 1980-83 1984-87 1 2 3 4 5 The current account balance (on goods, services, income, and all unrequited transfers) represents transactions that add to or subtract from an economy's stock of foreign financial items. For some purposes, however, official unrequited transfers (mainly foreign aid grants, 6 food aid, and technical assistance) are treated as being closely akin to official capital move- ments. A measure of the current account balance before official transfers, sometimes re- ferred to as "total to be financed," is then appropriate. For further information, see the 7 technical note for Table 18 but note that the table reports dollar values for each measure in 1970 and 1987, whereas the chart traces period averages relative to GDP throughout the period. - - - - Current account balance Current account balance Financed by net official transfers (before official transfers) [_- 1 (after official transfers) Note: For explanations of terms or methods, see the technical notes for Table 18. 163 Table 1. Basic indicators GNP per capil& Life Area Average annual Average annual expectancy Population (thousands growth rate rate of inflation at birth (millions) of square Dollars (percent) (percent) (years) mid-1987 kilometers) 1987 196.5-87 1965-80 1980-87 1987 Low-income economies 2,822.9 t 37,015 290w 3.1 w 8.9w 8.6w 61 w China and India 1,866.lt 12,8491 300w 3.9w 2.9w 5.5w 65 w Other low-income 956.9t 24,166t 280w 1.5w 18.2 w 13.3 w 54 w 1 Ethiopia 44.8 1,222 130 0.1 3.4 2.6 47 2 Bhutan 1.3 47 150 . . . . . . 48 3 Chad 5.3 1,284 150 -2.0 6.3 5.3 46 4 Zaire 32.6 2,345 150 -2.4 24.7 53.5 52 5 Bangladesh 106.1 144 160 0.3 14.9 11.1 51 6 Malawi 7.9 118 160 1.4 7.0 12.4 46 7 Nepal 17.6 141 160 0.5 7.8 8.8 51 8 LaoPDR 3.8 237 170 46.5 48 9 Mozambique 14.6 802 170 26.9 48 10 Tanzania 23.9 945 180 -0.4 9.9 24.9 53 11 BurkinaFaso 8.3 274 190 1.6 6.2 4.4 47 12 Madagascar 10.9 587 210 -1.8 7.9 17.4 54 13 Mali 7.8 1,240 210 . . . . 4.2 47 14 Burundi 5.0 28 250 1.6 8.5 7.5 49 15 Zambia 7.2 753 250 -2.1 6.4 28.7 53 16 Niger 6.8 1,267 260 -2.2 7.5 4.1 45 17 Uganda 15.7 236 260 -2.7 21.2 95.2 48 18 China 1,068.5 9,561 290 5.2 0.0 4.2 69 19 Somalia 5.7 638 290 0.3 10.5 37.8 47 20 logo 3.2 57 290 0.0 6.9 6.6 53 21 India 797.5 3,288 300 1.8 7.6 7.7 58 22 Rwanda 6.4 26 300 1.6 12.4 4.5 49 23 Sierra Leone 3.8 72 300 0.2 8.0 50.0 41 24 Benin 4.3 113 310 0.2 7.4 8.2 50 25 Central African Rep. 2.7 623 330 -0.3 8.5 7.9 50 26 Kenya 22.1 583 330 1.9 7.3 10.3 58 27 Sudan 23.1 2,506 330 -0.5 11.5 31.7 50 28 Pakistan 102.5 796 350 2.5 10.3 7.3 55 29 Haiti 6.1 28 360 0.5 7.3 7.9 55 30 Lesotho 1.6 30 370 4.7 8.0 12.3 56 31 Nigeria 106.6 924 370 1.1 13.7 10.1 51 32 Ghana 13.6 239 390 -1.6 22.8 48.3 54 33 SriLanka 16.4 66 400 3.0 9.4 11.8 70 34 Yemen, PDR 2.3 333 420 . . . . 5.0 51 35 Mauritania 1.9 1,031 440 -0.4 7.7 9.8 46 36 Indonesia 171.4 1,905 450 4.5 34.2 8.5 60 37 Liberia 2.3 111 450 -1.6 6.3 1.5 54 38 Afghanistan . . 648 4.9 . 39 Burma 39.3 677 60 40 Guinea 6.5 246 2.9 42 41 Kampuchea,Dem. .. 181 . . 42 VietNam 65.0 330 .. 66 Middle-income economies 1,038.5 t 36,118t 1,810w 2.5 w 20.4w 62.3 w 65 w Lower-middle-income 609.6 t 16,781 t 1,200w 2.2 w 16.9 w 36.7 w 64w 43 Senegal 7.0 196 520 -0.6 6.5 9.1 48 44 Bolivia 6.7 1,099 580 -0.5 15.7 601.8 53 45 Zimbabwe 9.0 391 580 0.9 6.4 12.4 58 46 Philippines 58.4 300 590 1.7 11.7 16.7 63 47 YemenArabRep. 8.5 195 590 . . 11.4 51 48 Morocco 23.3 447 610 1.8 6.1 7.3 61 49 Egypt, Arab Rep. 50.1 1,002 680 3.5 7.3 9.2 61 50 PapuaNewGuinea 3.7 462 700 0.8 7.5 4.4 54 51 Dominican Rep. 6.7 49 730 2.3 6.8 16.3 66 52 Côted'Ivoire 11.1 322 740 1.0 9.5 4.4 52 53 Honduras 4.7 112 810 0.7 5.6 4.9 64 54 Nicaragua 3.5 130 830 -2.5 8.9 86.6 63 55 Thailand 53.6 514 850 3.9 6.3 2.8 64 56 El Salvador 4.9 21 860 -0.4 7.0 16.5 62 57 Congo, People's Rep. 2.0 342 870 4.2 6.6 1.8 59 58 Jamaica 2.4 11 940 -1.5 12.8 19.4 74 59 Guatemala 8.4 109 950 1.2 7.1 12.7 62 60 Cameroon 10.9 475 970 3.8 8.9 8.1 56 61 Paraguay 3.9 407 990 3.4 9.4 21.0 67 62 Ecuador 9.9 284 1,040 3.2 10.9 29.5 65 63 Botswana 1.1 582 1,050 8.9 8.1 8.4 59 64 Tunisia 7.6 164 1,180 3.6 6.7 8.2 65 65 Turkey 52.6 781 1,210 2.6 20.7 37.4 64 66 Colombia 29.5 1,139 1,240 2.7 17.4 23.7 66 67 Chile 12.5 757 1,310 0.2 129.9 20.6 72 Note: For data comparability and coverage, see the technical notes. Figures in italics are for years other than those specified. 164 GNPper capita' Lifr Area Average annual Average annual expectancy growth rate rate of inflation Population (thousands at birth (millions) of square Dollars (percent) (Percent) (years) mid-1987 kilometers) 1987 1965-87 1965 -80 1980-87 1987 68 Peru 20.2 1,285 1,470 0.2 20.5 101.5 61 69 Mauritius 1.0 2 1,490 3.2 11.4 8.1 67 70 Jordan 3.8 98 1,560 . . . 2.8 66 71 Costa Rica 2.6 51 1,610 1.5 11.3 28.6 74 72 Syrian Arab Rep. 11.2 185 1,640 3.3 8.3 11.0 65 73 Malaysia 16.5 330 1,810 4.1 4.9 1.1 70 74 Mexico 81.9 1,973 1,830 2.5 13.0 68.9 69 75 South Africa 33.1 1,221 1,890 0.6 10.0 13.8 60 76 Poland 37.7 313 1,930 . - 29.2 71 77 Lebanon 10 . . 9.3 Upper-middle-income 432.5 1 20,272 1 2,710w 2.9 w 23.2 w 86.8 w 67 w 78 Brazil 141.4 8,512 2,020 4.1 31.3 166.3 65 79 Unsguay 3.0 176 2,190 1.4 57.8 54.5 71 80 Hungaiy 10.6 93 2,240 3.8 2.6 5.7 70 81 Panama 2.3 77 2,240 2.4 5.4 3.3 72 82 Argentina 31.1 2,767 2,390 0.1 78.2 298.7 71 83 Yugoslavia 23.4 256 2,480 3.7 15.3 57.2 71 84 Algeria 23.1 2,382 2,680 3.2 9.8 5.6 63 85 Korea, Rep. 42.1 98 2,690 6.4 18.8 5.0 69 86 Gabon 1.1 268 2,700 1.1 12.7 2.6 52 87 Portugal 10.2 92 2,830 3.2 11.5 20.8 73 88 Venezuela 18.3 912 3,230 -0.9 10.4 11.4 70 89 Greece 10.0 132 4,020 3.1 10.5 19.7 76 90 TrinidadandTobago 1.2 5 4,210 1.3 14.0 6.2 70 91 Libya 4.1 1,760 5,460 -2.3 15.4 0.1 61 92 Oman 1.3 212 5,810 8.0 17.6 -6.5 55 93 Iran,IslamicRep. 47.0 1,648 15.6 63 94 iraq 17.1 435 64 95 Ro,nania 22.9 238 . . - . 70 Low- and middle-income 3,861.4 I 73,133 700 w 2.7 w 16.5 w 43.9w 62 w Sub-Saharan Africa 441.7 20,999 330 w 0.6 w 12.3 w 15.2 w 51 w East Asia 1,512.7 £ 14,019 470 w 5.1 w 8.8 w 5.4 w 68 w South Asia 1,080.9 I 5,158 290 w 1.8w 8.4 w 7.8 w 57 w Europe, M.East, & N.Africa 389.6 11,430 1,940w 2.5 w 13.1 w 23.7 w 64 w Latin America & Caribbean 403 .5 t 20,306 1,790w 2.1 w 29.3 w 109.1 w 66 w 17 highly indebted 582.5 t 21,213 t 1,430w 2.0w 26.0w 91.2 w 63w High-income economies 777.2 t 33,757 t 14,430w 2.3 w 7.9 w 5.2 w 76w OECD members 746.6 t 31,085 t 14,670 w 2.3 w 7.6 w 5.0w 76 w tOther 30.6 i 2,673 1 7,880 w 3.5 w 15.9 w 13.3 w 70w 96 Spain 38.8 505 6,010 2.3 12.3 10.7 77 97 Ireland 3.6 70 6,120 2.0 12.0 10.2 74 98 tSaudi Arabia 12.6 2,150 6,200 4.0 17.2 -2.8 63 99 jIsrael 4.4 21 6,800 2.5 25.2 159.0 75 100 NewZealand 3.3 269 7,750 0.9 10.2 11.5 75 101 tSingapore 2.6 1 7,940 7.2 4.9 1.3 73 102 tHong Kong 5.6 1 8,070b 62b 8.1 6.7 76 103 Italy 57.4 301 10,350 2.7 11.2 11.5 77 104 UnitedKingdom 56.9 245 10,420 1.7 11.2 5.7 75 105 Australia 16.2 7,687 11,100 1.8 9.2 7.8 76 106 Belgium 9.9 31 11,480 2.6 6.7 5.1 75 107 Netherlands 14.7 37 11,860 2.1 7.3 2.3 77 108 Austria 7.6 84 11,980 3.1 5.8 4.3 74 109 France 55.6 547 12,790 2.7 8.0 7.7 77 110 Germany,Fed. Rep. 61.2 249 14,400 2.5 5.2 2.9 75 Ill Finland 4.9 337 14,470 3.2 10.5 7.2 76 112 tKuwait 1.9 18 14,610 -4.0 16.3 -4.6 73 113 Denmark 5.1 43 14,930 1.9 9.3 6.8 75 114 Canada 25.9 9,976 15,160 2.7 7.1 5.0 77 115 Sweden 8.4 450 15,550 1.8 8.0 7.9 77 116 Japan 122.1 378 15,760 4.2 7.8 1.4 78 117 jUnited Arab Emirates 1.5 84 15,830 . . . . 0.3 71 118 Norway 4.2 324 17,190 3.5 7.7 6.1 77 119 United States 243.8 9,373 18,530 1.5 6.5 4.3 75 120 Switzerland 6.5 41 21,330 1.4 5.3 3.9 77 Total reporting economies 4,638.6 t 106,890 £ 3,010 w 1.5 w 9.8 w 13.7 w 65 w Oil exporters 578.4 t 17,303 1 1,520w 2.1 w 15.0w 20.1 w 61 w Nonreporting nonmembers 371.5t 26,645t 69w Note: For countries with populations of less than I million, see Box A. 1. t Economies classified by the United Nations or otherwise regarded by their authorities as developing. a. See the technical notes. b. GNP data refer to GDP. 165 Table 2. Growth of production Average annual growth rate (percent) GD!' Agriculture Industry (Manufacturing) Services, etc. 1965-80 1980-87 1965-80 1980-87 1965-80 1980-87 1965-80 1980-87 1965-80 1980-87 Low-income economies 5.4w 6.1w 2.7w 4.0w 8.7w 8.6w 8.1w 10.3w 5.7w 5.1w China and India 5.3w 8.5w 2.9w 5.1w 8.0w 12.0w 7.9w 11.7w 5.7w 6.9w Other low-income 5.5w 1.7w 2.3w 1.9w 10.0 w 0.2 w 9.0w 3.9w 5.7w 2.9w I Ethiopia 2.7 0.9 1.2 -2.1 3.5 3.8 5.1 3.8 5.2 3.5 2 Bhutan . . . . 3 Chadb 0.1 5.1 . . 2.6 ioió 8.5 6.3 4 Zairet' 1.3 1.6 . . 3.2 3.6 0.6 -1.2 5 Bangladesh" 2.4 3.8 1.5 2.4 3.8 4.7 6.8 2.4 5.2 6 Malawi 5.8 2.6 . . 2.5 1.9 3.0 7 Nepal 1.9 4.7 1.1 4.2 8 La0PDR 5.3 .. .. 9 Mozambique -2.6 . . -11.] . . -8.4 . . , . . . 6.2 10 Tanzania 3.7 1.7 1.6 3.8 4.2 -2.4 5.6 -3.5 6.7 0.8 11 BurkinaFaso . . 5.6 6.1 3.9 5.8 12 Madagascart' 1.6 0.3 . . 2.2 . . -2.0 . . -0.5 13 Mali" 3.9 3.4 2.8 0.3 1.8 9.8 . . . , 7.6 5.9 14 Burundi 3.5 2.6 3.3 1.7 7.8 4.9 6.0 6.6 2.7 3.5 15 Zambia" 1.9 --0.1 2.2 3.2 2.1 -0.7 5.3 0.8 1.5 -0.6 16 Nigert' 0.3 -1.9 -3.4 2.8 11.4 -4.3 . . . . 3.4 -8.0 17 Uganda 0.8 0.4 1.2 -0.5 -4.1 1.4 -3.7 -0.9 1.1 3.0 18 China 6.4 10.4 3.0 7.4 10.0 13.2 9,5c ]2.6c 7.0 7.6 19 Somalia 3.3 2.2 . . 2.8 . . 1.0 . . -0.5 . . 0.9 20 Togob 4.5 -0.5 1.9 0.8 6.8 -1.6 5.4 -0.7 21 India 3.7 4.6 2.8 0.8 4.0 7.2 4.3 8.3 4.6 6.1 22 Rwandab 5.0 2.4 . . 1.] . . 4.8 . . 2.5 . . 3.9 23 SierraLeone 2.6 0.7 2.3 1.6 -1.0 -2.3 4.3 0.6 5.8 1.3 24 Benin 2.1 2.8 . . 2.5 . . 8.3 4.6 . . 1.3 25 CentralAfricanRep. 2.6 2.0 2.1 2.4 5.3 2.2 0.3 2.0 1.6 26 Kenya 6.4 3.8 4.9 3.4 9.8 3.0 10.5 4.3 6.4 4.4 27 Sudan 3.8 -0.1 2.9 0.8 3.1 2.! . . 1.6 4.9 -1.3 28 Pakistan 5.1 6.6 3.3 3.4 6.4 9.1 5.7 8.9 5.9 7.1 29 Haitib 2.9 -0.4 . . . . . . . 30 Lesotho 5.9 2.3 0.4 0.4 . . 12.9 4.0 31 Nigeria 6.9 -1.7 1.7 0.6 13.1 -4.4 14.6 -2.1 7.6 -0.3 32 Ghan&' 1.4 1.4 1.6 0.0 1.4 0.1 2.5 1.3 1.1 4.2 33 SriLanka 4.0 4.6 2.7 3.1 4.7 4.2 3.2 6.2 4.6 5.7 34 Yemen, PDR" .. .. .. .. .. 35 Mauritania 2.0 1.4 -2.0 1.5 2.2 5.1 6.5 -1.3 36 Indonesia" 8.0 3.6 4,3 3.0 11.9 2.1 12.0 7.8 7.3 5.6 37 Liberia 3.3 -1.3 5.5 1.2 2.2 -6.0 10.0 -5.0 2.4 -0.8 38 Afghanistan 2.9 . 39 Burma 40 Guinea" 3.8 41 Kampuchea,Dem. 42 VietNam Middle-income economies 6.2w 2.8w 3.4w 2.5w 6.0w 2.9w 8.1w 3.0w 7.3w 3.1 w Lower-middle-income 5.7w 2.1 w 3.5 w 2.3w 6.0w 1.8w 6.9w 2.1 w 6.3w 2.3 w 43 Senegal" 2.1 3.3 1.4 4.2 4.8 4.3 3.4 4.3 1.3 2.4 44 Bolivia" 4.5 -2.1 3.8 2.5 3.7 -6.6 5.4 -6.9 5.6 -1.1 45 Zimbabwe 4.4 2.4 . . 2.3 . . 1.4 . . 1.8 . . 3.3 46 Philippines" 5.9 -0.5 4.6 1.8 8.0 -2.8 7.5 -1.1 5.2 0.0 47 Yemen Arab Rep." 5.6 2.3 8.7 14.2 6.0 48 MOroccob 5.4 3.2 2.2 3.6 6.1 1.2 5.9 1.5 6.5 4.3 49 Egypt, Arab Rep. 6.8 6.3 2.7 2.7 6.9 5.5 6.1 9.4 8.1 50 PapuaNewGuinea" 4.6 3.0 3.2 2.2 . . 5.3 . . 1.0 . . 2.0 51 Dominican Rep." 7.3 1.6 4.6 1.0 10.9 1.0 8.9 0.4 6.7 1.3 52 Côted'Ivoire 6.8 2.2 3.3 1.6 10.4 -2.4 9.1 8.2 8.6 4.2 53 Honduras 5.0 1.3 2.0 1.7 6.8 1.2 7.5 1.9 6.2 1.1 54 Nicaragua" 2.6 -0.3 3.3 -0.2 4.2 0.4 5.2 0.6 1.4 -0.9 55 Thailand" 7.2 5.6 4.6 3.7 9.5 5.9 11.2 6.0 7.6 6.4 56 El Salvador" 4.3 -0.4 3.6 -1.6 5.3 0.0 4.6 -0.3 4.3 0.2 57 Congo, People's Rep.b 6.4 5.5 3.1 1.5 10.3 10.9 9.7 4.7 -1.9 58 Jamaica" 1.3 0.4 0.5 1.4 -0.1 -0.4 0.4 1.7 2.7 0.8 59 Guatemala" 5.9 -0.7 . . . . . . . . . . .. . 60 Cameroon" 5.1 7.0 4.2 2.4 7.8 11.0 7.0 8.5 4.8 6.9 61 Paraguayt' 6.9 1.3 4.9 2.0 9.1 -0.3 7.0 0.8 7.5 1.9 62 Ecuadort' 8.7 1.5 3.4 3.6 13.7 1.4 11.5 0.2 7.6 0.9 63 Botswanab 14.2 13.0 9.7 -7.8 24.0 19.2 13.5 4.5 11.5 9.5 64 Tunisia 6.6 3.6 5.5 4.2 7.4 2.7 9.9 6.1 6.5 4.1 65 Turkey 6.3 5.2 3.2 3.3 7.2 6.7 7.5 8.2 7.6 5.0 66 Colombia 5.6 2.9 4.3 2.1 5.5 5.2 6.2 3.2 6.4 2.0 67 Chile" 1.9 1.0 1.6 3.6 0.8 1.5 0.6 0.9 2.7 0.3 Note: For data comparability and coverage, see the technical noteu. Figureu in italics are for years other than thoue upecified. 166 Average annual growth rate (percent) GDP Agriculture Industry (Manufacturing) Services, etc. 1965-80 1980-87 1965-80 1980-87 1965-80 1980-87 1965-80 1980-87 1965-80 1980-87 68 Peni5 3.9 1.2 1.0 3.0 4.4 0.5 3.8 1.5 4.3 1.4 69 Mauritius 5.6 5.5 . . 5.2 8.7 10.9 4.1 70 Jordan . 4.3 . . 4.1 . . 4.5 3.1 . . 4.3 71 CostaRicat 6.2 1.8 4.2 1.7 8.7 2.0 . . . . 6.0 1.7 72 SyrianArabRep.t' 8.7 0.3 4.8 -1.1 11.8 1.5 9.0 0.3 73 Malaysia" 7.4 4.5 . . 3.4 . 5.8 . . 6.3 . . 3.8 74 Mexico"' 6.5 0.5 3.2 1.4 7.6 -0.3 7.4 0.0 6.6 0.8 75 South Africa 4.1 1.0 0.3 . . -0.1 . . -0.5 2.3 76 Polan&' . . . 77 Lebanon" -1.2 Upper-middle-income 6.7w 3.4w 3.4w 2.6w 5.8w 3.7w 9.2w 4.1 w 8.2w 3.8w 78 Brazil 9.0 3.3 3.8 2.6 9.8 2.4 9.6 1.2 10.0 4.1 79 Uniguay 2.4 -1.3 1.0 0.2 3.1 -3.2 . . -1.6 2.3 -0.6 80 Hungary" 5.6 1.7 2.7 2.5 6.4 1.3 . . . . 6.2 1.8 81 Panama 5.5 2.6 2.4 2.5 5.9 -0.8 4.7 0.7 6.0 3.5 82 Argentina" 3.5 -0.3 1.4 1.6 3.3 -0.9 2.7 0.0 4.0 -0.3 83 Yugoslavia 6.0 1.5 3.1 1.4 7.8 1.4 . . . . 5.5 1.6 84 Algeriab 7.5 3.8 5.6 6.0 8.1 4.3 9.5 8.5 7.2 2.6 85 Korea, Rep." 9.5 8.6 3.0 4.4 16.5 10.8 18.7 10.6 9.3 7.7 86 Gabon" 9.5 0.6 . . . 87 Portugal 1.4 -0.9 1.0 1.4 88 Venezuela" 3.7 0.2 3.9 3.5 1.5 -0.9 5.8 3.0 6.3 0.8 89 Greece 5.6 1.4 2.3 -0.1 7.1 0.4 8.4 0.0 6.2 2.5 90 Trinidad and Tobago 5.1 -6.1 0.0 4.5 5.0 -8.6 2.6 -9.5 5.8 -3.4 91 Libya 4.2 . . 10.7 . . 1.2 . . 13.7 15.5 92 Oman" 15.2 12.7 9.4 15.1 37.9 12.2 93 !ran,IslamicRep. 6.2 4.5 2.4 10.0 13.6 94 Iraq 95 Roenania . . . . Low- and middle-income 5.9w 4.0w 3.0w 3.4w 6.7w 5.1 w 8.1 w 6.0w 6.9 w 3.6 w Sub-Saharan Africa 5.1 w 0.4w 1.7w 1.2w 9.5w -1.2w 8.8w 0.6w 5.5w 1.2w East Asia 7.2w 8.0w 3.3w 5.9w 10.8w 10.1 w 10.7w 10.4w 7.6w 6.4w South Asia 3.8w 4.8w 2.7w 1.4w 4.3w 7.2w 4.5w 8.0w 4.7w 6.1w Europe, M.East, & N.Africa 6.2w . . 3.5 w . . 5.0w . . . . . . 8.6w Latin America & Caribbean 6.0w 1.4w 3.2w 2.2w 6.0w 0.8w 6.9w 0.6w 6.7w 1.8w 17 highly indebted 6.1 w 1.1 w 2.8 w 1.8 w 6.9w 0.2 w 7.2 w 0.4w 6.7 w 1.7 w High-income economies 3.7 w 2.6w 0.8 w 2.8 w 3.2 w 2.3 w 3.6w 3.3 w 3.7 w 2.7 w OECD members 3.6w 2.7 w 0.8 w 2.6 w 3.1 w 2.5 w 3.6 w 3.2 w 3.7 w 2.7 w tOther 8.1 -2.6w . . 10.1w . . -8.1 w 4.8w 4.1 w 96 Spain" 4.6 2.1 2.6 0.9 5.1 0.4 5.9 0.4 4.1 2.1 97 Ireland 5.3 0.9 . . 2.2 . . 1.7 . . . . . . -0.0 98 tSaudi Arabiab 11.3 -5.3 4.1 10.3 11.6 -10.4 8.1 6.1 10.5 4.4 99 tlsrael" 6.8 2.2 . . . . . . . 100 New Zealand" 2.5 2.9 3.1 4.0 . . 3.3 2.1 101 tSingapore" 10.1 5.4 2.8 -3.9 11.9 4.0 13.2 3.3 9.4 6.4 102 tHong Kong 8.6 5.8 . . . . . . . . . . . . . 103 Italy 3.8 2.1 0.8 0.8 4.0 0.5 5.1 0.9 4.1 2.9 104 United Kingdom 2.4 2.6 16d 3.2 05d 1.8 12d 1.3 22d 2.6 105 Australiab 4.2 3.2 2.7 5.0 3.0 1.9 1.3 0.4 5.7 3.1 106 Belgium" 3.9 1.3 0.5 2.6 4.4 1.1 4.7 2.3 3.8 1.2 107 Netherlandsb 4.1 1.5 4.7 5.4 4.0 . . 4.8 . . 4.4 108 Austria" 4.3 1.6 2.2 0.8 4.5 1.1 4.7 1.6 4.4 1.9 109 Franceb 4.3 1.6 1.0 2.6 4.3 -0.1 5.2 -0.5 4.6 2.3 110 Germany, Fed. Rep.b 3.3 1.6 1.4 1.9 2.8 0.4 3.3 1.0 3.7 2.1 111 Finland 4.0 2.8 0.0 -1.1 4.4 2.7 4.9 3.1 4.7 3.9 112 tKuwait" 1.3 -1.1 . . 23.6 . . -2.3 . . 1.4 . . -0.9 113 Denmark 2.9 2.5 0.8 4.3 1.8 3.1 3.1 2.2 3.5 2.2 114 Canada 5.0 2.9 0.7 2.6 3.5 3.0 3.8 3.6 6.7 2.1 115 Sweden 2.9 1.3 -0.2 1.5 2.3 2.6 2.4 2.5 3.4 1.8 116 Japan" 6.3 3.8 0.8 0.8 8.5 4.9 9.4 6.7 5.2 3.1 117 tUnited Arab Emirates . . -4.3 . . 11.6 . . -8.4 . . 9.6 . . 4.8 118 Norway 4.4 3.7 -0.4 2.0 5.6 4.4 2.6 1.8 4.2 3.5 119 UnitedStates"' 2.7 3.1 1.0 3.5 1.7 2.9 2.5 3.9 3.4 3.0 120 Switzerland" 2.0 1.7 Total reporting economies 4.1 w 2.9w 2.2 w 3.2 w 3.9w 2.5 w 4.3 w 3.7 w 4.2w 2.9w Oil exporters 6.5 w 0.7w 3.1w 2.4w 6.3w -1.5w 7.7w 2.8w 7.7w 2.7w Nonreporting nonmembers a. Because manufacturing is generally the most dynamic part of the industrial sector, its gmwth rate is shown separately. b. GDP and its components are at purchaser values. c. World Bank estimate. d. Data refer to the period 1973-80. 167 Table 3. Structure of production GDP' Distribution of gross domestic product (percent) (millions of do!Jars) Agriculture Industry (Manufacturzng)b Services, etc. 1965 1987 1965 1987 1965 1987 1965 1987 1965 1987 Low-income economies 155,450 756,130t 43w 31w 27 w 37 w 20w 30w 32w China and India 111,850 514,210 42w 30w 31 w 41w 24w 27w 29w Other low-income 42,880 239,390 45w 33w 17 w 27 w 9w 12w 38w 40w I Ethiopia 1,180 4,800 58 42 14 18 7 12 28 40 2 Bhutan' 250 51 16 4 32 3 Chad' 290 980 42 43 15 18 12 15 43 39 4 Zaire' 3,140 5,770 21 32 26 33 16 53 35 5 Bangladesh' 4,380 17,600 53 47 11 13 5 7 36 39 6 Malawi 220 1,110 50 37 13 18 37 45 7 Nepal 730 2,560 65 57 11 14 3 5 23 29 8 LaoPDR .. 700 9 Mozambique 1,490 50 12 38 10 Tanzania 790 3,080 46 61 14 8 8 5 40 31 11 Burkina Faso 260 1,650 53 38 20 25 15 27 38 12 Madagascar' 670 2,070 31 43 16 16 11 53 42 13 Malic 260 1,960 65 54 9 12 5 6 25 35 14 Bunindi 150 1,150 59 , 14 9 27 IS Zambia' 1,060 2,030 14 12 54 36 6 23 32 52 16 Nigerc 670 2,160 68 34 3 24 2 9 29 42 17 Uganda 1,100 3,560 52 76 13 5 8 5 35 19 18 China 65,590 293,380 39 31 38 49 300 340 23 20 19 Somalia 220 1,890 71 65 6 9 3 5 24 26 20 Togo' 190 1,230 45 29 21 18 10 7 34 54 21 India 46,260 220,830 47 30 22 30 15 20 31 40 22 Rwanda' 150 2,100 75 37 7 23 2 16 18 40 23 SierraLeone 320 900 34 45 28 19 6 4 38 36 24 Benin 220 1,570 59 46 8 14 4 33 39 25 CentralAfrican Rep. 140 1,010 46 41 16 13 4 8 38 46 26 Kenya 920 6,930 35 31 18 19 11 11 47 50 27 Sudan 1,330 8,210 54 37 9 15 4 8 37 48 28 Pakistan 5,450 31,650 40 23 20 28 14 17 40 49 29 Haitic 350 2,250 30 Lesotho 50 270 65 21 5 28 1 15 30 51 31 Nigeria 5,850 24,390 54 30 13 43 6 8 33 27 32 Ghanac 2,050 5,080 44 51 19 16 10 10 38 33 33 SriLanka 1,770 6,040 28 27 21 27 17 16 51 46 34 Yemen, PDRC 840 16 23 61 35 Mauritania 160 840 32 37 36 22 4 32 41 36 Indonesia' 3,840 69,670 56 26 13 33 8 14 31 41 37 Liberia 270 990 27 37 40 28 3 5 34 35 38 Afghanistan 600 39 Burma' . 40 Guinea' 520 41 Kwnpuchea, Dem. 42 VietNam Middle-income economies 198,180 t 1,959,680 1 20 w 34w 19w 46w Lower-middle-income 102,382 t 737,643 1 21 w 29w 18w 50w 43 Senegal' 810 4,720 25 22 18 27 14 17 56 52 44 Boliviac 710 4,470 23 24 31 24 15 13 46 53 45 Zimbabwe 960 5,240 18 11 35 43 20 31 47 46 46 Philippines' 6,010 34,580 26 24 28 33 20 25 46 43 47 Yemen Arab Rep.' . 4,270 . . 28 17 12 55 48 Morocco' 2,950 16,750 23 19 28 31 16 18 49 50 49 Egypt, Arab Rep. 4,550 34,470 29 21 27 25 14 45 54 50 Papua New Guinea' 340 3,030 42 34 18 26 . . 9 41 40 51 Dominican Rep.' 890 4,910 23 17 22 30 16 16 55 53 52 Côted'Ivoire 760 7,650 47 36 19 25 11 16 33 39 53 Honduras 460 3,530 40 22 19 24 12 15 41 55 54 Nicaragua' 570 3,200 25 21 24 34 18 28 51 46 55 Thailand' 4,390 48,200 32 16 23 35 14 24 45 49 56 ElSalvador' 800 4,750 29 14 22 22 18 17 49 64 57 Congo,People'sRep.' 200 2,150 19 12 19 33 8 62 55 58 Jamaica' 970 2,860 10 6 37 41 17 22 53 53 59 Guatemala' 1,330 7,040 . . . . . . . . . . . . . 60 Cameroon' 810 12,660 33 24 20 31 10 13 47 45 61 Paraguay' 440 4,570 37 27 19 26 16 16 45 47 62 Ecuador' 1,150 10,610 27 16 22 31 18 19 50 53 63 Botswana' 50 1,520 34 3 19 57 12 6 47 40 64 Tunisia 880 8,450 22 18 24 32 9 15 54 50 65 Turkey 7,660 60,820 34 17 25 36 16 26 41 46 66 Colombia 5,570 31,940 30 19 25 35 18 19 46 46 67 Chile' 5,940 18,950 9 40 . . 24 . 52 Note: For data comparability and coverage, see the technical notes. Figures in italics are for years other than those specified. 168 GDP Distribution ofgross domestic product (percent) (millions of dollars) Agriculture Industry (Manufacturing)5 Services, etc. 1965 1987 1965 1987 1965 1987 1965 1987 1965 1987 68 Penic 5,020 45,150 18 11 30 33 17 23 53 56 69 Mauritius 190 1,480 16 15 23 32 14 24 61 53 70 Jordan 4,270 9 28 13 64 71 Costa Ricac 590 4,310 24 18 23 29 53 53 72 SyrianArabRep.c 1,470 23,990 29 27 22 19 49 54 73 Malaysiac 3,130 31,230 28 25 9 47 74 Mexicoc 21,640 141,940 14 9 27 34 20 25 59 57 75 South Africa 10,540 74,260 10 6 42 44 23 23 48 50 76 Po1and 77 Lebanon 1,150 12 21 67 Upper-middle-income 96,080 t 1,240,630 t 19 w 38 w 20 w 43 w 78 Brazil 19,450 299,230 19 ii 33 38 26 28 48 51 79 Uniguay 930 6,420 15 13 32 32 27 53 55 80 HungaIyc 26,060 15 40 44 81 Panamac 660 5,490 18 9 19 18 12 8 63 73 82 Argentinac 16,500 71,530 17 13 42 43 33 31 42 44 83 Yugoslavia 11,190 59,960 23 11 42 43 35 45 84 Algeriac 3,170 64,600 15 12 34 42 11 12 51 45 85 Korea,Rep.c 3,000 121,310 38 11 25 43 18 30 37 46 86 Gabonc 230 3,500 26 11 34 41 40 48 87 Portugal 34,290 9 40 51 88 Venezuelac 9,820 49,610 6 6 40 38 22 55 56 89 Greece 5,270 40,900 24 16 26 29 16 18 49 56 90 TrinidadandTobago 690 4,260 8 4 48 39 .. 10 44 57 91 Libya 1,500 5 63 3 33 92 Omanc 60 8,150 61 3 23 43 0 6 16 54 93 Iran, IslamicRep. 6,170 26 36 12 38 94 Iraq 2,430 18 46 8 36 95 Romania Low- and middle-income 356,860 2,687,970 30 w 31w 20 w 39w Sub-Saharan Africa 26,770 128,840 43 w ii 19w 28w 9w ii 39w 40w East Asia 90,670 708,540 38 w 21 w 34w 45w 26 w 28w 35w South Asia 60,260 288,260 46 w 31w 21w 28w 14 w 18 w 34w 41w Europe, M.East, & N.Africa 68,330 24 w 35w 40w Latin America & Caribbean 95,000 730,300 16w 33w 23 w 51w 17 highly indebted 115,050 t 830,320 t 19 w 33w 21w 48w High-income economies 1,391,6601 12,370,8001 5w 41 w 30w 55 w OECD members 1,373,3801 12,130,500 1 5w 41 w 30w 55 w tOther 10,980 t 209,050 t 5w 54w 11 w 41 w 96 Spainc 23,750 287,970 15 6 36 37 . 27 49 57 97 Ireland 2,340 21,910 10 37 .. 53 98 tSaudiArabiac 2,300 71,470 8 4 60 50 9 9 31 46 99 tlsraelc 3,591,) 35000 .. 100 New Zealandc 5,410 31,850 8 31 21 61 101 tSingaporec 970 19,900 3 1 24 38 15 29 74 62 102 tHong Kong 2,150 36,530 2 0 40 29 24 22 58 70 103 Italyc 72,150 748,620 10 4 37 34 25 23 53 61 104 United Kingdom 89,100 575,740 3 2 46 38 34 25 51 60 105 Australiac 22,920 183,280 9 4 39 33 26 17 52 63 106 Belgiumc 16,840 142,300 5 2 41 31 30 22 53 67 107 Netherlandsc 19,640 214,420 . . 4 . . 30 . . 19 . . 66 108 Austriac 9,480 117,660 9 3 46 37 33 26 45 60 109 France° 99,660 873,370 8 4 38 31 27 22 54 66 110 Germany, Fed. Rep.c 114,790 1,117,780 4 2 53 38 40 33 43 60 ill Finland 7,540 77,900 16 7 37 35 23 24 47 58 112 tKuwaitc 2,100 17,940 0 1 70 51 3 11 29 48 113 Denmark 8,940 85,480 9 5 36 29 23 20 55 66 114 Canada 46,730 373,690 6 3 41 35 27 19 53 62 115 Sweden 19,880 137,660 6 3 40 35 28 24 53 62 116 Japanc 91,110 2,376,420 9 3 43 41 32 29 48 57 117 tUnited Arab Emirates . . 23,720 . 2 . . 57 . . 10 . 41 118 Norwayc 7,080 83,080 8 4 33 35 21 15 59 62 119 United Statesc 700,970 4,497,220 3 2 38 30 28 20 59 68 120 Switzerlandc 13,920 170,880 Total reporting economies 1,749,600 1 15,139,800 lOw 39w 28w 52w Oil exporters 78,020 1 845,520 19w 32w 14w 48w Nonreporting nonmembers a. See the technical notes. b. Because manufacturing is generally the most dynamic part of the industrial sector, its share of GDP is shown separately. c. GDP and its components are shown at purchaser values. d. World Bank estimate. e. Services, etc. includes the unallocated share of GDP. 169 Table 4. Agriculture and food Value added Food aid Fertilizer consumption Average index of in agriculture Cereal imports in cereals (hundreds of grams food production (millions of (thousands of (thousands of ofplant nutrient per per capita current dollars) metric tons) metric tons) hectare of arable land) (1979-81=100) 1970 1987 1974 1987 1974/75 1986/87 1970 1986 1985-87 Low-income economies 83,666 t 236,213 t 22,767 t 27,750 t 6,002 t 6,677 t 161 w 706w 115 w China and India 55,045 t 155,356 t 11,295 t 15,943 t 1,582 t 791 t 224 w 997 w 119w Other low-income 28,413 t 80,006 t 11,472 t 11,807 t 4,420 t 5,886 I 72 w 318 w 106 w I Ethiopia 931 2,031 118 609 54 570 4 66 89 2 Bhuta&' . . 109 3 18 0 3 . . 10 112 3 Chadb 142 418 37 71 20 29 7 13 104 4 Zaire5 585 1,857 343 415 1 56 8 15 99 5 Bangladenh' 3,636 8,327 1,866 1,781 2,076 1,589 157 673 95 6 Malawi 119 411 17 11 0 10 52 131 87 7 Nepal 579 1,411 18 61 0 22 27 205 99 8 Lao PDR . . 53 37 8 0 2 0 123 9 Mozambique . . 747 62 406 34 344 22 19 84 10 Tanzania 473 1,882 431 188 148 55 31 77 90 11 BurkinaFaso 126 626 99 164 28 22 3 61 118 12 Madagascar5 266 879 114 140 7 115 61 23 97 13 Malib 207 1,051 281 86 107 77 31 166 101 14 Bumndi 159 681 7 13 6 2 5 23 100 15 Zambiab 191 222 93 150 5 116 73 148 97 16 Niger5 420 729 155 83 73 11 1 7 87 17 Uganda 929 2,710 36 26 0 15 14 . . 123 18 China 31,818 90,102 6,033 15,897 0 583 410 1,740 124 19 Somalia 167 1,224 42 343 111 156 25 16 102 20 Tog&' 85 354 6 86 II 6 3 78 89 21 India 23,227 65,254 5,261 46 1,582 208 110 571 109 22 Rwand&' 136 784 3 11 19 16 3 20 86 23 SierraLeone 108 402 72 152 10 43 17 22 98 24 Benjn 121 726 7 77 9 8 36 63 114 25 CentralAfncanRep. 60 415 7 37 1 6 12 1 94 26 Kenya 484 2,139 15 274 2 107 238 518 93 27 Sudan 757 3,044 125 707 46 890 28 67 100 28 Pakistan 3,352 7,430 1,274 378 584 456 146 862 105 29 Haitib . 83 178 25 89 4 23 96 30 Lesotho 23 57 48 94 14 32 10 130 83 31 Nigeria 5,080 7,379 389 677 7 0 2 94 105 32 Ghanab 1,030 2,568 177 223 33 64 13 27 106 33 SriLanka 545 1,628 951 533 271 284 531 1,015 83 34 Yemen,PDR" . . 132 148 212 0 10 . . 66 87 35 Mauritania 58 310 115 206 48 30 II 50 90 36 1ndonesia' 4,340 17,769 1,919 2,001 301 379 133 980 117 37 Liberia 91 368 42 117 3 2 63 46 96 38 Afghanistan . . . . 5 64 10 103 24 106 39 Burma 819 4,707 26 . 9 0 21 206 127 40 Guinea 0 63 203 49 92 19 4 93 41 Kampuchea,Dem. 223 80 226 2 11 0 42 VietNam 1,854 653 64 76 513 620 I i4 Middle-income economies 49,192 40,543 t 71,827 1 1,925 t 5,361 1 327w 653 w 101 w Lower-middle-income 28,500 22,000 t 36,535 1,600 t 5,338 t 355 w 661w 101w 43 Senegal" 208 1,024 341 431 27 80 17 40 105 44 B0liyia" 202 1,056 209 258 22 219 7 20 94 45 Zimbabwe 214 570 56 71 0 38 446 571 91 46 Philippines" 1,996 8,371 817 910 89 349 287 425 93 47 YemenArabRep." 118 1,192 158 835 33 83 1 111 115 48 Morocc&' 789 3,110 891 2,251 75 611 117 382 109 49 Egypt,ArabRep. 1,942 7,291 3,877 9,326 610 1,977 1,312 3,193 106 50 PapuaNewGuineab 240 858 71 184 0 0 58 314 98 51 DominicanRep." 282 910 252 683 16 117 334 414 99 52 Côted'Ivoire 462 2,728 172 675 4 0 74 83 105 53 Honduras 212 765 52 178 31 137 156 220 88 54 Nicaragua" 193 570 44 129 3 35 215 535 74 55 Thailand" 1,837 7,745 97 255 0 18 59 236 107 56 El Salvador" 292 656 75 182 4 227 1,043 906 89 57 Congo, People's Rep.b 49 262 34 97 2 0 114 59 92 58 Jamaica" 93 174 340 412 1 333 873 509 102 59 Guatemala 0 0 0 138 284 9 193 298 621 94 60 Cameroonb 364 3,009 81 290 4 6 34 75 94 61 Paraguay" 191 1,240 71 2 10 2 98 57 107 62 Ecuador" 401 1,707 152 347 13 53 133 409 101 63 Botswana" 28 48 21 137 5 44 15 5 75 64 Tunisia 245 1,504 307 1,170 59 396 76 226 114 65 Turkey 3,383 10,610 1,276 624 16 3 157 604 101 66 Colombia 1,817 6,198 503 863 28 0 286 770 97 67 Chile" 558 . 1,737 249 323 18 313 400 104 Note: For data comparability and coverage, see the technical notes. Figures in italics are for years other than those specified. 170 Value added Food aid Fertilizer consumption Average index of in agriculture Cereal imports in cereals (hundreds of grams food production (millions of (thousands of (thousands of ofplant nutrient per per capita current dollars) metric tons) metric tons) hectare of arable land) (1979-81 =100) 1970 1987 1974 1987 1974/75 1986/87 1970a 1986 1985-87 68Perut' 1,351 4,773 637 1,894 37 237 300 313 98 69 Mauritius 30 220 160 197 22 15 2,095 2,364 103 70 Jordan 44 375 171 950 79 20 74 300 108 71 CostaRicat 222 793 110 195 1 54 1,001 1,616 92 72 SyrianArabRep." 435 6,528 339 1,374 47 31 68 435 96 73 Malaysiat' 1,198 1,023 2,130 1 489 1,570 126 74 Mexico" 4,462 12,205 2,881 4,797 4 232 737 97 75 South Africa 1,362 4,194 127 266 422 621 84 76 Polandt' 4,185 2,962 1,678 2,342 108 77 Lebanon" 136 354 479 26 37 1,354 577 Upper-middle-income 21,519 t 18,589t 35,4141 3281 25 t 295 w 645 w 101 w 78 Brazil 4,392 27,965 2,485 3,871 31 7 186 514 107 79 limguay 268 847 70 166 6 0 485 471 100 80 Hungaryt' 1,010 4,022 408 660 . 1,497 2,615 110 81 Panama" 149 479 63 116 3 1 387 616 96 82 Argentina" 2,250 9,053 0 1 . . 26 43 98 83 Yugoslavia 2,212 6,815 992 782 770 1,315 97 84 Algeria" 492 8,021 1,816 3,823 54 4 163 361 103 85 Korea,Rep." 2,311 13,817 2,679 8,758 234 . 2,450 3,853 100 86 Gabon" 60 379 24 56 22 97 87 Portugal 3,180 1,861 1,344 428 978 103 88 Venezuela" 826 2,938 1,270 2,003 170 1,404 93 89 Greece 1,569 6,461 1,341 1,074 861 1,707 103 90 TrinidadandTobago 40 178 208 282 880 432 95 91 Libya 93 612 1,426 62 184 76 92 Omanb 40 232 52 287 936 93 Iran, Islamic Rep. 2,120 2,076 5,621 13 60 614 99 94 Iraq 579 870 4,212 34 351 105 95 Romania 1,381 197 565 1,301 112 Low- and middle-income 134,381 I 476,848 1 63,309 t 99,577 1 7,928 1 12,039 1 230 w 683 w 111 w Sub-Saharan Africa 14,988 1 42,714 I 3,9591 7,805 1 910 1 3,0561 33 w 86 w 100 w East Asia 45,4461 152,121 r 14,8771 31,0861 923 1 1,4071 367 w 1,326w 121 w South Asia 32,1981 88,877 t 9,404 1 2,833 1 4,522 t 2,562 t 114 w 586 w 109 w Europe, M.East, & NAfrica 19,526 t 23.405 t 40,252 I 1,010 1 3,289 t 475 w 960 w 105 w Latin America & Caribbean 18,567 1 11,537 1 17,3341 563 t 1,725 t 176w 451 w 98 w 17 highly indebted 27,3801 13,657 t 20,351 I 637 1 1,8861 169w 425 w 101 w High-income economies 89,077 t 303,305 1 68,943 I 73,740 1 53t 993 w 1,172w 104 w OECD members 88,2731 298,9871 65,535 I 60,2551 995 w 1,163 w 103 w lOther 7141 4,318 t 3,409 t 13,485 t 53t 514 w 3,131 w 134w 96 Spainb 12,557 4,675 1,943 593 909 104 97 Ireland 559 2,785 640 461 3,690 8,661 98 98 tSaudi Arabia" 219 3,446 482 8,627 54 3,496 209 99 tlsraelc 295 . . 1,176 1,905 53 1,401 2,198 104 100 New Zealand" 869 3,210 92 57 7,745 6,219 110 101 tSingapore" 44 105 682 810 2,500 13,000 94 102 tHong Kong 62 171 657 826 . . 0 56 103 Italy 8,465 25,962 8,101 7,329 896 1,692 101 104 United Kingdom 2,995 8,567 7,540 3,722 2,631 3,798 108 105 Australia" 2,178 7,115 2 27 232 258 97 920 2,964 4585d 4,747d 5686d 5283d 106 Belgium" 107 Netherlandst' 1,827 8,456 7,199 4,593 7,493 7,695 110 108 Austria" 992 3,844 164 99 2,426 2,062 109 109 France" 9,366 26,979 654 1,130 2,435 3,091 106 110 Germany, Fed. Rep." 5,951 16,541 7,164 4,462 4,263 4,279 112 111 Finland 1,205 5,155 222 126 1,930 2,184 105 112 (Kuwait" 8 176 101 364 . . 1,000 113 Denmark 882 4,134 462 351 2,234 2,445 121 114 Canada 3,280 10,449 1,513 447 191 474 110 115 Sweden 1,394 4,531 300 265 1,646 1,365 103 116 Japan" 12,467 65,384 19,557 27,795 3,882 4,271 109 117 tUnited Arab Emirates . . 420 132 642 . . 737 118 Norway 624 2,872 713 460 2,443 2,720 108 119 United States" 27,829 87,482 460 1,306 816 918 97 120 Switzerland . . . . 1,458 911 3,831 4,204 106 Total reporting economies 221,239 1 . . 132,252 t 173,316 r 7,981 I 12,039 I 473 w 834 w 110 w Oilexporters 22,4521 18,105t 46,905r l,038t 2,4661 143w 607w 108w Nonreporting nonmembers 15,475 t 37,330 t 67 t 566 w 1,251 w 111 w a. Average for 1969-71, b. Value added in agriculture data are at purchaser values. c. Value added in agriculture data refer to net domestic product at factor cost. d. Includea Luxembourg. 171 Table 5. Commercial energy Energy consumption Average annual energy per capita Energy imports growth rate (percent) (kilograms as a percentage of Energy production Energy consumption of oil equivalent) merchanthse exports 1965-80 1980-87 1965-80 1980-87 1965 1987 1965 1987 Low-income economies 10.0 w 4.4 w 8.2 w 4.6 w 126w 297w 6w lOw China and India 9.1 w 6.0 w 8.8w 4.8w 146w 390w 4w Sw Other low-income 12.4w -0.4w 5.0w 3.9w 73w 116w 8w 16w 1 Ethiopia 7.5 5.9 4.1 2.2 10 21 8 55 2 Bhutan 3 Chad . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4 Zaire 9.4 3.6 3.6 1.2 74 73 6 2 5 Bangladesh . . 15.4 . . 8.1 47 21 6 Malawi 18.2 4.6 8.0 -0.2 25 40 7 10 7 Nepal 18.4 12.9 6.2 10.3 6 23 10 31 8 La0PDR . . -0.3 4.2 1.9 24 37 9 Mozambique 19.8 -44.1 2.2 1.9 81 86 13 10 Tanzania 7.3 3.0 3.7 2.2 37 35 10 56 11 BurkinaFaso . . . . 10.5 . . 7 . . 11 7 12 Madagascar 3.9 10.0 3.5 1.4 34 39 8 36 13 Mali 38.6 9.4 7.0 2.6 14 24 16 32 14 Burundi . . 13.3 6.0 9.2 5 20 11 8 15 Zambia 25.7 1.2 4.0 0.1 464 380 6 II 16 Niger . . 16.5 12.5 3.2 8 42 9 9 17 Uganda -0.5 3.5 -0.5 4.2 36 26 1 17 18 China 10.0 5.5 9.8 4.4 178 525 0 2 19 Somalia . , . . 16.7 1.8 14 81 8 9 20 Togo 2.9 9.7 10.7 -2.2 27 52 4 8 21 India 5.6 8.1 5.8 6.0 00 208 8 17 22 Rwanda 8.8 6.6 15.2 4.6 8 42 10 53 23 SierraLeone . . 0.8 1.3 109 77 11 10 24 Benin . , 9.3 9.9 5.0 21 46 10 97 25 CentralAfrican Rep. 6.7 0.9 2.2 4.1 22 30 9 26 Kenya 13.1 9.2 4.5 -0.2 110 99 13 39 27 Sudan 17.8 1.2 2.0 0.6 67 58 5 38 28 Pakistan 6.5 6.9 3.5 6.5 135 207 7 26 29 Haiti 4.7 8.4 1.6 24 50 6 16 30 Lesotho . , . . , . 10 I 31 Nigeria 17.3 -3.3 12.9 5.9 34 133 7 3 32 Ghana 17.7 -8.1 7.8 -4.1 76 129 6 14 33 SriLanka 10.4 9.5 2.2 3.9 106 160 6 25 34 Yemen, PDR -6.4 2.6 . . 707 . 35 Mauritania 9.5 0.1 48 113 2 8 36 Indonesia 9.9 1.0 8.4 3.9 91 216 3 13 37 Liberia 14.6 -1.9 7.9 -10.1 182 169 6 11 38 Afghanistan 15.7 1.5 5.6 12.6 30 71 8 39 Burma 8.4 5.0 4.9 5.4 39 73 4 40 Guinea 16.5 1.5 2.3 0.9 56 59 41 Kampuchea,Dem. . 5.7 7.6 2.1 19 59 7 42 VietNam 5.3 0.5 -2.6 1.6 106 88 Middle-income economies 3.7 w 3.3 w 6.6w 2.8w 585 w 1,077w 8w 11w Lower-middle-income 6.6 w 4.7 w 5.9w 2.4w 531 w 863w 8w lOw 43 Senegal . . . . 7.4 -1.7 79 155 8 24 44 Bolivia 9.5 -0.4 7.7 -1.7 156 258 1 2 45 Zimbabwe -0.7 -0.4 5.2 0.4 441 512 7 6 46 Philippines - 9.0 10.1 5.8 -1.4 160 241 12 21 47 YemenArabRep. . . 21.0 12.0 7 100 48 Morocco 2.5 -1.1 7.9 2.5 124 242 5 27 49 Egypt, Arab Rep. 10.7 7.5 6.2 6.6 313 588 11 5 50 PapuaNewGuinea 13.7 6.5 13.0 2.5 56 229 II 10 51 Dominican Rep. 10.9 6.2 11.5 2.5 127 335 8 37 52 Côte d'Ivoire 11.1 8.6 101 5 11 53 Honduras 14.0 4.5 7.6 2.5 Ill 192 5 15 54 Nicaragua 2.6 1.0 6.5 1.7 172 256 6 33 55 Thailand 9.0 40.2 10.1 7.3 82 330 Il 15 56 ElSalvador 9.0 3.5 7.0 1.6 140 218 5 14 57 Congo, People's Rep. 41.1 8.6 7.8 4.7 90 223 10 5 58 Jamaica -0.9 4.7 6.1 -3.6 703 853 12 31 59 Guatemala 12.5 7.1 6.8 -0.7 150 169 9 16 60 Camemon 13.0 17.1 6.3 6.4 67 144 6 61 Paraguay . . 13.6 9.7 4.8 84 224 16 10 62 Ecuador 35.0 1.1 11.9 1.4 162 625 11 3 63 Botswana 8.8 2.6 9.5 2.3 191 429 16 6 64 Tunisia 20.4 -1.2 8.5 6.0 170 496 12 15 65 Turkey 4.3 9.1 8.5 7.3 258 763 12 31 66 Colombia 1.0 10.4 6.0 2.1 413 757 1 2 67 Chile 1.8 3.2 3.0 1.5 652 822 5 9 Note: For data comparability and coverage, see the technical notes. Figures in italics are for years other than those specified. 172 Energy consumption Average annual energy per capita Energy imports growth rate (percent) (kilograms as a percentage of Energy production Energy consumption of oil equivalent) merchandise exports 1965-80 1980-87 1965 -80 1980-87 1965 1987 1965 1987 68 Peni 6.6 -0.7 5.0 0.2 395 485 3 1 69 Mauritius 2.1 6.7 7.2 2.9 160 382 6 7 70 Jonlan . . . 9.3 7.9 226 750 33 53 71 Costa Rica 8.2 6.9 8.8 2.6 267 580 8 12 72 SyrianArabRep. 56.3 2.7 12.4 4.4 212 900 13 40 73 Malaysia 36.9 17.0 6.7 6.2 313 771 11 4 74 Mexico 9.7 2.7 7.9 0.6 605 1,299 4 75 South Africa 5.1 5.9 4.3 3.7 1,744 2,465 5 0 76 Poland 4.0 1.9 4.8 0.9 2,027 3,386 . . 15 77 Lebanon 2.0 -5.4 2.0 3.5 713 871 51 Upper-middle-income 2.7w 2.4w 7.3 w 3.0w 653 w 1,392w 8w 12 w 78 Brazil 8.6 10.4 9.9 4.0 286 825 14 17 79 Umguay 4.7 11.9 1.3 -2.0 765 760 13 15 80 Hungary 0.8 1.8 3.8 1.1 1,825 3,062 12 18 81 Panama 6.9 11.1 5.8 4.5 576 1,627 61 29 82 Argentina 4.5 1.9 4.3 1.5 975 1,472 8 10 83 Yugoslavia 3.5 3.0 6.0 3.2 898 2,115 7 19 84 Algeria 5.3 4.7 11.9 5.3 226 1,003 0 2 85 Korea,Rep. 4.1 9.9 12.1 5.9 238 1,475 18 13 86 Gabon 13.7 0.2 14.7 3.0 153 1,121 3 1 87 Portugal 3.6 5.8 6.5 2.7 506 1,322 13 17 88 Venezuela -3.1 -2.0 4.6 2.3 2,319 2,394 0 0 89 Greece 10.5 9.3 8.5 2.7 615 1,971 29 28 90 TrinidadandTobago 3.8 -3.3 6.6 -0.3 2,776 5,182 60 4 91 Libya 0.6 -6.0 18.2 4.7 222 2,674 2 92 Oman 23.0 11.0 30.5 9.4 14 2,130 2 93 Iran, Islamic Rep. 3.6 7.2 8.9 2.6 537 955 0 94 Iraq 6.2 3.0 7.4 4.9 399 732 0 95 Romania 4.3 0.7 6.6 0.9 1,536 3,464 Low- and middle-income 5.5 w 3.7w 7.2 w 3.5 w 253 w 503 w 7w 11w Sub-Saharan Africa 15.3 w -1.3w 5.6w 2.3 w 71w 82 w 7w 10w East Asia 9.8 w 5.5 w 9.4 w 4.4 w 168 w 477 w 6w 9w South Asia 5.8 w 5.7 w 5.7 w 5.2 w 99 w 183 w 7w 20 w Europe, M.East, & N.Africa 4.4 w 2.8w 6.2 w 2.7w 746 w 1,204 w 9w 19 w Latin America & Caribbean 1.9w 2.5 w 6.9 w 1.9w 515 w 1,071w 8w 9w 17 highly indebted 3.6w 1.7w 6.9w 2.1 w 420w 776w 6w lOw High-income economies 3.1 w -0.1 w 3.1 w 0.6w 3,707 w 4,953 w 11 w 11 w OECD members 2.1 w 1.8 w 3.0 w 0.5 w 3,748 w 6,573 w 11 w 12w tOther 7.7w -9.8w 5.7w 2.8w 1,943w 3,030w 7w 7w 96 Spain 3.6 7.8 6.5 1.9 901 1,939 31 23 97 Ireland 0.1 5.8 3.9 1.2 1,504 2,503 14 6 98 tSaudi Arabia 11.5 -14.4 7.2 5.0 1,759 3,292 0 99 lIsrsel -15.2 -16.3 4.4 1.3 1,574 1,965 14 12 100 New Zealand 4.7 7.6 3.6 3.8 2,622 4,211 7 7 101 tSingapore 10.8 -1.0 670 4,436 17 21 102 tHong Kong . . . . 8.4 4.1 413 1,525 4 3 103 Italy 1.3 1.2 3.7 0.0 1,568 2,676 16 14 104 United Kingdom 3.6 2.6 0.9 1.1 3,481 3,805 13 8 105 Australia 10.5 6.6 5.0 0.6 3,287 4,821 II 6 106 Belgium -3.9 10.6 2.9 0.1 3,402 4,844 9 9 107 Netherlands 15.4 -1.2 5.0 1.3 3,134 5,198 12 11 108 Austria 0.8 -0.8 4.0 0.9 2,060 3,465 10 9 109 France -0.9 8.0 3.7 0.6 2,468 3,729 16 12 110 Germany,Fed.Rep. -0.1 0.3 3.0 0.2 3,197 4,531 8 7 111 Finland 3.8 8.7 5.1 3.1 2,233 5,581 11 13 112 tKuwait -1.6 -1.3 2.1 3.8 . . 4,715 0 0 113 Denmark 2.6 56.8 2.4 1.0 2,911 3,887 13 8 114 Canada 5.7 3.7 4.5 0.9 6,007 9,156 8 5 115 Sweden 4.9 6.6 2.5 2.3 4,162 6,453 12 8 116 Japan -0.4 5.1 6.1 1.7 1,474 3,232 19 17 117 tUnited Arab Emirates 14.7 -1.7 36.6 5.4 105 5,094 4 2 118 Norway 12.4 5.7 4.1 2.7 4,650 8,932 11 6 119 United States 1.1 0.4 2.3 0.1 6,535 7,265 8 19 120 Switzerland 3.7 1.8 3.1 2.0 2,501 4,105 8 5 Total reporting economies 4.0w 1.3w 4.0w 1.4w 1,007w 1,253w 10w 11w Oil exporters 5.8w -2.2w 7.4 w 3.0 w 325 w 766 w 5w 4w Nonreporting nonmembers 4.6 w 2.8 w 4.4 w 2.8 w 2,509 w 4,777 w a. Includes Luxembourg. 173 Table 6. Structure of manufacturing Value added Distribution of manufacturing value added (percent; current prices) in manufacturing Machinery and (millions of Food and Textiles and transport current dollars) agriculture clothing equipment Chemicals Other' 1970 1986 1970 1986 1970 1986 1970 1986 1970 1986 1970 1986 Low-income economies 42,814 t 163,354 China and India 35,754 t 129,774 Other low-income 6,244 t 31,119 1 Ethiopia 149 518 46 51 31 23 0 0 2 3 21 22 2 Bhutan" 8 3 Chadb 51 132 . 40 . . 0 . . i5 4 Zaire" 286 th 40 16 16 7 8 10 8 29 29 5 Bangladesh" 387 1,249 30 26 47 36 3 6 II 17 10 15 6 Malawi 51 17 3 10 20 7 Nepal 113 8 La0PDR 9 Mozambique si .. L3 :: 10 Tanzania 116 227 36 28 28 26 5 4 7 26 31 11 Burkina Faso 174 69 62 9 18 2 2 1 1 19 17 12 Madagascar" 118 36 35 28 47 6 3 7 23 15 13 Mali" 25 100 36 40 4 5 14 14 Bumndi 16 102 53 25 6 .. 16 15 Zambia" 181 461 49 44 9 13 9 10 9 27 25 16 Niger" 30 142 17 Uganda 158 152 40 20 2 34 18 China 19 Somalia 28,794' 91,463' ii . 13 26 10 .. 38 26 72 88 46 6 21 0 0 2 6 31 20 Togob 25 49 21 India 6,960 38,311 13 11 21 16 20 26 14 15 32 32 22 Rwanda" 8 310 86 77 0 1 3 0 2 12 8 9 23 Sierra Leone 22 47 65 0 4 30 24 Benin 19 48 58 16 0 5 21 25 Central African Rep. 12 59 26 Kenya 174 709 31 35 9 12 18 14 7 9 35 29 27 Sudan 140 537 39 22 34 25 3 1 5 21 19 31 28 Pakistan 1,462 5,073 24 34 38 21 6 8 9 12 23 25 29 Haiti" 30 Lesotho ii o o o 0 0 31 Nigeria 543 5,196 32 Ghana" 252 639 16 4 41 33 SnLanka 321 888 26 19 10 II 33 34 Yemen,PDR 35 Mauritania 10 36 Indonesia" 994 10,592 23 10 47 37 Liberia 15 47 38 Afghanistan 39 Burma 40 Guinea 41 Kampuchea,Dem. 42 VietNam Middle-income economies 63,310 t 388,586 Lower-middle-income 30,215 t 137,170 43 Senegal" 141 626 51 48 19 15 2 6 6 7 22 24 44 Bolivia" 135 529 33 37 34 16 0 2 3 4 29 41 45 Zimbabwe 293 1,444 24 28 16 16 9 10 II 9 40 36 46 Philippines" 1,622 7,584 39 40 8 7 8 7 13 10 32 35 47 Yemen Arab Rep." 10 491 20 50 0 1 . . 28 48 Morecco" 641 2,582 . . 26 . . 16 . . lO . . II . . 37 49 Egypt, Arab Rep. 4,388 17 20 35 27 9 13 12 10 27 31 50 Papua New Guinea" 35 228 25 52 1 1 37 lO 5 3 33 35 51 Dominican Rep.b 275 841 74 63 5 7 1 1 6 5 14 24 52 Côte d'Ivoire 149 1,191 27 16 10 . . 5 42 53 Honduras 91 482 58 56 10 10 1 1 4 4 28 29 54 Nicaragua" 159 759 53 54 14 12 2 2 8 10 23 22 55 Thailand" 1,130 9,700 43 30 13 17 9 14 6 6 29 33 56 El Salvador" 194 612 40 37 30 14 3 5 8 16 18 28 57 Congo, People's Rep." 177 65 47 4 13 1 3 7 9 23 29 58 Jamaica" 221 553 46 50 7 6 . . . . 10 13 36 31 59 Guatemala 42 41 14 11 4 3 12 17 27 28 60 Camemon" 119 1,321 47 50 16 13 5 7 4 6 28 23 61 Paraguay" 99 572 56 . . 16 . I . . 5 . 21 62 Ecuador" 305 2,230 43 33 14 13 3 7 8 10 32 38 63 Botswana" 5 67 . . 52 .. 12 . 0 . . 4 . 32 64 Tunisia 121 1,161 29 17 18 19 4 7 13 13 36 44 65 Turkey 1,930 13,340 26 20 15 14 8 15 7 8 45 43 66 Colombia 1,154 5,817 31 34 20 14 8 8 II 13 29 31 67 Chile" 2,092 . . 17 27 12 7 11 4 5 8 55 55 Note: For data comparability and coverage, see the technical notes. Figures in italics are for years other than those specified. 174 Value added Distribution of msmafacturing value added (percent; current prices) in manufacturing Machinery and (millions of Food and Textiles and transport current dollars) agriculture clothing equipment Chemicals Other' 1970 1986 1970 1986 1970 1986 1970 1986 1970 1986 1970 1986 68 Penst' 1,430 6,746 25 24 14 11 7 10 7 11 47 44 69 Mauritius 26 284 75 35 6 39 5 3 3 4 12 19 70 Jonlan 32 508 21 28 14 5 7 2 6 7 52 58 71 Costa Rica 48 47 12 10 6 6 7 10 28 27 72 SyrianArabRep. 37 28 40 19 3 10 2 6 19 38 73 Malaysiat' 500 26 21 3 5 8 23 9 14 54 37 74 Mexic&' 8,449 31,968 28 24 15 12 13 14 11 12 34 39 75 South Africa 3,914 12,270 15 14 13 8 17 17 10 11 45 49 76 Po1and' 20 15 19 16 24 30 8 6 28 33 77 Lebanon' 27 19 1 3 . 49 Upper-middle-income 33,064 t 254,917 78 Brazil 10,429 69,406 16 15 13 12 22 24 10 9 39 40 79 Uniguay 1,433 34 29 21 18 7 8 6 10 32 35 80 Hungaiy" 12 6 13 11 28 37 8 11 39 35 81 Panamat' 127 422 41 48 9 7 1 3 5 8 44 34 82 Argentin&' 5,750 21,496 24 24 14 10 18 16 9 12 35 37 83 Yugoslavia 10 13 15 17 23 25 7 6 45 39 84 Algeria" 682 7,401 32 26 20 20 9 II 4 1 35 41 85 Korea,Rep." 1,880 29,397 26 15 17 17 11 24 II 9 36 35 86 Gabon" 37 7 6 6 44 87 Portugal 18 17 19 22 13 16 10 8 39 38 88 Venezuela" 2,140 14,072 30 23 13 8 9 9 8 11 39 49 89 Greece 1,642 6,482 20 20 20 22 13 14 7 7 40 38 90 Tnnidadand Tobago 198 396 18 41 3 5 7 15 2 7 70 32 91 Libya 81 0 92 Oma&' 464 29 0 0 0 71 93 Iran, Islamic Rep. 1,501 30 13 20 22 18 22 6 7 26 36 94 Iraq 325 , 26 14 7 3 50 95 Romania Low- and middle-income 107,564 t 547,989 Sub-Saharan Africa 3,270 t 16,113 East Asia 37,490 1 189,131 South Asia 9,398 I 46,406 Europe, M.East, & N.Africa Latin America & Caribbean 34,359 t 166,895 17 highly indebted 38,995 1 193,428 High-income economies 603,419 t 2,524,574 OECD members 598,731 1 2,488,845 tOther 2,350 I 29,216 96 Spain" . . 44,822 13 17 15 9 16 22 11 9 45 43 97 Ireland 785 . . 31 28 19 7 13 20 7 15 30 28 98 tSaudi Arabiab 372 7,173 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 99 tlsrael" . . . 15 13 14 10 23 28 7 8 41 42 100 New Zealand" 1,721 5,037 24 26 13 10 15 16 4 6 43 43 101 tSingapore" 379 4,678 12 6 5 5 28 46 4 8 51 36 102 tHongKong 1,013 7,978 4 6 41 40 16 20 2 2 36 33 103 Italy 30,942 140,078 10 7 13 13 24 32 13 10 40 38 104 UnitedKingdom 36,044 118,048 13 14 9 6 31 32 10 11 37 36 105 Australiab 9,058 29,296 16 18 9 7 24 21 7 8 43 45 106 Belgium" 8,226 26,055 17 19 12 8 22 23 9 13 40 36 107 Netherlands" 8,545 34,690 17 19 8 4 27 28 13 11 36 38 108 Austria" 4,873 25,461 17 17 12 8 19 25 6 6 45 43 109 France" 38,861 160,556 14 18 10 7 29 33 8 9 39 33 110 Germany, Fed, Rep.b 70,888 294,808 13 12 8 5 32 38 9 10 38 36 Ill Finland 2,588 14,847 13 13 10 6 20 24 6 7 51 50 112 tKuwait" 120 1,902 5 10 4 7 1 7 4 9 86 67 113 Denmark 2,929 13,887 20 22 8 6 24 23 8 10 40 39 114 Canada 17,002 59,617 16 15 8 7 23 25 7 9 46 44 115 Sweden 8,477 28,385 10 10 6 2 30 35 5 8 49 44 116 Japanb 73,339 573,536 8 10 8 6 33 38 11 10 40 37 117 tUnited Arab Emirates . . 2,290 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 118 Norway 2,416 10,698 15 21 7 3 23 26 7 7 49 44 119 United States" 253,864 835,793 12 12 8 5 31 35 10 10 39 38 120 Switzerland" 10 . 7 31 9 42 Total reporting economies 715,256 t 3,087,882 Oil exporters 19,676 r 123,904 Nonreporting nonmembers a. Includes unallocable data; see the technical notes. b. Value added in manufacturing data are at purchasers values. c. World Bank estimate. 175 Table 7. Manufacturing earnings and output Earnings per employee Total earnings as Gross output per employee Growth rates index (1980=100) percentage of value added (1980=100) 1970-80 1980-86 1984 1985 1986 1970 1984 1985 1986 1970 1984 1985 1986 Low-income economies China and India Other low-income 1 Ethiopia -4.6 -3.1 94 77 87 24 19 19 19 61 109 110 111 2 Bhutan 3 Chad 4 Zaire 5 Bangladesh -2.9 -3.7 86 84 79 26 32 32 32 116 98 98 96 6 Malawi 36 121 7 Nepal . . 8 LaoPDR 9 Mozambique . 29 10 Tanzania -11.4 57 52 47 42 34 34 34 122 84 87 90 11 Burkina Faso 2.6 105 107 118 . . 20 20 20 . . 115 117 120 12 Madagascar -0.9 -12.9 62 . . 36 36 91 57 13 Mali -8.4 46 14 Bumndi -7.8 .. 15 Zambia -3.3 0.2 100 100 114 34 26 26 26 109 102 109 78 16 Niger 17 Uganda 18 China 19 Somalia -6.4 -8.6 71 69 61 28 30 30 30 69 20 logo 21 India -0.2 5.6 120 130 132 47 48 48 48 95 142 153 164 22 Rwanda 22 19 23 Sierra Leone 24 Benin 25 Central African Rep. 26 Kenya -3.4 -3.7 82 79 81 53 46 46 46 38 93 94 96 27 Sudan . . . . 31 28 Pakistan 3.4 8.8 140 146 154 21 20 20 20 51 150 164 179 29 Haiti -3.3 -0.5 107 102 105 30 Lesotho 48 48 48 31 Nigeria 0.0 18 105 32 Ghana 23 193 33 Sri Lanka 83 101 70 111 135 34 Yemen, PDR 35 Mauritania 36 Indonesia 4.7 9.2 132 153 176 26 18 21 24 42 138 157 186 37 Liberia 1.6 111 107 99 38 Afghanistan 39 Burma 40 Guinea 41 Kampuchea,Dem. 42 VietNam Middle-income economies Lower-middle-income 43 Senegal -4.8 -0.2 97 101 93 . . 43 44 44 . . 96 102 103 44 Bolivia 2.5 4.4 122 44 35 68 62 . 45 Zimbabwe 1.6 6.1 114 143 145 43 44 44 44 98 108 118 120 46 Philippines -3.0 . . 21 18 22 20 102 115 105 112 47 Yemen Arab Rep. . . . . 48 Morocco . . . . . 51 51 51 49 Egypt,ArabRep. 4.0 1.6 116 121 117 54 57 57 57 76 133 141 155 50 PapuaNewGuinea 2.9 0.1 89 96 94 42 36 36 36 . . 96 103 101 SI Dominican Rep. -1.0 -4.8 87 79 79 35 19 22 22 63 102 98 98 52 Côte d'Ivoire -0.9 . . 27 52 53 Honduras -0.4 . 38 38 38 54 Nicaragua . . -15.8 16 20 22 22 206 107 104 99 55 Thailand 1.0 7.2 137 143 148 25 24 24 24 68 133 138 140 56 ElSalvador 2.4 28 21 20 71 89 87 57 Congo, People's Rep. 34 57 . . 58 Jamaica -0.2 . . 43 59 Guatemala -3.2 -0.1 110 98 105 . . 24 23 23 60 Cameroon 29 37 37 37 . 61 Paraguay . . . . 62 Ecuador 2.9 -1.1 104 103 94 27 38 44 39 S 83 106 104 90 63 Botswana 10.4 -4.2 81 85 . . . . 40 . . 69 . . 64 Tunisia 4.2 -4.9 83 78 76 44 47 47 47 95 91 87 83 65 Turkey 3.7 -2.3 84 89 94 26 24 24 24 108 131 125 139 66 Colombia -0.2 6.2 117 116 154 25 20 18 20 84 110 126 140 67 Chile -1.5 105 97 107 19 15 14 15 60 Note: For data comparability and coverage, see the technical notes. Figures in italics are for years other than those specified. 176 Earnings per employee Total earnings as Gross output per employee Growth rates Index (1980=100) percentage of value added (1980 =100) 1970-80 1980-86 1984 1985 1986 1970 1984 1985 1986 1970 1984 1985 1986 68 Pens . . 1.2 92 111 115 . . 19 19 19 82 70 66 75 69 Mauritius 1.7 -3.1 94 84 84 34 48 46 48 139 96 80 74 70 Jordan -1.1 101 98 97 37 30 32 31 . . 174 155 144 71 CostaRica . . . 41 72 SyrianArabRep. 2.2 -1.8 95 82 102 33 31 30 30 72 129 129 196 73 Malaysia 2.0 5.4 125 135 131 28 29 30 30 96 74 Mexico 1.2 -4.0 73 88 85 44 21 26 26 77 111 109 104 75 South Africa 2.7 0.4 109 106 102 46 50 50 49 45 97 98 101 76 Poland . . . 77 Lebanon . . . . . Upper-middle-income 78 Brazil 4.0 -1.1 91 93 95 22 20 20 20 71 68 70 78 79 Uruguay . . -1.2 84 96 109 . . 21 22 25 . . 112 108 107 80 Hungary 3.7 1.5 106 108 111 28 33 34 35 41 116 111 111 81 Panama 0.2 4.4 127 130 125 32 33 34 33 67 92 91 94 82 Argentina 1.7 4.4 126 104 118 30 23 19 21 83 115 108 127 83 Yugoslavia 1.3 -1.9 87 91 97 39 30 29 33 59 109 100 98 84 Algeria 0.1 -3.9 88 84 73 45 53 53 53 101 93 92 81 85 Korea,Rep. 10.0 5.8 119 125 138 25 26 27 27 40 139 141 158 86 Gabon . . . . 87 Portugal 2.5 1.3 87 104 115 34 38 43 43 117 127 88 Venezuela 3.8 -0.4 109 110 106 31 26 26 27 118 111 109 106 89 Greece 5.0 -0.3 99 102 94 32 39 39 39 57 99 104 98 90 Trinidad and Tobago 2.4 . 65 79 91 Libya 37 45 92 Oman . 61 61 61 93 IranislamicRep. . . . . . . 25 85 94 Iraq 36 95 Romania Low- and middle-income Sub-Saharan Africa East Asia South Asia Europe, M.East, & N.Africa Latin America & Caribbean 17 highly indebted High-income economies OECD members tOther 96 Spain 4.5 1.9 99 110 113 52 40 41 41 122 126 97 Ireland 4.1 8.0 120 142 146 49 39 39 39 98 (Saudi Arabia . . . . 99 tlsrael 8.8 -10.0 65 60 63 36 54 45 47 100 New Zealand 1.2 -1.6 92 95 . . 62 59 :: 114 i1 101 tSingapore 3.6 8.8 142 152 165 36 36 38 37 73 114 114 126 102 tHong Kong 6.1 2.6 105 111 115 . . 59 63 61 103 Italy 4.1 0.4 103 99 104 41 46 43 43 57 122 116 122 104 UnitedKingdom 1.7 3.0 109 111 121 52 44 43 44 62 133 135 138 105 Australia 2.9 1.7 107 106 113 53 51 48 52 70 107 115 106 Belgium 4.3 -0.1 96 95 104 46 47 46 47 51 124 125 130 107 Netherlands 2.5 3.6 112 111 124 52 57 57 57 108 Austria 3.4 1.3 103 105 111 47 55 54 55 64 116 118 120 109 France . . . 64 113 113 117 110 Germany,Fed.Rep. 3.5 1.0 101 102 107 46 48 46 45 60 114 117 105 111 Finland 2.6 2.1 107 110 114 47 43 43 49 73 116 122 134 112 (Kuwait . . 4.1 112 102 142 12 44 41 41 . . 169 140 134 113 Denmark 2.5 -0.1 98 97 100 56 52 52 53 65 113 110 106 114 Canada 4.2 2.8 102 116 116 53 46 49 49 68 117 . 115 Sweden 0.4 0.1 97 98 100 52 37 37 37 73 121 124 116 116 Japan 3.2 1.8 107 109 ill 32 35 35 37 45 120 123 115 117 tunited Arab Emirates . . . . 118 Norway 2.6 1.4 101 105 107 50 55 57 59 75 112 121 113 119 UnitedStates 0.1 1.4 104 106 108 47 39 40 39 63 112 115 117 120 Switzerland . . . . Total reporting economies Oil exporters Nonreporting nonmembers 177 Table 8. Growth of consumption and investment Average annual growth rate (percent) General government Gross consumption Private consumption, etc. domestic investment 1965-80 1980-87 1965-80 1980-87 1965-80 1980-87 Low-income economies 6.8 w 4.4 w 4.1 w 4.4 w 8.7w 10.2 w China and India 6.1 w 6.0 w 4.0 w 5.6 w 8.3 w 14.9 w Other low-income 8.3 w 0.7 w 4.4 w 2.4 w 9.6 w -1.9w 1 Ethiopia 6.4 5.6 3.0 1.3 -0.1 2.0 2 Bhutan 3 Chad .. . 0 . . . . . 4 Zaire 0.7 -10.9 1.5 0.4 6.7 1.3 5 Bangladesh a a 2.7 3.7 0.0 2.9 6 Malawi 5.6 4.5 4.4 2.6 9.0 -10.5 7 Nepal 8 LaoPDR 9 Mozambique . . -10.8 .. 0.9 . . -23.1 10 Tanzania a -7.1 4.1 5.0 6.1 -5.6 11 BurkinaFaso 8.7 3-4 2.0 2.5 8.8 2.0 12 Madagascar 2.0 -1.0 0.6 -0.1 1.5 -4.5 13 Mali 1.9 4-3 4.9 4.1 1.8 4.2 14 Burundi 7.3 2.9 3.7 2.1 9.0 5.4 15 Zambia 5.1 -2.5 -0.9 1.4 -3.6 -9.3 16 Niger 2.9 1.2 -2.4 2.3 6.3 -15.0 17 Uganda a . . 1.0 . . -5.7 18 China 6.0 4.9 5.3 6.1 10.5 19.0 19 Somalia 11.1 1.1 3.5 1.1 10.7 2.7 20 Togo 9.5 1.9 5.0 -0.3 9.0 -6.4 21 India 6.3 8.8 2.7 4.9 5.0 3.7 22 Rwanda 6.2 3.2 5.1 2.0 9.0 9.2 23 SierraLeone a a 3.1 -2.5 -1.0 -7.1 24 Benin 0.7 3.0 2.6 1.4 10.4 -12.7 25 CentralAfricanRep. -1.1 -3.1 4.2 1.6 -5.4 14.6 26 Kenya 10.6 0.8 5.7 3.1 7.2 -2.3 27 Sudan 0.2 -1.6 4.3 -1.4 6.4 -4.0 28 Pakistan 4.7 8.6 4.8 4.9 2.4 7.4 29 Haiti 1.9 -0.7 2.3 -0.2 14.8 -3.6 30 Lesotho 12.3 . . 8.6 . . 17.3 31 Nigeria 13.9 -3.6 5.0 0.0 14.7 -14.8 32 Ghana 3.8 -1.6 1.4 1.7 -1.3 3.2 33 SriLanka 1.1 8.4 4.0 6.3 11.5 -5.1 34 Yemen, PDR .. .. .. 35 Mauritania 10.0 -6.2 1.9 4.7 19.2 -5.5 36 Indonesia 11.4 4.1 5.9 4.9 16.1 4.1 37 Liberia 3.4 1.3 3.2 0.8 6.4 -16.7 38 Afghanistan 39 Burma 40 Guinea 41 Kampuchea, Dem. 42 VietNam Middle-income economies 7.7w 2.5w 6.7w 2.4w 8.6w -1.6w Lower-middle-income 7.4w 3.0w 5.2w 1.7w 7.1 w -3.7w 43 Senegal 2.9 1.5 1.8 2.2 3.9 1.1 44 Bolivia 8.2 -5.2 4.1 0.6 4.4 -19.5 45 Zimbabwe 10.6 7.1 5.1 -2.7 0.9 -1.4 46 Philippines 7.7 -0.2 5.0 1.7 8.5 -14.6 47 Yemen Arab Rep. 3.7 3.8 -10.0 48 Morocco 11.0 4.3 4.5 2.7 11.1 -2.2 49 Egypt, Arab Rep. a 5.3 5.5 5.0 11.3 2.7 50 PapuaNewGuinea 0.1 -0.9 4.1 1.8 1.4 -3.4 51 Dominican Rep. 0.3 . . 7.1 . . 13.5 52 Côted'Ivoire 13.2 -5.7 7.5 3.5 10.7 -14.2 53 Honduras 6.9 2.8 4.9 1.1 6.8 -0.1 54 Nicaragua 6.6 16.0 2.0 -8.1 . . 4.0 55 Thailand 9.5 5.6 6.2 4.0 8.0 3.9 56 ElSalvador 7.0 3.2 4.1 -0.7 6.6 0.1 57 Congo,People'sRep. 5.5 7.1 1.4 6.7 4.5 -3.8 58 Jamaica 9.8 -1.5 2.0 2.4 -3.3 -1.2 59 Guatemala 6.2 1.5 5.1 -0.5 7.4 -5.4 60 Camemon 5.0 10.0 4.2 5.7 9.9 3.3 61 Paraguay 5.1 2.6 6.4 2.1 13.9 -4.3 62 Ecuador 12.2 -2.5 6.8 1.7 9.5 -4.7 63 Botswana 12.0 13.8 9.2 4.4 21.0 -1.5 64 Tunisia 7.2 4.7 8.3 3.7 4.6 -3.8 65 Turkey 6.1 3.8 5.7 5.6 8.8 4.8 66 Colombia 6.7 3.0 5.9 2.4 5.8 -0.4 67 Chile 4.0 -0.8 0.9 -0.4 0.5 -3.6 Note: For data comparability and coversge, see the technical notes. Figures in italics are for years other than those specified. 178 Average annual growth rate (percent) General government Gross consumption Private consumption, etc. domestic investment 1965-80 1980-87 1965-80 1980-87 1965-80 1980-87 68 Pens 6.3 0.5 4.9 2.0 0.3 -5.2 69 Mauritius 7.1 2.2 4.4 3.2 8.3 10.8 70 Jonian . 5.3 . . 7.3 . . -4.3 71 CostaRica 6.8 -0.8 5.2 3.3 9.4 2.1 72 SyrianArabRep. 15.1 -0.6 11.9 -0.8 13.9 -0.4 73 Malaysia 8.5 2.3 5.9 0.1 10.4 -1.0 74 Mexico 8.5 3.2 5.8 -0.1 8.5 -7.9 75 South Africa 5.3 3.7 3.3 1.5 4.1 -7.3 76 Poland 77 Lebanon Upper-middle-income 8.0w 2.1w 8.3w 3.1w 9.9w 0.1w 78 Brazil 6.9 3.1 9.0 3.1 11.3 -0.9 79 Uruguay 3.2 1.1 2.4 -1.9 8.0 -12.5 80 Hungary a 0.9 3.6 1.7 7.0 -1.8 81 Panama 7.4 3.5 4.6 4.3 5.9 -3.2 82 Argentina 3.2 1.3 3.0 0.4 4.6 -9.5 83 Yugoslavia 3.6 0.6 7.9 0.4 6.5 -0.2 84 Algeria 8.6 2.8 11.4 4.4 15.9 0.6 85 Korea, Rep. 7.7 5.5 7.8 5.5 15.9 10.0 86 Gabon 10.7 4.7 6.2 -2.2 14.1 -3.0 87 Portugal 8.1 2.3 7.1 1.2 4.6 -3.8 88 Venezuela . . 0.4 . . 0.3 . . -4.7 89 Greece 6.6 2.6 4.9 3.2 5.3 -4.5 90 TrinidadandTobago 8.9 -3.5 6.7 -8.8 12.1 -15.8 91 Libya 19.7 . . 19.1 . . 7.3 92 Oman a 13.6 18.4 93 Iran, Islamic Rep. 14.6 10.1 . . 11.5 94 Iraq 95 Romania Low- and middle-income 7.4 w 3.1 w 5.7 w 3.0w 8.6 w 3.0w Sub-Saharan Africa 8.3w -lOw 3.9w 1.1 w 9.3w -8.3w East Asia 6.9w 4.6w 5.9w 5.2w 11.3w 12.1w South Asia 5.8 w 8.6w 3.0 w 4.9 w 4.6 w 3.7w Europe, M.East, & N.Africa 9.4 w .. .. .. 9.0 w Latin America & Caribbean 6.5 w 2.1 w 6.4w 1.3 w 8.3 w 4.5 w 17 highly indebted 6.9w 1.3w 6.3w 1.3 w 8.6w -5.1w High-income economies 2.7w 2.7w 3.9w 3.0w 3.4w 3.1 w OECD members 2.7w 2.7w 3.8w 3.0w 3.3 w 3.1 w fOther 14.3 w 96 Spain 5.1 4.4 4.8 1.3 3.7 1.7 97 Ireland 6.1 0.7 4.3 -0.8 6.3 -2.1 98 tSaudi Arabia a . . 20.0 . . 27.5 99 tlsmel 8.8 -1.2 6.0 3.8 5.9 100 NewZealand 3.4 1.7 2.3 1.5 2.2 5.5 101 tSingapore 10.2 9.1 8.0 3.9 13.3 3.2 102 tHong Kong 7.7 5.6 9.0 6.9 8.6 1.3 103 Italy 3.4 3.0 4.1 2.2 3.4 1.3 104 United Kingdom 2.3 0.9 2.2 3.2 0.6 5.3 105 Australia 5.0 3.7 4.1 3.2 2.8 0.8 106 Belgium 4.6 0.3 4.3 1.2 2.9 -0.8 107 Netherlands 2.9 0.9 4.8 1.0 1.8 2.6 108 Austria 3.7 1.8 4.4 2.0 4.5 1.8 109 France 3.6 2.5 4.7 2.1 3.9 -0.4 110 Geimany, Fed. Rep. 3.5 1.4 4.0 1.2 1.7 0.5 Ill Fitiland 5.3 3.7 3.8 4.5 2.9 0.8 112 tKuwait a 3.9 11.1 0.8 11.9 -2.3 113 Denmark 4.8 1.3 2.3 2.5 1.2 6.2 114 Canada 4.8 1.9 4.9 2.9 5.1 3.3 115 Sweden 4.0 1.5 2.5 1.5 0.9 1.8 116 Japan 5.1 2.9 6.0 2.9 6.7 3.9 117 tUnited Arab Emirates .. .. .. 118 Norway 5.5 3.6 3.9 3.6 4.2 2.6 119 United States 1.2 3.6 3.1 4.1 2.6 5.0 120 Switzerland 2.7 2.4 2.5 1.3 0.8 4.2 Total reporting economies 3.3w 2.7w 4.2w 3.0w 4.4w 3.1w Oilexporters 11.1w 7.2w 1.9w 11.5w -1.0w Nonreporting nonmembers a. General government consumption figures are not available separately; they are included in private consumption. etc. 179 Table 9. Structure of demand Distribution of gross domestic product (percent) General Esports of goods government Private Gross domestic Gross domestic and nonfactor Resource consumption consumption, etc. investment savings services balance 1965 1987 1965 1987 1965 1987 1965 1987 1965 1987 1965 1987 Low-income economies China and India 12w 13w 13w 13w 69w 66w 61w 56w 20w 22w 28w 31w 19w 21w 26w 31w 8w 4w 13w lOw 1w 2w 1w 1w Other low-income 9w 12w 77w 73w 15w 19w 12w 15w 17w 20w 3w 5w I Ethiopia 2 Bhutan 11 19 77 77 13 14 12 3 12 11 1 11 3 Chad 20 8 74 104 12 18 6 12 19 17 6 31 4 Zaire 9 17 61 73 14 13 30 10 36 33 15 3 5 Bangladesh 9 8 83 90 11 11 8 2 10 6 4 9 6 Malawi 16 84 70 14 14 0 24 14 2 7 8 Nepal LaoPDR a 18 11 100 78 6 21 0 12 11 19 8 13 6 10 9 Mozambique 20 90 22 10 11 32 10 Tanzania 10 8 74 98 15 17 16 6 26 13 1 23 11 12 BurkinaFaso Madagascar 9 23 25 14 87 74 74 79 12 10 24 14 4 4 1 7 9 16 20 17 8 6 23 7 13 Mali 10 10 84 90 18 16 5 0 12 17 13 17 14 15 Burundi Zambia 7 15 17 25 89 45 76 55 6 25 20 15 40 4 20 8 10 49 9 47 2 15 12 5 16 Niger 6 12 90 84 8 9 3 5 9 19 5 5 17 Uganda China 10 7 78 59 88 11 25 12 12 5 26 10 1 7 18 15 13 49 38 25 38 4 0 19 Somalia 20 Togo 8 8 11 21 84 76 89 74 11 22 35 17 8 17 1 6 17 20 13 11 31 3 6 1 34 12 21 India 22 Rwanda 10 14 13 12 74 81 65 83 18 10 24 17 16 5 22 5 4 7 2 5 12 2 12 8 23 SierraLeone 24 Benin 8 11 7 10 83 87 83 86 12 11 9 14 9 3 10 4 30 13 9 15 3 8 10 1 25 CentralAfricanRep. 22 13 67 89 21 14 Il 2 27 17 16 26 Kenya 15 19 70 61 14 25 15 20 31 21 5 5 1 27 Sudan 12 15 79 79 10 Ii 9 6 15 8 28 29 Pakistan Haiti 11 8 13 10 76 90 85 77 21 7 17 12 13 2 II 5 8 13 13 12 8 5 6 8 30 Lesotho 18 16 109 158 11 25 26 73 16 10 38 99 31 Nigeria 32 Ghana 5 14 11 9 83 77 69 87 14 18 16 II 12 8 20 4 13 17 31 20 2 10 64 33 SriLanka 13 10 74 77 12 23 13 13 38 25 1 11 34 Yemen,PDR .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. 35 Mauritania 19 13 54 73 14 20 27 14 42 50 13 7 36 Indonesia 5 10 87 61 8 26 8 29 5 26 0 3 37 Liberia 12 17 61 65 17 10 27 18 50 43 10 9 38 Afghanistan a 99 11 1 11 10 39 Burma 40 Guinea 41 Kampuchea, Dem. 16 71 13 12 12 42 VietNam Middle-income economies 11w 14w 67w 62w 21w 23w 21w 25w 17w 22w Ow 3w Lower-middle-income lOw 13w 71w 68w 20w 21w 18w 21w 17w 22w 2w Ow 43 Senegal 17 17 75 77 12 13 8 6 24 28 4 7 44 Bolivia 45 Zimbabwe 9 14 74 84 22 9 17 2 21 14 5 8 12 20 65 59 15 18 23 22 27 8 3 46 Philippines 9 8 70 76 21 15 21 16 17 23 0 1 47 YemenArabRep. 18 94 15 12 4 26 48 Morucco 12 18 76 68 10 19 12 14 25 5 49 Egypt,ArabRep. 50 Papua New Guinea 19 34 14 22 67 64 77 62 18 22 19 22 14 2 8 18 18 15 4 20 1 11 17 18 44 51 52 DominicanRep. Côted'Ivoire 19 11 17 75 61 65 10 22 13 29 6 19 16 37 34 4 7 5 6 53 Honduras 10 16 75 71 15 15 15 13 27 24 0 3 54 55 Nicaragua Thailand 8 10 12 74 72 62 21 20 26 18 19 26 29 16 30 3 0 56 ElSalvador 9 11 79 81 15 14 12 8 27 19 2 6 57 Congo,People'sRep. 14 21 80 58 22 24 5 21 36 43 17 2 58 Jamaica 59 Guatemala 8 7 15 8 69 82 62 85 27 13 23 14 23 10 23 7 33 17 55 16 4 3 6 0 60 Cameroon 61 Paraguay 13 7 11 6 75 79 74 76 13 15 18 25 12 14 15 18 24 15 16 22 1 1 4 7 62 Ecuador 9 12 80 71 14 23 11 17 16 23 3 7 63 Botswana 24 89 6 13 32 19 64 Tunisia 15 16 71 64 28 21 14 20 19 35 13 1 65 66 Turkey Colombia 12 8 9 10 74 75 67 65 15 16 26 19 13 17 23 26 6 21 19 2 11 1 7 67 Chile 11 11 73 68 15 17 16 21 14 34 1 4 Note: For data comparability and coverage, see the technical notes. Figures in italicu are for years other than those specified. 180 Distribution of gross domestic product (percent) General Exports of goods government Private Gross domestic Gross domestic and nonfactor Resource consumption consumption, etc. investment savings services balance 1965 1987 1965 1987 1965 1987 1965 1987 1965 1987 1965 1987 68 Peni 69 Mauritius 10 13 11 11 59 74 67 60 34 17 25 26 31 13 23 29 16 36 9 69 3 4 2 3 70 Jordan 71 Costa Rica . . 13 27 15 78 . . 76 67 . 20 . 26 21 . . 9 3 18 . 23 . 45 34 10 . . 30 3 72 SyrianArabRep. 14 18 76 72 10 19 10 10 17 15 0 9 73 Malaysia 47 20 23 24 37 42 74 Mexico 75 SouthAfrica 15 6 16 10 19 61 75 62 73 53 20 28 15 20 19 27 17 8 64 29 7 24 0 14 2 11 28 26 8 76 Poland .. a . . 70 . . 29 . . 30 . . 18 . . 2 77 Lebanon 10 81 22 . . 9 36 13 Upper-middle-income 12 w 14 w 63 w 60 w 23 w 25 w 24 w 27 w 17 w 22 w 2w 2w 78 Brazil 11 12 67 65 20 20 22 23 8 9 2 3 79 Uruguay 15 13 68 76 II 9 18 11 19 21 7 2 80 Hungary a 10 75 63 26 27 25 26 38 0 81 Panama 82 Argentina 11 8 . . 6 73 69 84 . . 18 19 . . 10 16 22 . 10 . . 36 . 8 . 10 . 2 3 0 83 Yugoslavia 18 14 52 47 30 39 30 40 22 24 0 84 Algeria 85 Korea, Rep. 15 9 16 11 66 83 55 52 22 15 29 29 19 8 29 38 22 9 45 14 3 7 0 8 86 Gabon 11 23 52 43 31 31 37 34 43 41 6 3 87 Portugal 12 14 68 68 25 24 20 18 27 34 -5 -6 88 Venezuela 10 10 56 65 25 24 34 25 26 22 9 89 Greece 90 TrinidadandTobago 12 12 20 19 73 67 72 62 26 26 17 22 15 21 18 8 65 9 21 33 5 9 4 91 Libya 14 . . 36 29 50 53 21 92 Oman 93 Iran, Islamic Rep. 13 63 . . 17 24 20 6 94 Iraq 20 50 16 31 . . 38 15 95 Romania Low- and middle-income 11w 13w 68 w 63 w 21 w 24 w 20 w 25 w 13w 20 w 1w 1w Sub-Saharan Africa 10 w 15w 73 w 72 w 14 w 16 w 14 w 13 w 23 w 25 w 1w 4w East Asia 14w 13 w 63 w 53 w 23 w 30 w 23 w 35 w 8w 31 w Ow 5w South Asia 9w 12 w 76 w 68 w 18 w 22 w 15 w 19w 6w 8w 3w 3w Europe, M.East, & N.Africa 13w 64 w 22 w 20 w 20 w Latin America & Caribbean 9w 11w 69 w 69 w 20 w 18 w 21w 20 w 13w 12w 1w 1w l7highlyindebted lOw 11w 68w 68w 21w 19w 22w 21w 13w 14w 1w 2w High-income economies 17 w 18 w 63 w 61 w 20w 21 w 21 w 21 w 12 w 19w 1w 0w OECD members 17 w 18w 63 w 61 w 20w 21 w 20w 21 w 12 w 18 w 1w 0w tOther 14 w 27 w 49 w 49 w 24 w 25 w 34 w 24 w 52 w 57 w 10 w 0w 96 Spain 97 Ireland 8 15 14 18 68 68 64 55 28 26 22 23 24 17 22 27 10 35 20 59 3 9 0 6 98 tSaudi Arabia 34 44 27 48 10 99 tlsrael 100 New Zealand 18 20 13 38 31 15 65 62 58 56 14 29 26 17 29 15 26 17 11 29 60 19 22 38 26 32 34 13 1 6 0 101 tSingapore 10 12 80 48 22 39 10 40 123 . . 12 0 102 tHongKong 103 Italy 7 14 7 17 64 63 62 62 36 23 25 21 29 24 31 21 71 13 124 18 7 05 1 1 104 UnitedKingdom 16 21 63 62 21 18 20 18 18 26 105 Australia 13 18 69 60 20 23 18 22 15 16 2 1 106 Belgium 13 16 64 65 23 16 23 19 36 63 0 3 107 Netherlands 108 Austria 15 13 16 19 70 57 61 56 16 30 21 24 15 30 23 25 43 25 52 35 1 1 3 109 France 16 19 57 61 26 20 27 20 13 21 1 0 110 Germany,Fed.Rep. 15 20 67 55 18 20 18 25 19 32 0 6 111 Finland 112 tKuwait 14 13 21 58 26 57 30 16 22 29 60 22 20 68 25 2 45 0 113 Denmark 114 Canada 16 14 . . 25 20 72 60 . 53 58 . 13 26 . 19 21 . 12 26 . 21 22 . 29 19 . . 32 26 20 2 115 Sweden 18 27 72 52 11 18 10 21 22 33 3 116 Japan 8 10 64 57 27 30 28 34 11 13 1 4 117 tUnited Arab Emirates 23 36 27 41 55 14 . . . . . . . 2 . . . . . 118 Norway 15 21 56 53 30 29 29 27 41 36 119 UnitedStates 19 21 63 66 17 16 18 13 6 10 120 Switzerland 11 11 60 59 30 30 30 31 29 35 1 1 3 0 Total reporting economies 15w 17w 64w 61w 20w 21w 20w 22w 12w 19w Ow Ow Oil exporters 11w 18w 66w 59w 20w 24w 24w 23w 23w 21w 5w Ow Nonreporting nonmembers a. General government conuumption figuieu are not available uepaiately; they are included in private con.rumption, etc. 181 Table 10. Structure of consumption Percentage share of total household conswnption (range ofyears, 1980-85) Food Gross rents, frel Other consumption and power Transport and Other Cereals Clothing cominunication and and Fuel and Medical consumer Total tubers footwear Total power care Education Total Motor cars Total durables Low-income economies China and India Other low-income 1 Ethiopia 32 12 8 17 5 3 2 12 4 27 8 2 Bhutan 3 Chad .. .. 4 Zaire 55 15 10 11 3 3 1 6 0 14 3 5 Bangladesh 59 36 8 17 7 2 1 3 0 10 3 6 Malawi 55 28 5 12 2 3 4 7 2 15 3 7 Nepal 57 38 12 14 6 3 1 1 0 13 2 8 La0PDR 9 Mozambique . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 10 Tanzania 62 30 12 8 3 1 5 2 0 10 3 11 Burkina Faso . . . . . . . . . 0 . . . 12 Madagascar 58 22 6 12 7 1 6 4 1 14 2 13 Mali 57 22 5 6 5 1 2 20 2 10 3 14 Bunindi . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 0 0 0 15 Zambia 43 9 11 13 5 0 8 6 1 18 1 16 Niger 17 Uganda 18 China 16 19 Somalia 20 Togo 21 India 52 18 11 10 3 3 4 7 0 13 3 22 Rwanda 29 10 11 15 6 4 4 9 4 28 9 23 SierraLeone 47 18 4 12 4 2 1 10 0 24 1 24 Benin 37 12 14 11 2 5 4 14 2 15 5 24 Central African Rep. 26 Kenya 42 18 8 13 3 0 2 9 1 26 6 27 Sudan 60 . 5 15 4 5 3 2 . . 11 28 Pakistan 54 17 9 15 6 3 3 1 0 15 5 29 Haiti 30 Lesotho 31 Nigeria 52 18 7 10 2 3 4 4 1 20 6 32 Ghana 50 .. 13 11 , . 3 3 . . 15 33 SriLanka 43 18 7 6 3 2 3 15 1 25 5 34 Yemen, PDR 35 Mauritania . . . 36 Indonesia 48 21 7 13 7 2 4 4 0 22 5 37 Liberia 38 Afghanistan . . . .. . . . 39 Burma . 40 Guinea 41 Kampuchea,Dem. 42 VietNam Middle-income economies Lower-middle-income 43 Senegal 55 17 12 15 6 2 0 6 0 10 2 44 Bolivia 33 . . 9 12 1 5 7 12 . . 22 45 Zimbabwe 43 9 11 13 5 0 8 6 1 19 46 Philippines 51 21 4 19 5 2 4 4 2 16 2 47 Yemen Arab Rep. . 48 Monicco 44 15 9 6 1 7 5 10 1 18 4 49 Egypt, Arab Rep. of 36 7 4 5 1 14 11 3 1 26 2 50 Papua New Guinea . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 51 Dominican Rep. 46 13 3 15 5 8 3 4 0 21 8 52 Cbte d'Ivoire 40 14 10 5 1 9 4 10 3 23 3 53 Honduras 36 . . 8 20 8 5 3 20 54 Nicaragua . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 55 Thailand 30 7 16 7 3 5 5 13 0 24 56 ElSalvador 33 12 9 7 2 8 5 10 1 28 57 Congo, People's Rep. 58 Jamaica 59 Guatemala 38 36 . 10 . 10 4 16 14 7 5 13 3 . . 4 17 3 . 0 22 20 5 60 Cameroon 24 8 7 17 3 11 9 12 1 21 3 61 Paraguay 30 6 12 21 4 2 3 10 1 22 3 62 Ecuador 31 . . 11 6c 1" 5 55 11d 31 63 Botswana 35 13 8 15 5 4 9 8 2 22 7 64 Tunisia 42 10 9 20 3 3 7 6 1 14 5 65 Turkey 40 8 15 13 7 4 1 5 . . 22 66 Colombia 29 . . 6 13 2 7 5 13 . . 27 67 Chile 29 7 8 13 2 5 6 11 0 29 5 Note: For data comparability and coverage, see the technical notes. Figures in italics are for years otherthan those specified. 182 Percentage share of total household consumption (range ofyears, 1980-85) Food Gross rents, frel Other consumption and power Transport and Other Cereals Clothing Medical communication and and Fuel and consumer Total tubers footwear Total power care Education Total Motor cars Total durables 68 Peru 35 8 7 15 3 4 6 10 0 24 7 69 Mauritius 20 4 8 10 3 13 5 12 1 33 5 70 Jordan 35 . . 5 6 . . 5 8 6 . . 35 71 CostaRica 33 8 8 9 1 7 8 8 0 28 9 72 Syrian Arab Rep. 73 Malaysia 30 .. 5 9 5 8 16 . . 27 74 Mexico 35 10 8 5 5 12 . . 25 75 SouthAfrica 26 7 12 . , 4 . . 17 4 34 76 Poland 29 9 7 2 6 7 8 2 34 9 77 Lebanon ,, . . . Upper-middle-income 78 Brazil 35 9 10 11 2 6 5 8 1 27 8 79 Uruguay 31 7 7 12 2 6 4 13 0 27 5 80 Hungary 25 . . 9 10 5 5 7 9 2 35 8 81 Panama 38 7 3 II 3 8 9 7 0 24 6 82 Argentina 35 4 6 9 2 4 6 13 0 26 6 83 Yugoslavia 27 10 9 4 6 5 11 2 32 9 84 Algeria .. .. .. .. .. .. 85 Korea, Rep. 35 14 6 11 5 5 9 9 . . 25 5 86 Gabon .. . . . . . .. . . . . . 87 Portugal 34 . , 10 8 3 6 5 13 3 24 7 88 Venezuela 38 4 8 . . 8 7 10 . 25 89 Greece 30 . 8 12 3 6 5 13 2 26 5 90 Trinidad and Tobago 91 Libya 92 Oman 93 Iran, Islamic Rep. 37 10 9 23 2 6 5 6 1 14 5 94 Iraq 95 Romania .. Low- and middle-income Sub-Saharan Africa East Asia South Asia Europe, M.East, & N.Africa Latin America & Caribbean 17 highly indebted countries High-income economies OECD members f Other 96 Spain 24 3 / 16 3 7 5 13 3 28 6 97 Ireland 22 4 5 11 5 10 7 11 3 33 5 98 tSaudi Arabia . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 99 ttsrael 26 . . 4 20 2 6 9 10 . . 25 100 New Zealand 12 2 6 14 2 9 6 19 6 34 9 101 tSingapore 19 . . 8 11 . . 7 12 13 . . 30 102 tHongKong 12 1 9 15 2 6 5 9 1 44 15 103 Italy 19 2 8 14 4 10 7 11 3 31 7 104 United Kingdom 12 2 6 17 4 8 6 14 4 36 7 105 Australia 13 2 5 21 2 10 8 13 4 31 7 106 Belgium 15 2 6 17 7 10 9 11 3 31 7 107 Netherlands 13 2 6 18 6 11 8 10 3 33 8 108 Austria 16 2 9 17 5 10 8 15 3 26 7 109 France 16 2 6 17 5 13 7 13 3 29 7 110 Gemiany,Fed.Rep. 12 2 7 18 5 13 6 13 4 31 9 111 Finland 16 3 4 15 4 9 8 14 4 34 6 112 tKuwait . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 113 Denmark 13 2 5 19 5 8 9 13 5 33 7 114 Canada Il 2 6 21 4 5 12 14 5 32 8 115 Sweden 13 2 5 19 4 11 8 11 2 32 7 116 Japan 16 4 6 17 3 10 8 9 1 34 6 117 tUnited Arab Emirates .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. 118 Norway 15 2 6 14 5 10 8 14 6 32 7 119 United States 13 2 6 18 4 14 8 14 5 27 7 120 Switzerland 17 . . 4 17 6 15 . . 9 . . 38 Total reporting economies Oil exporters Nonreporting nonmembers a. Includes beveruges and tobacco. b. Refers to government expenditure. c. Excludes fuel. d. Includes fuel. 183 Table 11. Central government expenditure Percentage of total erpendiiure Housing, Total amenities; expenditure Overall social security Economic (percentage of surplus/deficit Defense Education Health and welfare a services Other a GNP) (percentage of GNI') 1972 1987 1972 1987 1972 1987 1972 1987 1972 1987 1972 1987 1972 1987 1972 1987 Low-income economien . . . .. . . . China and India . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Other low-income .. 13.4w 20.2w . . 5.4w 3.4w . . 5.4w .. 30.0w . . .. 14.7w 21.6w -3.2 w -2.7w 1 Ethiopia 14.3 . . 14.4 5.7 4.4 . . 22.9 . 38.3 . . 13.7 -1.4 2 Bhutan . . . . . . .. . . .. . . . . .. .. . . .. . . . 3 Chad 24.6 . 14.8 . . 4.4 . . 1.7 . . 21.8 . . 32.7 . . 14.9 9.0 -2.7 -113 4 Zaire 11.1 . . 15.2 . . 2.3 . . 2.0 . . 13.3 . . 56.1 . . 19.8 . -3.8 5 Bangladesh1' 5.1 10.0 14.8 10.6 5.0 5.0 9.8 9.8 39.3 27.9 25.9 36.7 9.4 12.2 -1.9 -11 6 Ma1awit 3.1 6.6 15.8 10.8 5.5 7.1 5.8 2.3 33.1 33.7 36.7 39.6 22.1 35.1 -6.2 -10.3 7 Nepal 7.2 6.2 7.2 12.1 4.7 5.0 0.7 6.8 57.2 48.5 23.0 21.5 8.5 18.3 -1.2 -7.5 8 LaoPDR 9 Mozambique . . . . . . . . . . .. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 10 Tanzania 11.9 15.8 17.3 8.3 7.2 5.7 2.1 1.7 39.0 27.5 22.6 41.2 19.7 20.9 -5.0 -4.9 11 BurkinaFaso 11.5 17.3 20.6 19.0 8.2 5.8 6.6 3.4 15.5 7.7 37.6 46.8 11.1 16.3 0.3 1.6 12 Madagascar 3.6 . . 9.1 . . 4.2 . . 9.9 . . 40.5 . . 32.7 . . 20.8 . . -2.5 13 Mali . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 35.5 . . -10.0 14 Bunindi 10.3 . . 23.4 . . 6.0 . . 2.7 . . 33.9 . . 23.8 . . 19.9 . . 0.0 15 Zambia" 0.0 0.0 19.0 8.3 7.4 4.7 1.3 2.3 26.7 21.0 45.7 63.7 34.0 40.3 -13.8 -15.8 16 Niger .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. 17 Uganda 23.1 26.3 15.3 15.0 5.3 2.4 7.3 2.9 12.4 14.8 36.6 38.6 21.8 15.0 -8.1 -4.4 18 China . . .. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 19 Somalia1' 23.3 . . 5.5 . . 7.2 . . 1.9 . . 21.6 . . 40.5 . . 13.5 . . 0.6 20 Togo . . 7.6 . . 13.1 . . 3.8 . . 9.9 . . 31.8 . . 33.8 . . 41.5 .. -5.0 21 India 26.2 21.5 2.3 2.7 1.5 1.9 3.2 5.7 19.9 21.5 46.9 46.8 11.1 18.1 -3.4 -8.1 22 Rwanda 25.6 . . 22.2 . . 5.7 . . 2.6 . . 22.0 . . 21.9 . . 12.5 . . -2.7 23 SierraLeone" 3.6 . . 15.5 5.3 .. 2.7 . . 24.6 .. 48.3 . . 23.9 13.7 -4.4 -8.9 24 Benin 25 Central African Rep. 26 Kenya" 6.0 9.1 21.9 23.1 7.9 6.6 3.9 1.7 30.1 22.8 30.2 36.8 21.0 25.0 -3.9 -4.6 27 Sudan" 24.1 . . 9.3 . . 5.4 . . 1.4 . . 15.8 . . 44.1 . . 19.2 . . -0.8 28 Pakistan 39.9 29.5 1.2 2.6 1.1 0.9 3.2 8.7 21.4 34.5 33.2 23.8 16.9 21.4 -6.9 -8.2 29 Haiti . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 14.5 . . . 30 Lesotho 0.0 9.6 22.4 15.5 7.4 6.9 6.0 1.5 21.6 25.5 42.7 41.1 14.5 24.3 3.5 -2.6 31 Nigeria1' 40.2 2.8 4.5 2.8 3.6 0.8 0.8 1.5 19.6 35.9 31.4 56.2 8.3 27.7 0.7 10.3 32 Ghana1' 7.9 6.5 20.1 23.9 6.3 8.3 4.1 7.3 15.1 15.7 46.6 38.3 19.5 14.1 -5.8 0.6 33 SriLanka 3.1 9.6 13.0 7.8 6.4 5.4 19.5 11.7 20.2 29.2 37.7 36.3 25.4 32.4 -5.3 -8.9 34 Yemen, PDR 35 Mauritania 36 Indonesia 18.6 8.6 7.4 8.8 1.4 1.5 0.9 1.7 30.5 23.5 41.3 55.9 15.1 24.0 -2.5 -0.9 37 Liberia 5.3 8.9 15.2 16.2 9.8 7.1 3.5 1.9 25.8 27.6 40.5 38.2 16.7 24.8 1.1 -7.9 38 Afghanistan . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 39 Burma 31.6 18.8 15.0 11.7 6.1 Z7 7.5 8.4 20.1 35.1 19.7 18.2 20.0 16.3 7.3 -0.8 40 Guinea 41 Ka,npuchea, Dem. 42 VietNam Middle-income economies 11.6w 11.8w 12.0w 11.6w 6.3w 5.1w 20.7w 18.9w 27.4w 21.0w 22.6w . 21.4w 24.7w . -3.2w -7.7w Lower-middle-income 11.5 w . . 17.7w 13.1 w 5.8w 3.5w 15.9w 10.6 w 23.1 w 19.5w 26.1 w 47.6w 20.5 w 25.5w -4.6w -6.4w 43 Senegal . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 18.8 -2.8 44 Bolivia 18.8 . . 31.3 . . 6.3 . . 0.0 . . 12.5 . . 31.3 . . 9.6 . . -1.8 45 Zimbabwe . . 14.2 . . 20.3 . . 6.] . . 4.6 . . 41.4 . . 13.3 . . 40.3 . . -10.8 46 Philippinesb 10.9 9.2 16.3 18.0 3.2 5.5 4.3 3.8 17.6 50.5 47.7 12.9 13.4 13.5 -2.0 -5.0 47 YemenArabRep. 33.8 22.2 4.0 16.5 2.9 3.6 0.0 0.0 2.7 6.3 56.6 51.4 13.4 31.9 -2.2 -19.9 48 Monicco 12.3 14.5 19.2 16.9 4.8 2.9 8.4 6.9 25.6 26.2 29.7 32.6 22.8 35.0 -3.9 -9.3 49 Egypt,ArabRep. . . 19.5 . . 12.0 . . 2.5 . . 16.0 . . 10.0 . . 40.1 . . 45.5 . . -6.6 50 PapuaNewGuinea" . . 4.5 . . 16.4 . . 9.7 . . 1.5 .. 21.3 . . 46.7 . . 34.6 . . -3.3 51 DominicanRep. 8.5 . . 14.2 . . 11.7 . . 11.8 . . 35.4 . . 18.3 . . 20.0 15.3 -0.2 -2.0 52 Côte d'Ivoire . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 53 Honduras 12.4 . . 22.3 . . 10.2 . . 8.7 . . 28.3 . . 18.1 . . 16.1 . . -2.9 54 Nicaragua 12.3 . . 16.6 . . 4.0 . . 16.4 . . 27.2 . . 23.4 . . 15.5 58.0 3.9 -16.3 55 Thailand 20.2 18.7 19.9 19.3 3.7 6.1 7.0 5.2 25.6 21.1 23.5 29.6 16.7 18.7 -4.2 -2.3 56 ElSalvador 6.6 26.8 21.4 17.1 10.9 7.4 7.6 4.7 14.4 13.8 39.0 30.2 12.8 12.4 -1.0 0.6 57 Congo, People's Rep. 58 Jamaica 59 Guatemala 110 194 95 104 238 258 99 -2.2 60 Camemon 8.1 . . 12.7 . . 3.5 . . 11.9 . . 35.7 . . 28.0 . . 23.4 61 Paraguay 13.8 12.1 12.1 12.2 3.5 3.1 18.3 32.3 19.6 10.1 32.7 30.2 13.1 7.9 -1.7 1.5 62 Ecuador" 15.7 11.8 27.5 24.5 4.5 7.3 0.8 0.9 28.9 19.8 22.6 35.8 13.4 16.3 0.2 2.1 63 Botswanab 0.0 7.9 10.0 18.4 6.0 5.9 21.7 10.1 28.0 28.4 34.5 29.2 33.7 47.5 -23.8 28.2 64 Tunisia 4.9 . . 30.5 . . 7.4 . . 8.8 . . 23.3 . . 25.1 . . 23.1 . . -0.9 65 Turkey 15.5 11.4 18.1 12.6 3.2 2.4 3.1 3.5 42.0 23.6 18.1 46.6 22.7 22.8 -2.2 -4.2 66 Colombia . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 13.1 14.7 -2.5 -0.7 67 Chile 6.1 10.7 14.3 12.5 8.2 6.0 39.8 42.6 15.3 9.2 16.3 19.0 43.2 31.9 -13.0 0.1 Note: For data comparability and coverage, see the technical notes. Figures in italics are for years other than those specified. 184 Percentage of total expenditure Housing, Total amenities; expenditure Overall social security Economic (percentage of surplus/deficit Defense Education Health and welfare services 0ther GNP) (percentage of GNP) 1972 1987 1972 1987 1972 1987 1972 1987 1972 1987 1972 1987 1972 1987 1972 1987 68 Peru" 14.5 . 23.6 . . 5.5 . . 1.8 . . 30.9 .. 23.6 . . 16.1 14.7 -0.9 0.2 69 Mauritius 0.8 0.8 13.5 12.4 10.3 7.6 18.0 17.4 13.9 21.6 43.4 40.3 16.3 23.0 -1.2 0.2 70 Joitlan 33.5 30.3 9.4 13.8 3.8 4.2 10.5 10.1 26.6 18.1 16.2 23.6 52.3 44.6 -7.6 8.4 71 Costa Rica 2.8 2.2 28.3 16.2 3.8 19.3 26.7 26.7 21.8 12.3 16.7 23.3 18.9 28.3 -4.5 -4.8 72 SyrianArabRep. 37.2 38.9 11.3 9.4 1.4 1.4 3.6 6.7 39.9 22.6 6.7 21.0 28.8 37.1 -3.5 -10.9 73 Malaysia 18.5 . . 23.4 . . 6.8 . 4.4 . . 14.2 . . 32.7 . . 26.5 31.9 -9.4 -8.2 74 Mexico 4.2 1.4 16.4 8.7 5.1 1.3 25.0 8.5 34.2 12.0 15.2 68.2 11.5 22.7 -2.9 -9.5 75 South Africa .. . . 21.8 32.7 -4.2 -4.4 76 Poland . . 40.1 -1.7 77 Lebanon Upper-middle-income 11.9w .. 7.7w .. 6.7w .. 24.5 w .. 28.2w .. 21.0w .. 22.3 w -1.8w -8.7w 78 Brazil 8.3 . . 8.3 . . 6.7 . . 35.0 . . 23.3 . . 18.3 . . 17.4 26.1 -0.3 -13.3 79 Uruguay 5.6 10.2 9.5 7.1 1.6 4.8 52.3 49.5 9.8 8.3 21.2 20.1 25.0 23.9 -2.5 -0.7 80 Hungary . . 4.0 . . 2.3 . . 3.6 . . 26.2 . . 37.7 . . 26.1 . . 59.6 . . -3.6 81 Panama 0.0 0.0 20.7 15.9 15.1 15.5 10.8 14.0 24.2 8.1 29.1 46.5 27.6 34.6 -6.5 -4.2 82 Argentina 10.0 6.0 20.0 6.0 . . 1.9 20.0 32.7 30.0 18.1 20.0 35.3 19.6 . . -4.9 83 Yugoslavia 20.5 55.1 0.0 0.0 24.8 0.0 35.6 11.2 12.0 16.3 7.0 17.3 21.1 8.0 -0.4 0.0 84 Algeria .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. 85 Korea, Rep. 25.8 27.3 15.8 18.3 1.2 2.3 5.9 7.2 25.6 16.6 25.7 28.2 18.0 17.4 -3.9 0.5 86 Gabon .. . . . . 40.1 45.9 -12.9 0.1 87 Portugal . 88 Venezuela 10.3 5.8 18.6 19.6 11.7 10.0 9.2 11.7 25.4 17.3 24.8 35.6 18.1 22.0 -0.2 -2.1 89 Greece 14.9 . . 9.1 . . 7.4 . . 30.6 . . 26.4 . . 11.7 . . 27.5 50.9 -1.7 -14.4 90 TrinidadandTobago . . . 91 Libya .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. 92 Oman 39.3 43.9 3.7 11.3 5.9 4.8 3.0 1.2 24.4 17.1 23.6 21.8 62.1 47.4 -15.3 -5.2 93 Iran, Islamic Rep. 24.1 14.2 10.4 19.6 3.6 6.0 6.1 17.4 30.6 15.7 25.2 27.1 30.8 23.5 -4.6 -3.9 94 Iraq 95 Romania 54 47 29 18 05 08 162 219 618 555 131 154 Low- and middle-income 13.2w 12.6w 12.2w 10.4w 5.9w 4.6w 18.1 w 16.6w . . 21.8w . . 18.0w 24.5w -3.5 w -7.7w Sub-Saharan Africa .. .. East Asia . . . . . . . . . . . . . . South Asia .. 19.9w . . 3.0w 2.1 w . . 6.8w . . 25.6w 42.6w . . 18.5w . . -8.5 w Europe,M.East,&N.Africa .. 14.9w . . 12.3w . . .. .. .. .. 26.6w .. -4.3w 30.1w -7.0w Latin America& Caribbean 7.3 w .... 13.5 w 6.8 w . . 29.1 w .. 23.4w .. 20.0w .. 16.9w -2.6w .. -10.2w 17 highly indebted 10.2w 7.0w 14.4w 9.6w 8.4w 5.9w 29.6w 23.8w 22.7w 21.2w .. .. 17.0w 20.1 w -2.7w -9.2w High-income economies 21.8w 14.9w . . 4.6w 11.1 w 12.5w 41.9w .. 13.0w 9.9w .. 25.7w 22.6w 28.7w -1.9w -4.3w OECD members 21.7w 14.7w .. 4.5w 11.2w 12.6w 42.3 w .. 13.0w 9.9w .. 25.6w 22.2w 28.4w -1.8w -4.4w tOther . . . 96 Spain 6.5 5.6 8.3 5.5 0.9 /2.7 49.8 40.4 17.5 11.8 17.0 24.0 19.6 34.8 -0.5 -5.2 97 Ireland . . 3.1 .. 11.4 . . 13.0 .. 30.3 . . 13.9 . . 28.3 32.7 60.4 -5.5 -13.0 98 tSaudi Arabia . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 99 tlsrael 42.9 30.1 7.1 7.6 3.6 3.2 7.1 17.0 7.1 10.5 32.2 31.5 43.9 63.8 -15.7 0.8 100 New Zealand" 5.8 4.7 16.9 11.1 14.8 12.4 25.6 29.7 16.5 9.2 20.4 32.9 30.3 47.1 -4.0 0.6 101 tSingapore 35.3 19.0 15.7 18.2 7.8 4.1 3.9 15.9 9.9 19.9 27.3 23.0 16.7 28.9 1.3 1.4 102 tHong Kong . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 103 Italy 6.3 3.2 16.1 7.4 13.5 9.6 44.8 36.3 18.4 12.1 0.9 31.4 27.6 52.0 -8.1 -16.5 104 UnitedKingdom 16.7 12.9 2.6 2.2 12.2 13.1 26.5 31.6 11.1 7.5 30.8 32.7 31.8 38.9 -2.7 -1.8 105 Australia 14.2 9.3 4.2 7.0 7.0 9.5 20.3 28.6 14.4 7.2 39.9 38.4 20.2 28.8 0.3 -1.2 106 Belgium 6.7 5.3 15.5 13.2 1.5 1.7 41.0 42.0 18.9 12.1 16.4 25.7 39.2 52.9 -4.3 -10.6 107 Netherlands 6.8 5.0 15.2 11.9 12.1 11.0 38.1 38.8 9.1 11.0 18.7 22.3 41.0 57.7 0.0 -3.2 108 Austria 3.3 2.8 10.2 9.7 10.1 12.5 53.8 46.7 11.2 12.0 11.4 16.4 29.6 40.3 -0.2 -5.3 109 France . . 6.3 . . 7.8 . . 20.8 . . 38.5 . . . . . . 26.6 32.3 45.1 0.7 -0.8 110 Germany, Fed. Rep. 12.4 . . 1.5 . . 17.5 . . 46.9 . . 11.3 . . 10.4 . . 24.2 30.1 0.7 -1.1 111 Finland 6.1 5.3 15.3 13.6 10.6 10.5 28.4 36.7 27.9 20.6 11.6 13.3 24.3 31.9 1.2 -1.0 112 IKuwait 8.4 14.0 15.0 14.2 5.5 7.6 14.2 21.9 16.6 21.2 40.1 21.0 34.4 36.9 17.4 23.5 113 Denmark 7.3 5.2 16.0 8.6 10.0 1.3 41.6 40.3 11.3 7.7 13.7 37.0 32.6 39.8 2.7 -0.6 114 Canada 7.6 8.1 3.5 3.5 7.6 6.3 35.3 36.3 19.5 12.6 26.5 33.2 20.1 24.2 -1.3 -4.1 115 Sweden 12.5 6.6 14.8 8.9 3.6 1.2 44.3 50.8 10.6 9.2 14.3 23.3 27.9 42.9 -1.2 1.9 116 Japan" . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 12.7 17.4 -1.9 -4.9 117 tUnitedArab Emirates" 24.4 . . 16.5 . . 4.3 . . 6.1 . . 18.3 . . 30.5 . . 4.0 . . 0.3 118 Norway 9.7 8.3 9.9 8.7 12.3 10.5 39.9 36.0 20.2 19.9 8.0 16.6 35.0 40.6 -1.5 3.9 119 UnitedStates 32.2 25.6 3.2 1.7 8.6 12.2 35.3 31.3 10.6 7.7 10.1 21.6 19.1 23.3 -1.5 3.3 120 Switzerland 15.1 . . 4.2 . . 10.0 . . 39.5 . . 18.4 . . 12.8 . . 13.3 . . 0.9 Total reporting economies 20.6 w 14.4w . . 5.3w 10.3 w . . 38.3 w . . 14.7 w 11.4w 16.1 w 27.3w 22.1 w 28.5 w -2.1 w -4.8w Oil exporters 14.9w 11.4w 14.5w 12.4w .. 4.9w .. 15.1w 30.5w 17.2w 25.0w 35.0w 22.0w 33.1w -0.4w -5.4w Nonreporting nonmembers a. See the technical notes. b. Refers to budgetary data. 185 Table 12. Central government current revenue Percentage of total current revenue Tax revenue Taxes on Domestic Taxes on Total current income Social taxes international revenue profit, and security on goods trade and Nontax (percentage capital gain contributions and services transactions Other taxes' revenue of GNP) 1972 1987 1972 1987 1972 1987 1972 1987 1972 1987 1972 1987 1972 1987 Low-income economies .. China and India . . . . .. . . . . . . . . Otherlow-income .. 29.0w .. .. 31.9w . . 20.7w .. .. 19.3w . . 17.8w I Ethiopia 23.0 . . 0.0 29.8 . . 30.4 5.6 . . 11.1 . . 10.5 2 Bhutan . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3 Chad 16.7 20.8 0.0 0.0 12.3 8.6 45.2 46.2 20.5 12.7 5.3 11.6 10.8 5.7 4 Zaire 22.2 29.9 2.2 0.9 12.7 15.1 57.9 33.4 1.4 5.6 3.7 15.2 14.3 16.3 5 Bang1adesh' 3.7 9.8 0.0 0.0 22.4 28.4 18.0 42.6 3.8 2.7 52.2 16.6 8.6 9.5 6 Malawib 31.4 35.5 0.0 0.0 24.2 28.9 20.0 16.8 0.5 0.6 23.8 18.2 16.0 22.6 7 Nepal 4.1 8.0 0.0 0.0 26.5 40.7 36.7 27.7 19.0 6.2 13.7 17.4 5.2 8.6 8 LaoPDR 9 Mozambique .. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 10 Tanzania 29.9 25.8 0.0 0.0 29.1 57.4 21.7 8.6 0.5 3.1 18.8 5.1 15.8 16.3 11 BurkinaFaso 16.8 20.6 0.0 4.5 18.0 22.7 51.8 39.4 3.2 6.8 10.2 10.5 11.4 15.3 12 Madagascar 13.1 . . 7.2 . . 29.9 . . 33.6 . . 5.5 . . 10.8 . . 18.3 13 Mali . . 8.2 . . 4.6 . . 22.2 . . 28.1 . . 26.9 . . 10.1 . . 15.1 14 Bunsndi 18.1 .. 1.2 . . 18.3 . . 40.3 . . 15.6 . . 6.5 . . 11.5 15 Zambia" 49.7 23.5 0.0 0.0 20.2 40.2 14.3 32.9 0.1 0.5 15.6 3.0 23.2 24.4 16 Niger .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. 17 Uganda 22.1 5.5 0.0 0.0 32.8 19.1 36.3 75.3 0.3 0.0 8.5 0.0 13.7 9.3 18 China . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 19 Somalia" 10.7 . . 0.0 . . 24.7 . . 45.3 . . 5.2 . . 14.0 . . 13.7 20 Togo .. 35.7 . . 6.3 . . 9.6 .. 32.3 . . 1.1 . . 22.2 .. 31.8 21 India 21.3 13.7 0.0 0.0 44.5 37.8 20.1 28.2 0.9 0.4 13.2 19.9 10.8 14.5 22 Rwanda 17.9 . . 4.4 . . 14.1 . . 41.7 . . 13.8 . . 8.1 . . 9.8 23 SierraLeoneb 32.7 28.0 0.0 0.0 14.6 10.3 42.4 24.7 0.3 1.0 9.9 5.6 19.5 6.5 24 Benin 25 Central African Rep. 26 Kenyab 35.6 30.4 0.0 0.0 19.9 38.0 24.3 19.2 1.4 1.5 18.8 10.9 18.0 20.8 27 Sudanb 11.8 . . 0.0 . . 30.4 . . 40.5 . . 1.5 . . 15.7 . . 18.0 28 Pakistan 13.6 10.8 0.0 0.0 35.9 33.4 34.2 32.9 0.5 0.2 15.8 22.7 12.5 16.7 29 Haiti . . 11.8 . . 0.0 . . 42.2 . . 21.4 . . 10.3 . . 14.3 . . 10.4 30 Lesotho 10.2 11.1 0.0 0.0 2.3 10.3 73.7 67.8 5.9 0.2 7.8 10.5 15.4 22.0 31 Nigeriab 43.0 39.9 0.0 0.0 26.3 5.1 17.5 6.6 0.2 14.5 13.0 62.9 9.4 18.5 32 Ghanab 18.4 21.5 0.0 0.0 29.4 25.3 40.6 42.5 0.2 0.1 11.5 10.6 15.1 14.5 33 SriLanka 19.1 11.7 0.0 0.0 34.7 37.2 35.4 30.8 2.1 3.7 8.7 16.6 20.0 21.5 34 Yemen, PDR 35 Mauritania 36 Indonesia 45.5 47.6 0.0 0.0 22.8 18.2 17.6 8.3 3.5 2.0 10.6 23.9 13.4 23.1 37 Liberia 40.4 34.1 0.0 0.0 20.3 32.0 31.6 26.9 3.1 2.5 4.6 4.4 17.0 17.0 38 Afghanistan . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 39 Burma 28.7 4.8 0.0 0.0 34.2 40.0 13.4 15.9 0.0 0.0 23.8 39.3 40 Guinea 41 Kampuchea,Dem. 42 VietNam Middle-income economies 20.6w 23.6w . . 22.7 w 27.5 w 14.1 w 10.0w 22.9w 20.1 w 19.6w 20.4w Lower-middle-income 26.8w 29.4w . . 26.9w 33.6w 17.3 w 12.2w . . 15.0 w 18.2 w 16.9w 20.1 w 43 Senegal 17.5 . . 0.0 24.5 . . 30.9 . . 23.9 3.2 . . 16.9 44 Bolivia 15.4 . . 0.0 . . 30.8 . . 46.2 .. 7.7 .. 0.0 . . 7.8 45 Zimbabwe . . 42.8 . . 0.0 . . 30.6 . . 15.6 . . 1.1 . . 10.0 . . 28.9 46 Philippines"' 13.8 24.3 0.0 0.0 24.3 39.6 23.0 16.9 29.7 2.5 9.3 16.6 12.4 12.9 47 YemenArabRep. 6.1 13.4 0.0 0.0 10.3 13.3 56.5 29.4 9.6 15.1 17.5 28.8 8.0 16.1 48 Morocco 16.4 18.9 5.9 5.2 45.7 46.2 13.2 14.3 6.1 7.2 12.6 8.2 18.5 25.6 49 Egypt,ArabRep.' . 15.2 14.6 12.0 13.4 7.9 . . 37.0 . . 39.0 50 Papua New Guinea" . . 41.7 0.0 13.4 25.2 . . 2.0 . . 17.8 . . 23.5 51 Dominican Rep. 17.9 18.2 3.9 3.4 19.0 37.4 40.4 32.3 1.7 1.7 17.0 7.1 19.4 15.5 52 Côte d'Ivoire 53 Honduras 19.2 . . 3.0 . . 33.8 . . 28.2 . . 2.3 . . 13.5 . . 13.2 54 Nicaragua 9.5 14.4 14.0 10.5 37.3 48.5 24.4 7.1 9.0 10.6 5.8 8.9 12.6 36.8 55 Thailand 12.1 18.2 0.0 0.0 46.3 50.0 28.7 20.0 1.8 2.2 11.2 9.7 12.5 16.2 56 ElSalvador 15.2 21.4 0.0 0.0 25.6 41.1 36.1 26.1 17.2 5.6 6.0 5.8 11.6 11.6 57 Congo, People's Rep. 19.4 . . 0.0 40.3 . . 26.5 6.3 7.5 . . 18.4 58 Jamaica . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 59 Guatemala 12.7 . . 0.0 . . 36.1 . . 26.2 . . 15.6 . . 9.4 . . 8.9 60 Camemon . . 31.3 . . 5.4 . . 14.9 . . 18.7 . . 4.0 . . 25.8 . . 18.8 61 Paraguay 8.8 12.2 10.4 12.7 26.1 26.1 24.8 11.4 17.0 22.5 12.9 15.1 11.5 9.6 62 Ecuadoi 19.6 65.0 0.0 0.0 19.1 13.7 52.4 17.3 5.1 2.0 3.8 2.0 13.6 18.5 63 Botswana" 19.9 38.1 0.0 0.0 2.4 1.2 47.2 13.4 0.4 0.1 30.0 47.2 30.7 75.2 64 Tunisia 15.9 . . 7.1 . . 31.6 . . 21.8 . . 7.8 . . 15.7 . . 23.6 65 Turkey 30.8 0.042.6 0.0 31.0 33.2 7.4 14.6 6.1 4.1 17.5 12.7 20.6 18.5 66 Colombia 37.1 13.7 8.627.0 15.2 27.7 19.8 19.1 7.1 6.2 7.1 11.5 10.6 13.8 67 Chile 14.3 14.0 28.6 6.7 28.6 42.5 14.3 10.1 0.0 6.7 14.3 20.0 30.2 30.9 Note: For data comparability and coverage, see the technical notes. Figures in italics are for years other than those specified. 186 Percentage of total current revenue Tax revenue Taxes on Domestic Taxes on Total current income Social taxes international revenue profit, and security on goods trade and Nontax (percentage capital gain contributions and services transactions Other taxes' revenue of GNP) 1972 1987 1972 1987 1972 1987 1972 1987 1972 1987 1972 1987 1972 1987 68 Peru" 17.3 24.3 0.0 0.0 32.7 56.7 15.4 22.6 21.2 1.2 13.5 4.3 15.2 11.9 69 Mauritius 22.7 10.0 0.0 4.3 23.3 18.3 40.2 50.5 5.5 4.2 8.2 12.8 15.6 23.3 70 Jordan 9.0 10.2 0.0 0.0 14.9 13.5 34.7 27.8 7.1 10.7 34.2 37.9 26.6 30.7 71 Costa Rica 17.7 10.8 13.4 24.7 38.1 28.2 18.1 21.1 1.6 -0.2 11.0 15.5 15.7 23.7 72 Syrian Arab Rep. 6.8 24.7 0.0 0.0 10.4 8.9 17.3 7.2 12.1 12.2 53.4 47.0 25.1 24.2 73 Malaysia 25.2 33.7 0.1 0.8 24.2 18.6 27.9 17.6 1.4 2.1 21.2 27.2 20.3 24.8 74 Mexico 36.4 26.8 19.4 9.3 32.1 64.7 13.2 6.2 -9.8 -16.3 8.6 9.3 9.9 13.3 75 SouthAfrica 54.8 52.7 1.2 1.2 21.5 31.8 4.6 2.9 5.0 2.8 12.8 8.6 21.2 29.2 76 Poland . . 27.5 . . 25.8 . . 29.9 6.7 4.0 . . 6.2 . . 38.7 77 Lebanon . Upper-middle-income 16.0w 20.1 w 19.6 w 24.8w 11.2 w 8.3w 28.4w 21.2w 22.2 w 20.2w 78 Brazil 20.0 20.8 27.7 27.7 35.4 20.5 7.7 2.3 3.1 5.3 6.2 23.4 18.9 22.1 79 Uruguay 4.7 8.2 30.0 27.3 24.5 43.6 6.1 13.7 22.0 2.5 12.6 4.7 22.7 23.6 80 Hungary . . 18.0 . . 24.2 . . 31.5 . . 6.5 . . 11.1 . . 8.8 . . 55.3 81 Panama 23.3 23.7 22.4 16.2 13.2 16.0 16.0 12.1 7.7 3.4 17.3 28.6 21.8 29.7 82 Argentina 0.0 6.2 33.3 25.2 0.0 37.4 33.3 12.0 0.0 19.2 33.3 9.4 14.7 21.6 83 Yugoslavia 0.0 0.0 52.3 0.0 24.5 60.1 19.5 38.4 0.0 0.0 3.7 1.5 20.7 8.1 84 Algeria . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 85 Korea, Rep. 28.6 28.6 0.7 1.7 41.3 39.1 10.6 17.3 6.3 3.4 12.4 9.8 13.3 19.0 86 Gabon 18.2 44.2 6.0 0.0 9.5 6.5 44.9 16.2 4.2 1.9 17.2 31.2 28.3 47.1 87 Portugal 88 Venezuela 54.2 43.0 6.0 4.2 6.7 8.8 6.1 23.4 1.1 2.3 25.9 18.2 18.5 22.7 89 Greece 12.2 1Z9 24.5 34.9 35.5 36.3 6.7 0.5 12.0 0.2 9.2 10.2 25.4 35.8 90 Trinidad and Tobago 91 Libya .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. 92 Oman 71.1 20.9 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.8 3.0 2.3 2.3 0.6 23.6 75.4 47.4 42.2 93 Iran, Islamic Rep. 7.9 21.4 2.7 14.3 6.4 11.1 14.6 12.4 4.9 8,1 63.6 32.7 26.2 94 Iraq .. .. .. .. .. .. .. 95 Romania 6.0 0.0 8.2 16.5 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 12.3 85.8 71.2 Low- and middle-income 20.2 w 22.3 w 25.6w 28.6w 15.7w 12.6w 21.7w 20.4w 16.1 w 20.2w Sub-Saharan Africa East Asia South Asia . . 13.4 w 34.9w .. 29.1w 22.2w 14.7w Europe, M.East, & N.Africa Latin America & Caribbean 23.3 w 23.2 w 25.2w 29.4w 14.4w 8.7w 13.6w 17.5w 16.1 w 19.6w 17 highly indebted 18.3w 20.0w 28.1 w 32.1 w 13.9w 9.8w . . . . 12.4 w 17.0w 16.1 w 18.7w High-income economies 44.0w 38.9w 23.3w 19.8w 2.3 w 1.2 w . . 6.5 w 9.3w 21.9w 24.4w OECD members 44.3 w 39.2 w 23.5w 19.9w 2.2 w 1.2w 6.2w 8.6w 21.6w 24.1 w tOther 96 Spain 15.9 22.6 38.9 38.2 23.4 27.7 10.0 2.7 0.7 1.3 11.1 7.5 19.7 29.5 97 Ireland 28.3 34.2 9.0 13.3 32.1 31.7 16.7 7.6 3.2 3.0 10.6 10.2 30.1 48.3 98 tSaudi Arabia . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 99 tlsrael 40.0 34.6 0.0 6.0 20.0 29.5 20.0 4.6 10.0 6.4 10.0 18.9 31.3 55.2 100 NewZealand" 61.4 51.4 0.0 0.0 19.9 26.3 4.1 2.8 4.5 2.0 10.0 17.5 29.1 44.7 101 Singapore 24.4 20.9 0.0 0.0 17.6 13.9 11.1 3.! 15.5 12.2 31.4 50.0 21.5 26.3 102 Hong Kong . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 103 Italy 16.6 37.7 39.2 40.5 31.7 23.4 0.4 0.0 4.3 -4.1 7.7 2.4 23.3 36.1 104 UnitedKingdom 39.4 45.1 15.6 22.2 27.1 30.4 1.7 0.1 5.4 2.2 10.8 9.9 32.5 37.3 105 Australia 58.3 61.6 0.0 0.0 21.9 22.1 5.2 4.6 2.1 0.5 12.5 11.2 22.1 27.7 106 Belgium 31.3 38.1 32.4 35.0 28.9 21.0 1.0 0.0 3.3 2.3 3.1 3.6 35.0 43.5 107 Netherlands 32.5 25.7 36.7 39.9 22.3 21.9 0.5 0.0 3.4 2.5 4.7 10.1 43.4 51.5 108 Austria 20.7 18.4 30.0 37.1 28.3 26.8 5.4 1.5 10.2 7.5 5.5 8.7 29.7 34.8 109 France 16.9 17.8 37.1 45.6 37.9 27.6 0.3 0.0 2.9 0.9 4.9 8.1 33.4 42.5 110 Germany, Fed. Rep. 19.7 17.4 46.6 53.8 28.1 22.5 0.8 0.0 0.8 0.2 4.0 6.1 25.3 29.2 111 Finland 30.0 32.5 7.8 10.4 47.7 43.5 3.1 0.8 5.8 3.8 5.5 9.1 26.5 31.6 112 tKuwait 68.8 0.4 0.0 0.0 19.7 0.0 1.5 1.3 0.2 0.0 9.9 97.7 55.2 66.1 113 Denmark 40.0 37.8 5.1 4.4 42.1 41.2 3.1 0.1 2.8 4.1 6.8 12.4 35.5 43.5 114 Canada 41.2 51.1 6.2 14.6 14.5 17.9 5.2 4.2 -0.6 0.0 10.9 12.2 21.1 20.1 115 Sweden 27.0 17.6 21.6 28.5 34.0 27.9 1.5 0.5 4.7 11.0 11.3 14.5 32.4 44.2 116 Japan" . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 11.2 12.6 117 tUnited Arab Emirates" 0.0 . . 0.0 .. 0.0 . . 0.0 . . 0.0 . . 100.0 .. 0.2 118 Norway 22.6 20.2 20.6 21.8 48.0 39.7 1.6 0.5 1.0 1.0 6.2 16.7 36.8 48.4 119 UnitedStates 59.4 52.4 23.6 32.8 7.1 3.5 1.6 1.7 2.5 0.8 5.7 8.8 17.6 20.1 120 Switzerland 13.9 . . 37.3 . . 21.5 . . 16.7 . . 2.6 8.0 . . 14.5 Total reporting economies 40.3w 36.2w 23.4w 20.9w 4.0w 2.8w 8.1 w 10.8w 21.2 w 24.0 a Oil exporters 26.3 w 23.4w 24.2w 23.8w 10.8 w 8.1 w .. 32.0w 20.1 w 27.1 a Nonreporting nonmembers a. See the technical notes. b. Refers to budgetaiy data. 187 Table 13. Money and interest rates Monetary holdings broadly defined Average Average annual annual Nominal interest rates of banks nominal growth Average outstanding inflation (average annual percentage) rate (percent) (percentage of GDP) (GDP deflator) Deposit rate Lending rate 1965-80 1980-87 1965 1980 1987 1980-87 1980 1987 1980 1987 Low-income economies China and India Other low-income 1 Ethiopia 12.7 12.2 12.5 25.3 41.4 2.6 1.00 6.00 2 Bhutan . . 26.5 8.4 4 3 Chad Zaire 12.5 17.4 9.3 20.0 25.3 5.3 s.so 5. ii. io.50 28.2 53.9 11.1 8.9 8.8 53.5 5 Bangladesh 21.6 18.6 25.2 11.1 8.25 11.33 6 Malawi 15.4 17.7 17.6 20.3 25.0 12.4 7.92 14.25 16.67 19.50 7 Nepal 17.9 18.9 8.4 21.9 29.5 . . 4.00 8.50 14.00 15.00 8 LaoPDR 8.1 46.5 9 Mozambique 26.9 .. 10 Tanzania 19.7 19.8 37.2 25.9 24.9 4.00 15.75 11.50 27.50 11 BurkinaFaso 17.1 12.6 9.3 18.5 23.1 4.4 6.19 5.25 9.38 8.00 12 Madagascar 11.9 15.4 19.6 27.6 25.7 17.4 5.63 11.50 9.50 14.50 13 Mali 14.4 13.7 17.9 22.5 4.2 6.19 5.25 9.38 8.00 14 Bumndi 15.7 10.3 1011 13.3 15.6 7.5 2.50 5.33 12.00 12.00 15 Zambia 12.7 28.9 32.6 30.6 28.7 7.00 13.23 9.50 21.20 16 Niger 18.3 6.1 3.8 13.3 18.1 4.1 6.19 5.25 9.38 8.00 17 Uganda 23.1 77.8 12.7 7.8 95.2 6.80 30.00 10.80 34.67 18 China . . 25.9 . . 34.9 65.5 4.2 5.40 19 Somalia 20.4 37.2 12.7 17.9 16.1 37.8 4.50 15..i 7.50 22.00 20 Togo 20.3 11.2 10.9 29.0 44.5 6.6 6.19 5.25 9.38 8.00 21 India 15.3 17.0 25.7 36.2 45.4 7.7 16.50 16.50 22 Rwanda 19.0 10.4 15.8 13.6 16.7 4.5 6.25 6.25 13.50 13.00 23 Sierra Leone 15.9 47.8 11.7 20.6 10.3 50.0 9.17 12.67 11.00 28.54 24 Benin 17.3 6.8 10.6 21.1 20.4 8.2 6.19 5.25 9.38 8.00 25 Central African Rep. 12.7 6.9 13.5 18.9 18.3 7.9 5.50 7.19 10.50 11.42 26 Kenya 18.6 15.3 . . 37.7 39.9 10.3 5.75 10.31 10.58 14.00 27 Sudan 21.0 34.8 14.1 28.2 35.5 31.7 6.00 28 Pakistan 14.7 14.8 40.8 38.7 39.6 7.3 29 Haiti 20.3 . . 9.9 26.1 16.4 7.9 10.00 . . . 30 Lesotho . . 18.9 . . . . 49.3 12.3 9.60 7.00 11.00 11.13 31 Nigeria 28.5 10.2 9.9 21.5 26.3 10.1 5.27 13.09 8.43 13.96 32 Ghana 25.9 44.2 20.3 16.2 11.7 48.3 11,50 17.58 19.00 25.50 33 Sri Lanka 15.4 16.7 32.3 35.3 36.7 12.4 14.50 11.50 19.00 9.80 34 Yemen,PDR 15.2 12.0 . . 114.8 175.2 5.0 . . 35 Mauritania 20.7 12.5 5.7 20.5 23.5 9.8 6.00 12.00 36 Indonesia 54.4 23.9 13.2 26.9 8.5 6.00 16.78 21.67 37 Liberia 1.5 10.30 5.88 18.40 13.63 38 Afghanistan 14.0 16.2 14.4 26.8 9.00 9.00 13.00 13.00 39 Burma 11.5 14.3 1.50 1.50 8.00 8.00 40 Guinea 41 Kampuchea,Dem. 42 VietNam Middle-income economies Lower-middle-income 43 Senegal 15.6 8.7 15.3 27.0 23.5 9.1 6.19 5.25 9.38 8.00 44 Bolivia 24.3 589.2 10.9 16.2 21.7 601.8 18.00 . . 28.00 45 Zimbabwe . . 18.1 . . 54.6 61.6 12.4 3.52 9.58 17.54 13.00 46 Philippines 17.7 15.9 19.9 19.0 20.7 16.7 12.25 8.20 14.00 13.34 47 YemenArabRep. . . 22.0 . . 61.8 73.9 11.4 9.33 9.50 . 48 Morocco 15.8 14.4 29.4 45.4 58.0 7.3 4.88 8.50 7.00 9.00 49 Egypt, Arab Rep. 17.7 22.6 35.3 52.2 93.8 9.2 7.04 . . . 50 PapuaNewGuinea . . 9.4 . . 32.9 34.1 4.4 6.90 9.60 11.15 11.94 51 DominicanRep. 18.5 22.4 18.0 23.4 29.5 16.3 . . . . . . 52 Côted'Ivoire 20.4 8.1 21.8 25.8 31.0 4.4 6.19 5.25 9.38 8.00 53 Honduras 14.6 11.3 15.4 22.8 30.5 4.9 7.00 9.62 18.50 15.54 54 Nicaragua 15.0 . . 15.4 21.0 . 86.6 7.50 . . . . 55 Thailand 17.8 18.4 23.6 37.3 64.9 2.8 12.00 9.50 18.00 15.00 56 ElSalvador 14.3 18.3 21.6 28.1 31.5 16.5 . . . . . . 57 Congo, People's Rep. 14.2 10.3 16.5 14.7 20.8 1.8 6.50 7.79 11.00 11.13 58 Jamaica 17.2 25.6 24.3 35.6 52.7 19.4 10.29 17.50 13.00 23.00 59 Guatemala 16.3 14.1 15.2 20.5 22.9 12.7 9.00 11.00 . 60 Cameroon 19.1 13.8 11.7 18.3 18.7 8.1 7.50 7.15 13.00 13.00 61 Paraguay 21.3 18.9 12.1 19.8 16.3 21.0 62 Ecuador 22.6 30.0 15.6 20.2 18.8 29.5 63 Botswana . . 23.5 . . 30.7 29.5 8.4 5.00 7.50 8.48 10.00 64 Tunisia 17.4 15.5 29.2 41.1 . . 8.2 2.50 5.50 7.25 10.00 65 Turkey 27.4 49.8 23.0 16.7 24.5 37.4 10.95 35.40 25.67 50.00 66 Colombia 26.5 . . 19.8 23.7 23.7 19.00 67 Chile 137.5 16.3 17.6 20.6 37.46 26.60 47.14 38.28 Note: For data comparability and coverage, see the technical notes. Figures in italics are for years other than those specified. 188 Monetary holdings, broadly defined Average Nominal interest rates of banks Average annual annual (average annualpercentage) nominal growth Average outstanding inflation rate (percent) (percentage of GDP) (GD? deflator) Deposit rate Lending rate 1965-80 1980-87 1965 1980 1987 1980-87 1980 1987 1980 1987 68 Pent 25.9 100.8 18.7 16.3 101.5 69 Mauntius 21.8 18.3 27.3 41.1 50.0 8.1 9.25 9.38 12.19 14.13 70 Jordan 19.1 12.7 . . 88.8 132.9 2.8 71 Costa Rica 24.6 27.0 19.3 38.8 36.9 28.6 14.06 23.82 72 Syrian Arab Rep. 21.9 21.1 24.6 40.9 11.0 5.00 73 Malaysia 21.5 13.5 26.3 69.8 124.3 1.1 6.23 717 7.75 8.19 74 Mexico 21.9 66.2 25.1 27.5 21.0 68.9 20.63 97.24 28.10 75 South Africa 14.0 15.0 56.6 49.5 51.0 13.8 5.54 8.70 9.50 12.50 76 Poland .. 24.0 . . 58.3 38.1 29.2 3.00 6.00 8.00 12.00 77 Lebanon 16.2 42.3 83.4 .. . Upper-middle-income 78 Brazil 43.4 . . 20.6 18.0 . . 166.3 115.00 517.40 79 Uruguay 65.5 53.8 28.0 30.5 34.7 54.5 50.30 60.83 66.62 95.80 80 Hungary . . 7.5 46.5 46.8 5.7 3.00 4.00 9.00 11.50 81 Panama . . . . . . . . 3.3 . . . 82 Argentina 86.0 283.8 22.2 19.1 298.7 87.97 61.23 83 Yugoslavia 25.7 54.4 43.6 59.1 46.0 57.2 5.88 79.25 11.50 111.25 84 Algeria 22.1 17.5 32.1 58.5 . . 5.6 . . . . . 85 Korea, Rep. 35.5 18.7 11.1 31.8 44.1 5.0 19.50 10.00 18.00 10.00 86 Gabon 25.2 8.4 16.2 15.2 24.4 2.6 7.50 7.94 12.50 11.13 87 Portugal 19.5 22.8 77.7 96.3 104.7 20.8 18.20 18.50 88 Venezuela 22.3 16.0 17.3 36.3 45.8 11.4 . . 8.94 . . 8.48 89 Greece 21.4 25.1 35.0 61.6 80.0 19.7 14.50 15.50 21.25 21.82 90 TrinidadandTobago 23.1 12.4 21.3 32.0 . . 6.2 6.57 6.03 10.00 11.50 91 Libya 29.2 2.2 14.2 34.7 . . 0.1 5.13 5.50 7.00 7.00 92 Oman 19.8 12.3 28.6 -6.5 7.48 . . 9.10 93 Iran, Islamic Rep. 28.6 . . 21.6 94 Iraq 19.7 95 Rornania 7 Low- and middle-income Sub-Saharan Africa East Asia South Asia Europe, M.East, & N.Africa Latin America & Caribbean 17 highly indebted High-income economies OECD members tOther 96 Spain 19.7 9.1 59.2 7'5.2 64.8 10.7' 13.05 8.97 16.85 16.36 97 Ireland 16.1 6.4 . . 58.1 47.6 10.2 12.00 6.21 15.96 11.15 98 tSaudi Arabia 32.1 11.6 16.4 18.6 52.6 -2.8 99 tlsrael 52.8 163.4 15.0 56.9 67.3 159.0 19.39 176.93 61.43 100 New Zealand 12.8 16.4 57.2 53.2 55.3 11.5 11.00 16.32 12.63 101 tSingapore 17.8 11.6 58.4 74.4 104.8 1.3 9.37 2.89 11.72 6.10 102 tHong Kong 69.3 6.7 103 Italy 17.8 12.2 60.0 76.0 665 11.5 12.70 6.98 19.03 13.57 104 United Kingdom 13.8 13.2 47.8 46.2 65.0 5.7 14.13 5.35 16.17 9.63 105 Australia 13.1 12.7 51.7 46.9 477 7.8 8.58 13.77 10.58 19.83 106 Belgiuma 10.4 6.5 59.2 57.0 56.2 5.7 7.69 5.00 9.33 107 Netherlands 14.7 5.8 55.2 79.0 87.7 2.3 5.96 3.55 13.50 8.15 108 Austria 13.3 7.5 48.9 72.6 84.1 4.3 5.00 3.03 109 France 15.3 9.1 53.5 72.5 72.1 7.7 6.25 5.31 18.73 is.i 110 Germany, Fed. Rep. 10.1 5.7 46.1 60.4 64.7 2.9 7.95 3.20 12.04 8.36 Ill Finland 14.7 13.9 39.1 39.5 48.9 7.2 9.00 7.00 9.77 8.91 112 tKuwait 17.8 5.6 28.1 33.1 93.1 -4.6 4.50 4.50 6.80 6.80 113 Denmark 11.5 15.6 45.8 42.6 58.7 6.8 10.80 7.07 17.20 13.62 114 Canada 15.3 7.3 40.2 64.5 62.7 5.0 12.86 7.66 14.27 9.52 115 Sweden 10.8 5.2 39.3 40.6 . . 7.9 11.25 8.94 15.12 12.99 116 Japan 17.2 8.6 106.9 134.0 170.3 1.4 5.50 1.76 8.32 5.09 117 tUnited Arab Emirates 13.0 . . 19.0 63.0 -0.3 9.47 12.13 118 Norway 12.6 12.7 51.9 51.6 59.1 6.1 5.08 5.35 12.63 13.46 119 United States 9.2 9.9 63.9 58.8 68.0 4.3 13.07 8.21 15.27 8.21 120 Switzerland 7.1 8.4 101.1 107.4 121.5 3.9 7.75 3.19 5.56 5.24 Total reporting economies Oil exporters Nonreporting nonmembers a. Includes Luxembourg. 189 Table 14. Growth of merchandise trade Average annual growth rate a Merchandise trade (millions of dollars) (percent) Terms of trade Exports Imports Exports Imports (1980=100) 1987 1987 1965-80 1980-87 1965-80 1980-87 1985 1987 Low-income economies 95,802 1 116,254 1 5.6w 3.4w 4.5w 2.3w 92m 84m China and India 52,090 t 62,377 4.8w 9.6w 4.5 w 10.6w lO4tn 101m Other low-income 43,712 1 153,877 5.9w -0.1 w 4.5 w -3.9w 91m 84m 1 Ethiopia 402 1,150 -0.5 -0.6 -0.9 7.6 99 84 2 Bhutan 25 88 3 Chad 4 Zaire 1,594 1,149 4.7 -3.4 -2.9 -o14 5 Bangladesh 1,074 2,620 6.2 2.3 124 91 6 Malawi 264 281 4.1 3.4 3.3 -6.1 73 67 7 Nepal 151 569 -2.3 5.1 3.0 6.4 91 93 8 La0PDR 30 70 9 Mozambique 89 486 10 Tanzania 348 1,165 -4.0 -7.4 1.6 11 Burkina Faso 202 540 6.8 4.9 5.8 2.0 80 74 12 Madagascar 310 386 0.7 -3.1 -0.4 -2.9 104 105 13 Mali 216 447 11.0 6.6 6.2 3.4 82 86 14 Bunindi 84 206 3.0 8.3 2.0 2.4 100 75 15 Zambia 869 745 1.7 -3.3 -5.5 -6.2 72 79 16 Niger 361 417 12.8 -4.8 6.6 -6.2 108 86 17 Uganda 320 477 -3.9 2.7 -5.3 3.0 96 67 18 China* 39,542 43,392 5.5 11.7 7.9 14.2 95 87 19 Somalia 94 452 3.8 -7.7 5.8 -1.3 91 84 20 Togo 297 417 4.6 -3.0 8.6 -4.6 90 86 21 India 12,548 18,985 3.7 3.6 1.6 4.7 114 114 22 Rwanda 121 352 7.7 2.5 8.7 5.4 102 87 23 Sierra Leone 120 132 -3.8 -2.1 -2.7 -15.1 100 93 24 Benin 168 418 5.2 -0.1 6.7 0.4 90 88 25 Central African Rep. 130 186 -0.4 1.0 -1.1 -1.8 88 84 26 Kenya 961 1,755 0.3 -0.6 1.7 -3.0 92 80 27 Sudan 482 694 -0.3 4.2 2.3 -8.7 90 84 28 Pakistan 4,172 5,822 4.3 8.4 0.4 3.4 88 99 29 Haiti 261 378 7.0 -2.0 8.4 -2.5 97 109 30 Lesothob 31 Nigeria 7,365 7,816 11.4 -5.1 15.2 -14.0 90 54 32 Ghana 1,056 836 -1.8 -1.6 -1.4 -2.9 91 85 33 SriLanka 1,393 2,085 0.5 6.5 -1.2 3.2 99 96 34 Yemen, PDR 409 1,450 -13.7 1.7 -7.5 3.3 99 73 35 Mauritania 428 474 2.7 11.2 5.4 1.7 112 98 36 Indonesia 17,206 14,453 9.6 2.7 14.2 -2.2 94 69 37 Liberia 385 208 4.5 -2.6 1.5 -10.2 91 93 38 Afghanistan 552 1,404 39 Burma 219 628 -2.1 -4.7 -8.7 65 40 Guinea 41 Kampuchea,Dem. 42 VietNam 1,0 1,874 Middle-income economies 369,9781 353,481 2.4w 5.5w 5.9w -0.5 w 92m 79m Lower-middle-income 144,178 t 146,317 5.3w 5.3w 4.1w -1.7w 92m 78m 43 Senegal 645 1,174 2.4 6.7 4.1 2.7 100 96 44 Bolivia 566 776 2.8 -0.8 5.0 -1.6 84 51 45 Zimbabwe 1,358 1,055 3.4 0.9 -1.8 -6.8 84 84 46 Philippines 5,649 7,144 4.7 -0.4 2.9 -4.0 92 98 47 Yemen Arab Rep. 19 1,311 2.8 -4.0 23.3 -11.0 93 93 48 Morocco 2,807 4,229 3.7 3.7 6.5 1.6 89 106 49 Egypt, Arab Rep. 4,040 8,453 2.7 8.4 6.0 2.8 84 64 50 Papua New Guinea 1,172 1,222 12.8 4.9 1.3 0.3 95 84 51 Dominican Rep. 711 1,783 1.7 -0.1 5,5 1.4 66 60 52 Côte d'Ivoire 2,982 2,168 5.6 3.4 8.0 -3.1 96 86 53 Honduras 827 895 3.1 3.1 2.5 -0.2 93 83 54 Nicaragua 300 923 2.3 -5.2 1.3 0.8 85 77 55 Thailand 11,659 12,955 8.5 10.2 4.1 3.4 74 81 56 El Salvador 634 975 2.4 -4.6 2.7 -0.7 96 75 57 Congo, People's Rep. 884 570 12.5 3.9 1.0 -0.7 94 64 58 Jamaica 649 1,207 -0.3 -6.2 -1.9 -1.5 95 100 59 Guatemala 1,084 1,479 4.8 -1.6 4.6 -4.6 87 80 60 Camemon 1,714 2,168 5.2 9.7 5.6 3.4 92 66 61 Paraguay 952 1,202 7.9 13.8 4.6 2.2 82 76 62 Ecuador 2,021 2,250 15.1 5.5 6.8 -1.4 94 61 63 Botswana' 64 Tunisia 2,152 3,022 10.8 2.2 10..' -2.5 83 79 65 Turkey 10,190 14,163 5.5 17.1 7.7 11.1 91 110 66 Colombia 5,024 4,230 1.4 7.5 5.3 -4.2 98 70 67 Chile 5,091 4,023 7.9 4.3 2.6 -8.3 79 77 * Data for Taiwan, China are: 50,835 34,341 19.0 13.5 15.1 6.5 104 103 Note: For data comparability and coverage, see the technical notes. Figures in italics are for years other than those specified. 190 Average annual growth rc#e Merchandise trade (millions of dollars) (percent) Terms of trade Exports Imports (1980=100) Exports Imports 1987 1987 1965-80 1980-87 1965-80 1980-87 /985 1987 68 Pent 2,605 4,060 2.3 -0.8 -0.2 -2.5 69 69 Mauritius 918 1,010 3.1 11.1 6.4 6.7 90 108 70 Jordan 930 2,691 13.7 5.9 9.7 0.6 93 106 71 CostaRica 1,155 1,377 7.0 2.6 5.7 -1.5 95 84 72 SyrianArabRep. 1,357 2,546 11.4 -1.3 8.5 -5.3 95 78 73 Malaysia 17,865 12,506 4.4 9.7 2.9 -0.7 86 72 74 Mexico 20,887 12,731 7.6 6.6 5.7 -8.1 98 73 75 SouthAfricab 20,066 14,629 6.1 -0.1 0.1 -8.8 75 71 76 Poland 12,205 10,844 4.3 1.2 106 112 77 Lebanon 591 1,880 Upper-middle-income 225,853 t 207,164 t lOw 5.6w 7.6w 0.5w 92m 88m 78 Brazil 26,225 16,581 9.3 5.6 8.2 -4.2 89 97 79 Uruguay 1,190 1,140 4.6 1.4 1.2 -6.5 87 97 80 Hungaly 9,571 9,855 3.9 1.5 92 89 81 Panama 357 1,248 . . 3.8 . . -3.3 94 71 82 Argentina 6,360 5,818 4.7 -0.3 1.8 -9.4 90 81 83 Yugoslavia 11,397 12,549 5.6 1.1 6.6 -2.0 111 116 84 Algeria 9,029 7,028 1.5 3.2 13.0 -4.6 97 56 85 Korea, Rep. 47,172 40,934 27.2 14.3 15.2 9.6 106 105 86 Gabon 1,285 836 8.1 -1.9 10.5 3.0 90 64 87 Portugal 9,167 13,438 3.4 12.2 3.7 3.8 85 99 88 Venezuela 10,567 8,725 -9.5 -0.4 8.7 -7.0 93 54 89 Greece 6,489 12,908 11.9 6.6 5.2 4.8 88 93 90 TrinidadandTobago 1,462 1,219 -5.5 -7.1 -5.8 -15.1 96 61 91 Libya 6,061 4,877 3.3 -5.9 15.3 -15.3 92 47 92 Oman 3,941 1,882 93 Iran, Islamic Rep. . . 10,359 94 Iraq 9,014 7,415 95 Romania 12,543 11,437 Low- and middle-income 465,780 t 469,736 t 3.1 w 5.0 w 5.5 w 0.1 w 92 in 83 m Sub-Saharan Africa 28,471 t 32,516 t 6.6w -1.0w 5.0w -5.8w 91 m 84 m East Asia 193,993 1 170,740 I 9.7 w 10.1 w 8.6 w 6.1 w 94 m 84 in South Asia 19,616 1 30,871 t 1.7 w 4.8w 0.6 w 3.7 w 95 in 94,0 Europe, M.East, & N.Africa 113,691 1 146,301 I . . . . . . 0.4 w 92 m 93 m Latin America & Caribbean 89,943 t 74,679 t -2.1 w 3.0w 4.4 w -5.6w 90 in 76 in 17 highly indebted 112,628 t 95,193 t 0.4w 2.1 w 6.3 w -6.0w 92 in 84 in High-income economies 1,924,470 t 2,007,404 t 7.0 w 3.3 w 4.4 w 4.8 w 94 in 97 in OECD members 1,784,793 I 1,871,384 1 7.2 w 4.2 w 4.2 w 5.2 w 94 in 98 m tOther 139,677 I 136,020 t 6.0w -4.2w 10.6 w 0.4w 95 in 54 in 96 Spain 34,099 49,009 12.4 6.9 4.4 5.6 90 111 97 Ireland 15,970 13,614 9.8 8.1 4.8 2.6 107 107 98 lSaudi Arabia 23,138 20,465 8.8 -16.3 25.9 -9.3 95 54 99 tlsrael 8,475 14,300 8.9 7.3 6.3 3.8 94 89 100 NewZealand 7,179 7,255 4.2 4.5 1.1 4.2 97 98 101 tSingapore 28,592 32,480 4.7 6.1 7.0 3.7 101 102 102 tHong Kong 48,475 48,462 9.5 11.4 8.3 9.1 103 106 103 Italy 116,582 122,211 7.7 3.8 3.5 4.3 95 114 104 United Kingdom 131,128 154,388 4.8 3.0 1.4 4.8 96 99 105 Australia 25,283 29,318 5.5 6.0 0.9 2.9 89 72 106 Belgiume 82,951 82,598 7.8 4.5 5.2 3.2 87 98 107 Netherlands 92,882 91,317 8.0 4.6 4.4 3.0 91 93 108 Austria 27,163 32,638 8.2 5.3 6.1 4.7 90 108 109 France 143,077 157,524 8.5 3.5 4.3 2.2 94 104 110 Germany, Fed. Rep. 293,790 227,334 7.2 4.7 5.3 4.6 88 120 Ill Finland 20,039 19,860 5.9 3.8 3.1 3.5 96 109 112 tKuwait 8,355 5,297 -1.9 -3.2 11.8 -5.5 92 54 113 Denmark 24,697 25,334 5.4 5.7 1.7 5.7 96 106 114 Canada 92,886 92,594 5.4 6.3 2.6 7.3 122 101 115 Sweden 44,313 40,621 4.9 5.7 1.8 2.8 88 96 116 Japan 229,055 146,048 11.4 5.8 4.9 3.6 112 153 117 tUnited Arab Emirates 12,000 7,226 10.9 0.1 20.5 -7.1 91 54 118 Norway 21,449 22,578 8.2 6.2 3.0 3.5 97 72 119 UnitedStates 252,567 422,407 6.4 -0.5 5.5 9.7 114 116 120 Switzerland 45,357 50,557 6.2 4.6 4.5 5.3 88 113 Total reporting economies 2,390,197 I 2,477,6611 6.1w 3.4w 4.6w 3.9w 93m 84m Oil exporters 168,325 1 153,727 1 3.0 w -3.7 w 9.3w -5.7w 94in 61m Nonreporting nonmembers a. See the technical notes. b. Figures are for the South African Customs Union comprising South Africa, Namibia, Lesotho, Botswana, and Swaziland; trade between the component territories is excluded. c. Includes Luxembourg. 191 Table 15. Structure of merchandise hnports Percentage share of merchanthse imports Other Machinery primary and transport Other Food Fuels commodities equipment manufactures 1965 1987 1965 1987 1965 1987 1965 1987 1965 1987 Low-income economies 22w 7w 5w 9w lOw 7w 28w 34w 34w 43w China and India 28w 5w 3w 5w 19w lOw 26w 34w 24w 47w Other low-income 17w 9w 7w 14w 4w 4w 29w 33w 42w 39w 1 Ethiopia 6 4 6 18 6 3 37 37 44 38 2 Bhutan 3Chad 13 .. 19 .. 3 .. 23 .. 42 4 Zaire 18 13 7 3 5 5 33 37 37 42 5 Bangladesh 16 9 6 28 42 6 Malawi 15 5 5 9 3 3 21 33 57 49 7 Nepal 22 6 5 8 14 7 37 22 22 57 8 LaoPDR 27 15 6 18 33 9 Mozambique 17 8 7 24 45 10 Tanzania 10 6 9 17 2 2 34 44 45 31 II BurkinaFaso 23 16 4 3 14 5 19 34 40 42 12 Madagascar 19 9 5 29 2 2 25 30 48 30 13 Mali 20 12 6 16 5 2 23 44 47 27 14 Bunindi 16 12 6 5 9 5 15 23 55 55 15 Zambia 9 7 10 12 3 1 33 39 45 41 16 Niger 12 18 6 6 6 11 21 31 55 33 17 Uganda 7 5 1 9 3 2 38 46 51 38 18 China* 36 3 0 2 25 11 12 39 27 46 19 Somalia 31 13 5 3 8 6 24 47 33 32 20 logo 15 20 3 6 5 6 31 28 45 40 21 India 22 8 5 11 14 8 37 24 22 48 22 Rwanda 12 12 7 15 5 7 28 30 50 35 23 SierraLeone 17 17 9 9 3 4 30 20 41 49 24 Benin 18 II 6 34 7 2 17 16 53 37 25 CentralAfricanRep. 13 13 7 1 2 4 29 39 49 43 26 Kenya 10 9 11 21 3 4 34 34 42 33 27 Sudan 23 17 5 22 4 3 21 26 47 32 28 Pakistan 20 16 3 19 5 7 38 31 34 27 29 Haiti 25 27 6 11 6 5 14 19 48 38 30 Lesotho 31 Nigeria 9 8 6 3 3 3 34 36 48 50 32 Ghana 12 6 4 17 3 3 33 36 48 37 33 SriLanka 41 17 8 17 4 3 12 27 34 37 34 Yemen, PDR 19 16 40 36 5 2 10 24 26 22 35 Mauritania 9 26 4 10 1 2 56 35 30 27 36 Indonesia 6 3 3 16 2 3 39 39 50 39 37 Liberia 16 19 8 21 3 3 34 29 39 29 38 Afghanistan 17 4 1 8 . 69 39 Burma 15 5 4 2 5 2 18 43 58 48 40 Guinea 41 Kampuchea,Dem. 6 7 . 2 26 58 42 VietNam . . Middle-income economies 15 w 10 w 8w 12 w 11 w lOw 31 w 35 w 36w 35 w Lower-middle-income 15 w lOw 7w 10 w 9w 7w 33 w 35 w 36 w 38 w 43 Senegal 36 32 6 16 4 2 15 16 38 33 44 Bolivia 19 15 1 2 3 3 35 45 42 36 45 Zimbabwe 13 10 8 8 3 3 31 36 46 43 46 Philippines 20 8 10 17 7 7 33 28 30 40 47 YemenArabRep. 40 27 6 0 6 2 26 32 21 39 48 Morocco 36 14 5 18 10 15 18 24 31 28 49 Egypt,Arab Rep. 26 24 7 2 12 7 23 28 31 39 50 Papua New Guinea 23 20 5 10 3 1 25 34 45 35 51 DominicanRep. 23 13 10 15 4 5 24 27 40 40 52 Côted'Ivoire 18 19 6 15 3 4 28 28 46 35 53 Honduras 11 5 6 14 I 1 26 31 56 48 54 Nicaragua 12 15 5 11 2 2 30 20 51 53 55 Thailand 6 5 9 13 6 9 31 32 49 40 56 ElSalvador 15 12 5 8 4 4 28 20 48 56 57 Congo, People's Rep. 15 16 6 7 1 3 34 27 44 46 58 Jamaica 20 16 9 17 5 4 23 20 43 43 59 Guatemala II 6 7 12 2 4 29 28 50 51 60 Cameroon 11 13 5 I 4 3 28 36 51 46 61 Paraguay 24 14 14 8 4 8 31 41 28 29 62 Ecuador 10 5 9 3 4 3 33 52 44 38 63 Botswanaa . . . . . . . . . . . . 64 Tunisia 16 11 6 II 7 12 31 22 41 44 65 Turkey 6 4 10 22 10 13 37 29 37 32 66 Colombia 8 8 1 3 10 8 45 39 35 43 67 Chile 20 12 6 10 10 4 35 39 30 36 * Data for Taiwan, China are: 13 7 5 9 25 29 17 33 29 34 Note: For data comparability and coverage, see the technical notes. Figures in italics are for years other than those specified. 192 Percentage share of merchandise imports Other Machinery primary and transport Other Food Fuels commodities equipment manufactures 1965 1987 1965 1987 1965 1987 1965 1987 1965 1987 68 Peru 17 13 3 1 5 3 41 47 34 36 69 Mauritius 34 19 5 7 3 5 16 20 43 48 70 Jordan 28 18 6 17 6 5 18 21 42 39 71 CostaRica 9 4 5 10 2 2 29 30 54 54 72 SyrianArabRep. 22 12 10 26 9 4 16 24 43 33 73 Malaysia 25 10 12 6 10 4 22 50 32 30 74 Mexico 5 11 2 1 10 8 50 46 33 34 75 South Africaa 5 2 5 0 11 4 42 43 37 50 76 Poland 11 17 11 32 30 77 Lebanon 28 9 9 17 36 Upper-middle-income 14 w 11 w 9w 14 w 13 w 12 w 27 w 34 w 35 w 31 w 78 Brazil 20 9 21 27 9 8 22 28 28 28 79 Uruguay 7 8 17 16 16 7 24 30 36 39 80 Hungaiy 12 7 12 17 22 10 27 31 28 36 81 Panama 11 3 21 8 2 0 21 32 45 57 82 Argentina 6 5 10 11 21 9 25 37 38 37 83 Yugoslavia 16 6 6 17 19 10 28 30 32 35 84 Algeria 26 27 0 2 6 7 15 29 52 35 85 Korea,Rep. 15 6 7 15 26 17 13 34 38 28 86 Gabon 16 18 5 1 2 3 38 38 40 39 87 Portugal 16 13 8 12 19 8 27 33 30 34 88 Venezuela 12 14 1 0 5 4 44 45 39 36 89 Greece 15 18 8 14 11 7 35 24 30 36 90 TrinidadandTobago 11 22 50 4 2 5 16 30 22 39 91 Libya 13 15 4 1 3 2 36 33 43 49 92 Oman 19 3 3 49 26 93 lran,IslamicRep. 16 0 6 36 42 94 Iraq 24 0 7 25 44 95 Romania Low- and middle-income 17 w 9w 7w 11w 11w 9w 30 w 35 w 36 w 38 w Sub-Saharan Africa 14 w 12 w 6w 10 w 4w 4w 30 w 33 w 44w 41 w East Asia 21 w 6w 6w 10 w 15w 12w 23 w 36 w 34 w 36 w South Asia 29 w 10 w 4w 13 w 11w 7w 32 w 26 w 26 w 43 w Europe, M.East, & N.Africa 14 w 15w lOw 32 w 31w Latin America & Caribbean ii 10 w 9w lOw 8w 6w 34 w 37 w w 36 w 17 highly indebted 14w 10w 7w 12 w lOw 7w 34 w 36 w 35 w 36 w High-income economies 19 w lOw 11 w 11 w 19w 7w 20w 33w 31w 39w OECD members 19 w 10 w 11 w 11 w 20 w 7w 20w 33w 31w 38w tOther 22w 9w 8w 7w 13w 5w 20w 33w 39w 46w 96 Spain 19 II 10 16 16 8 27 35 28 29 97 Ireland 18 12 8 7 10 4 25 33 39 42 98 tSaudi Arabia 29 17 1 1 5 2 27 34 38 46 99 tlsrael 16 6 6 7 12 6 28 39 38 41 100 New Zealand 7 7 7 7 10 4 33 39 43 44 101 tSingapore 23 8 13 18 19 5 14 39 30 30 102 tHongKong 25 8 3 3 13 6 13 25 46 59 103 Italy 24 15 16 14 24 11 15 28 21 33 104 UnitedKingdom 30 12 11 6 25 7 11 35 23 40 105 Australia 5 5 8 5 10 4 37 39 41 47 106 Belgium' 14 11 9 9 21 8 24 29 32 42 107 Netherlands 15 15 10 11 13 5 25 28 37 41 108 Austria 14 6 7 7 13 7 31 35 35 45 109 France 19 11 15 11 18 7 20 31 27 40 110 Germany, Fed. Rep. 22 12 8 10 21 8 13 28 35 43 Ill Finland 10 6 10 13 12 7 35 37 34 37 112 tKuwait 21 16 1 0 7 3 33 39 39 42 113 Demnark 14 12 11 8 11 6 25 30 39 44 114 Canada 10 6 7 5 9 5 40 55 34 30 115 Sweden 12 7 11 9 12 6 30 38 36 40 116 Japan 22 17 20 27 38 18 9 12 11 27 117 tUnited Arab Emirates 15 4 3 3 7 1 34 43 41 49 118 Norway 10 6 7 5 12 6 38 39 32 43 119 UnitedStates 19 6 10 11 20 5 14 42 36 36 120 Switzerland 16 7 6 4 11 6 24 32 43 51 Total reporting economies 18w lOw lOw 11w 18w 8w 22w 34w 32w 39w Oil exporters 14w 12w 7w 5w 8w 4w 34w 38w 39w 42w Nonreporting nonmembers a. Figures are for the South African Customs Union comprising South Africa, Namibia, Lesotho, Botswana, and Swaziland; trade between the component territories is excluded. b. Includes Luxembourg. 193 Table 16. Structure of merchandise exports Percentage share of merchandise exports Fuels, Other Machinery and minerals, primary transport Other (Textiles and metals commodities equipment manufactures and clothing)a 1965 1987 1965 1987 1965 1987 1965 1987 1965 1987 Low-income economies 22 w 29 w 53 w 22 w 1w 4w 23w 45w 11w 7w China and India 8w 13 w 45 w 17 w 2w 6w 45w 64w Other low-income 30 w 48 w 60 w 27 w 1w 3w 8w 21w 4w 9w 1 Ethiopia 1 3 98 96 1 0 0 1 0 0 2 Bhutan . 4 3Chad 4 .. 93 0 .. 4 Zaire 72 63 20 31 0 1 8 5 0 5 Bangladesh 16 33 17 33 6 Malawi 0 0 99 84 0 5 1 11 0 7 Nepal 0 2 78 26 0 2 22 70 37 8 LaoPDR .. .. 9 Mozambique 14 . . 83 . . 0 . . 2 . . 10 Tanzania 4 7 83 75 0 3 13 15 0 11 Burkina Faso 1 0 94 98 I 1 4 1 2 12 Madagascar 4 11 90 78 1 2 4 9 1 3 13 Mali 1 0 96 71 I 1 2 28 14 Burundi 1 1 94 85 0 0 6 15 0 15 Zambia 97 93 3 4 0 1 0 2 0 16 Niger 0 86 95 13 1 0 4 1 1 17 Uganda 14 4 86 96 0 0 1 0 0 18 China* 6 14 48 16 3 4 43 66 19 Somalia 6 1 80 98 4 0 10 1 0 20 Togo 49 66 48 26 1 1 3 7 0 21 India 10 9 41 22 1 10 48 59 36 16 22 Rwanda 40 9 60 90 0 0 1 1 0 23 Sierra Leone 25 22 14 19 0 1 60 58 0 24 Benin I 42 94 38 2 6 3 15 0 25 Central African Rep. 1 0 45 66 0 0 54 33 0 26 Kenya 13 21 81 62 0 2 6 15 0 27 Sudan 1 14 98 79 I 3 0 4 0 28 Pakistan 2 1 62 32 1 3 35 64 29 41 29 Haiti 14 0 61 19 2 9 23 73 3 30 Lesoth&' 31 Nigeria 32 91 65 8 0 0 2 1 0 32 Ghana 13 37 85 60 1 0 2 2 0 33 SriLanka 2 8 97 52 0 2 1 38 0 25 34 Yemen,PDR 80 92 14 8 2 0 4 0 2 35 Mauritania 94 31 5 66 1 0 0 2 0 36 Indonesia 43 54 53 18 3 3 1 24 0 5 37 Liberia 72 57 25 41 1 0 3 1 0 38 Afghanistan 0 . . 86 . . 0 . . 13 . . 13 39 Burma 5 4 94 85 0 8 0 3 0 40 Guinea 41 Kampuchea, Dem. 42 VietNam Middle-income economies 35 w 23 w 53w 20w Ow 16w 13w 43w 3w 12w Lower-middle-income 27 w 26 w 59w 27w Ow 13w 12w 34w 2w 7w 43 Senegal 9 25 88 60 1 4 2 11 1 44 Bolivia 92 93 3 5 0 0 4 2 0 0 45 Zimbabwe 45 17 40 43 1 3 15 37 6 46 Philippines 11 14 84 24 0 6 6 56 1 6 47 YemenArabRep. 9 1 91 21 0 63 0 15 48 Morocco 40 20 55 32 0 1 5 48 1 16 49 Egypt, Arab Rep. 8 69 72 12 0 0 20 19 15 12 50 Papua New Guinea 1 59 89 35 0 1 10 5 51 DominicanRep. 10 17 88 61 0 5 2 17 0 52 Cole d'Jvoire 2 4 93 86 1 2 4 7 1 1 53 Honduras 7 10 89 78 0 0 4 12 1 0 54 Nicaragua 4 2 90 88 0 0 6 10 0 55 Thailand 11 2 84 45 0 12 4 41 0 18 56 El Salvador 2 3 81 66 1 3 16 28 6 57 Congo, People's Rep. 5 67 32 17 2 1 61 15 0 0 58 Jamaica 28 14 41 21 0 4 31 62 4 59 Guatemala 0 3 86 62 1 3 13 33 4 60 Cameroon 17 51 77 40 3 5 2 4 0 61 Paraguay 0 1 92 87 0 0 8 12 0 62 Ecuador 2 41 96 55 0 1 2 3 1 63 Botswanab 64 Thnisia 26 i i3 o 2 29 65 Thrkey 9 6 89 27 0 7 2 60 1 33 66 Colombia 18 33 75 46 0 1 6 20 2 4 67 Chile 89 69 7 23 1 3 4 6 0 0 * Data for Taiwan, China are: 2 56 1 6 4 30 37 63 5 17 Note: For data comparability and coverage, aee the technical notes. Figures in italics are for years other than those specified. 194 Percentage share of merchandise exports Fuels, Other Machinery and minerals, primary transport Other (Textiles and metals commodities equipment manufactures and clothing) 1965 1987 1965 1987 1965 1987 1965 1987 1965 1987 68 Pem 45 71 54 11 0 3 1 16 0 69 Mauritius 0 0 100 59 0 2 0 38 0 70 Jordan 27 30 54 14 11 14 7 41 71 CostaRica 0 1 84 59 1 7 15 33 2 72 Syrian Arab Rep. 7 46 83 28 1 3 9 24 7 73 Malaysia 35 25 59 36 2 27 4 13 0 3 74 Mexico 22 44 62 9 1 28 15 19 3 2 75 South Africa" 24 12 44 9 3 3 29 75 1 76 Poland . . 19 . . 14 . . 33 . . 34 . . 5 77 Lebanon 13 . . 53 . 14 20 2 Upper-middle-income 40w 22 w 46w 15 w 3w 25 w 13 w 40 w 4w 15 w Tg Brazif 9 22 83 33 2 17 7 28 1 3 79 Uruguay 0 0 95 55 0 3 5 41 2 17 80 Hungary . . 7 . . 22 . . 34 . . 37 . 7 81 Panama 35 13 63 73 0 0 2 13 1 3 82 Argentina I 4 93 65 1 6 5 25 0 3 83 Yugoslavia 11 9 33 13 24 30 33 48 8 9 84 Algeria 58 98 38 0 2 0 2 1 0 0 85 Korea, Rep. 15 2 25 5 3 33 56 59 27 25 86 Gabon 50 63 39 26 1 2 10 8 0 87 Portugal 4 3 34 16 3 16 58 64 24 32 88 Venezuela 97 91 1 I 0 2 2 6 0 89 Greece 8 13 78 33 2 3 II 51 3 32 90 TrinidadandTobago 84 72 9 5 0 1 7 22 0 0 91 Libya 99 99 1 1 1 0 0 0 0 92 Oman 91 2 5 2 0 93 Iran,IslamicRep. 87 8 0 4 4 94 Iraq 95 4 .. 0 0 95 Romania Low- and middle-income 30 w 25 w 53 w 20 w 2w 16w 17w 41w 5w 11w Sub-Saharan Africa 34 w 48 w 58 w 40 w 1w 2w 6w lOw Ow East Asia 17w 12 w 58 w 15w 2w 21w 21w 52w 2w 14w South Asia 6w 8w 57 w 28 w 1w 8w 36w 56w 27w 23w Europe, M.East, & N.Africa Latin America & Caribbean w 39w w 1w 13w 6w 20w 1w 3w 17 highly indebted 38 w 38w 51 w 25 w 3w 14 w 8w 24 w 1w 3w High-income economies 11 w 9w 20 w 12 w 30 w 39w 39 w 39 w 7w 5w OECD members 9w 7w 21 w 12 w 31 w 41 w 39 w 39w 7w Sw tOther 57 w 36w 14 w 6w 4w 19w 26w 38w 11 w 14w 96 Spain 9 8 51 20 10 31 29 40 6 4 97 Ireland 3 2 63 29 5 32 29 36 7 5 98 tSaudi Arabia 98 90 1 1 1 4 1 5 0 99 tlsrael 6 2 28 13 2 18 63 67 9 7 100 New Zealand 1 6 94 69 0 6 5 19 0 3 101 tSingapore 21 17 44 11 11 43 24 29 6 6 102 tHongKong 2 2 11 6 6 22 81 70 44 34 103 Italy 8 4 14 8 30 35 47 53 15 14 104 UnitedKingdom 7 14 10 9 41 37 41 40 7 4 105 Australia 13 37 73 38 5 8 10 17 1 1 106 Belgiumc 13 8 11 12 20 27 55 54 12 7 107 Netherlands 12 14 32 26 21 20 35 40 9 5 108 Austria 8 5 16 8 20 33 55 54 12 9 109 France 8 5 21 19 26 36 45 41 10 5 110 Geimany, Fed. Rep. 7 4 5 6 46 49 42 41 5 5 111 Finland 3 5 40 15 12 27 45 53 2 4 112 tKuwait 84 85 9 2 4 4 3 7 0 113 Denmark 2 4 55 35 22 25 21 36 4 5 114 Canada 28 19 35 20 15 38 22 23 1 1 115 Sweden 9 6 23 10 35 44 33 40 2 2 116 Japan 2 1 7 I 31 65 60 32 17 3 117 tUnited Arab Emirates 99 79 1 4 0 0 0 16 . 118 Norway 21 51 28 II 17 17 34 21 2 1 119 United States 8 6 27 16 37 47 28 31 3 2 120 Switzerland 3 3 7 4 30 35 60 58 10 6 Total reporting economies 15w 12w 27w 14w 25w 35w 35w 40w 7w 6w Oil exporters 67w 69w 25w 7w 3w lOw 7w 12w 1w Nonreporting nonmembers a. Textiles and clothing is a subgmup of other manufactures. b. Figures are for the South African Customs Union comprising South Africa, Namibia, Lesotho, Botswana, and Swaziland; trade between the component territories is excluded. c. Includes Luxembourg. 195 Table 17. OECD unports of manufactured goods: origin and composition Value of imports of Composition of 1987 imports ofmanufactures by high- income OECD countries (percent) manufactures, by origin (millions ofdollars) Electrical Textiles and machinery and Transport 1967 1987 clothing Chemicals electronics equipment Others Low-income economies 1,168 t 28,141 t 48 w 7w 3w 2w 40w China and India 694 t 19,843 t 49w 7w 4w 1w 40 w Other low-income 473 t 8,298 I 48 w 7w 2w 3w 40 w 1 Ethiopia I 39 17 8 12 1 62 2 Bhutan 0 0 24 3 22 0 51 3Chad 0 1 4 0 2 78 15 4 Zaire 32 294 0 5 0 0 95 5 Bangladesh 696 84 0 0 0 16 6Malawi 0 13 87 0 2 2 9 7 Nepal 2 118 88 0 1 0 11 8 Lao PDR 0 2 49 8 1 0 42 9 Mozambique 3 6 6 5 7 8 74 10 Tanzania 0 4 3 0 31 2 65 11 BurkinaFaso 6 33 60 17 2 1 20 12 Madagascar 0 12 2 3 10 I 85 13 Mali 36 34 57 1 4 37 14 Burundi 3 2 2 1 3 0 94 15 Zambia 2 27 22 0 4 0 74 16 Niger 0 376 0 98 0 0 2 17 Uganda I 3 17 7 38 9 29 18 China 193 14,306 49 9 5 1 36 19 Somalia 1 4 1 0 14 3 82 2OTogo 0 14 3 0 0 2 95 21 India 501 5,537 46 3 1 0 49 22 Rwanda 0 1 6 4 34 3 53 23 Sierra Leone 72 64 0 0 0 0 99 24 Benin 0 3 24 2 1 0 72 25 Central African Rep. 9 46 0 0 0 0 100 26 Kenya 16 90 6 4 13 2 74 27 Sudan 1 17 26 8 7 IS 44 28 Pakistan 123 1,884 79 0 0 0 21 29 Haiti 9 405 45 2 18 0 35 30 Lesotho5 . 31 Nigeria 15 93 9 20 5 2 64 32 Ghana 13 33 1 1 4 3 91 33 Sri Lanka 7 775 76 1 0 4 20 34 Yemen,PDR 5 3 8 1 8 11 73 35 Mauritania 0 3 31 14 6 1 48 36 Indonesia 18 2,599 33 4 1 2 60 37 Liberia 33 345 0 0 0 48 51 38 Afghanistan 9 57 91 0 0 1 8 39 Burma 2 18 29 3 I 1 66 40 Guinea 27 107 0 45 0 0 55 41 Kampuchea,Dem. 1 1 38 0 14 0 48 42 VietNam 2 0 Middle-income economies 2,816 t 152,017 t 25 w 5w 17 w 6w 48 w Lower-middle-income 1,269 t 42,398 t 26 w 6w 23 w 7w 38 w 43 Senegal 6 31 9 24 7 28 32 44 Bolivia 2 15 44 8 0 5 42 45 Zimbabwe 13 440 9 0 0 0 91 46 Philippines 97 3,119 34 3 30 0 32 47 Yemen Arab Rep. 0 7 1 1 28 5 64 48 Morocco 16 1,191 67 15 6 1 II 49 Egypt, Arab Rep. 19 520 68 3 2 1 27 50 PapuaNewGuinea 3 28 3 0 4 31 62 51 Dominican Rep. 6 846 47 1 7 0 45 52 Côted'Ivoire 4 186 24 3 1 2 70 53 Honduras 2 86 53 2 0 1 44 54 Nicaragua I 3 2 14 7 2 74 55 Thailand 20 3,919 33 2 14 0 50 56 ElSalvador I 89 49 1 31 0 19 57 Congo, People's Rep. 8 79 0 0 2 12 86 58 Jamaica 48 474 40 54 1 0 4 59 Guatemala 4 86 67 9 0 3 20 60 Cameroon 2 58 28 1 3 2 65 61 Paraguay 4 38 14 19 0 0 66 62 Ecuador 3 40 14 6 5 1 74 63 Botswanaa . . . . . . . . . . . 64 Tunisia 12 1,208 64 15 7 1 13 65 Turkey 18 3,743 77 5 1 1 16 66 Colombia 23 573 26 5 0 1 68 67 Chile 11 228 9 33 2 3 53 Note: For data comparability and coverage, see the technical notes. 196 Value of imports of Composition of 1987 imports ofmanufactures by high- manufactures, by origin income OECD countries (percent) (millions of dollars) Electrical Textiles and machinery and Transport 1967 1987 clothing Chemicals electronics equipment Others 68 Peru 7 297 56 6 3 0 35 69 Mauritius 0 526 85 0 1 0 14 70 Jordan 1 138 2 40 9 3 46 71 Costa Rica 1 303 66 2 11 1 20 72 SyrianArabRep. 2 26 19 1 7 4 69 73 Malaysia 24 4,553 16 3 60 0 20 74 Mexico 232 14,708 5 4 33 16 42 75 South Africau 453 2,444 5 18 2 2 73 76 Poland 214 2,140 23 15 5 13 44 77 Lebanon 12 131 12 3 2 3 80 Upper-middle-income 1,547 1 109,619 24w 4w 14w 6w 51w 78 Brazil 102 8,610 9 8 9 15 58 79 Uruguay 11 301 57 2 0 0 41 80 Hungary 112 2,030 26 20 9 3 42 81 Panama 24 479 10 4 1 35 50 82 Argentina 59 1,083 12 18 1 2 67 83 Yugoslavia 235 5,711 28 8 9 13 42 84 Algeria 14 176 0 42 2 5 51 85 Korea, Rep. 150 33,247 27 2 18 8 45 86 Gabon 8 123 0 58 1 2 39 87 Portugal 314 7,361 42 6 8 5 39 88 Venezuela 24 461 2 24 2 4 67 89 Greece 63 3,312 67 3 3 1 27 90 Trinidad and Tobago 33 240 0 69 0 1 30 91 Libya 5 165 0 89 1 1 9 92 Oman 1 82 1 1 26 2 71 93 Iran, Islamic Rep. 95 619 86 0 1 0 13 94 Iraq 6 141 1 13 6 6 74 95 Romania 65 2,030 33 8 3 4 52 Low- and middle-income 3,984 180,158 28 w 5w 14w 6w 46 w Sub-Saharan Africa 318 r 3,145 20 w 18w 2w 6w 54 w East Asia 682 t 104,3241 26 w 3w 17w 4w 50 w South Asia 634 t 9,040 59 w 2w 1w 1w 38 w Europe, MEast, & N.Africa 1,232 31,442 I 46 w 9w 6w Sw 34 w Latin America & Caribbean 664 t 29,764 11w 8w 20 w 13 w 47 w 17 highly indebted 890 1 37,392 I 16 w 7w 20w 12 w 45 w High-income economies 74,378 t 1,071,178 r 7w 13 w 11 w 20 w 50 w OECD members 72,982 1 1,030,645 I 6w 13 w 11 w 21w 50 w '(Other 1,396 t 40,533 t 26w 7w 18w 1w 48 w 96 Spain 351 18,276 6 10 7 27 51 97 Ireland 310 9,662 8 22 12 1 57 98 '(Saudi Arabia 3 1,263 0 61 6 1 32 99 '(Israel 195 5,472 10 14 10 3 63 100 New Zealand 69 1,312 12 20 7 3 57 101 '(Singapore 22 10,265 8 5 34 I 52 102 '(Hong Kong 1,073 21,753 42 1 15 0 42 103 Italy 4,710 78,348 18 8 7 10 57 104 United Kingdom 7,470 70,427 6 18 10 12 55 105 Australia 308 4,265 2 33 5 10 49 106 Belgium1' 4,496 56,557 9 20 6 20 45 107 Netherlands 3,385 47,039 8 31 9 7 45 108 Austria 925 19,002 II 9 12 6 63 109 France 5,526 85,237 7 18 9 21 45 110 Germany, Fed. Rep. 14,220 205,842 5 14 10 23 47 Ill Finland 664 12,035 5 7 8 6 74 112 '(Kuwait 5 141 0 25 8 14 52 113 Denmark 894 12,810 9 15 12 4 60 114 Canada 4,925 55,448 7 6 40 45 115 Sweden 2,705 31,648 2 8 9 21 60 116 Japan 4,568 148,150 2 3 17 33 45 117 '(United Arab Emirates 0 355 9 19 7 6 60 118 Norway 747 6,026 3 22 9 8 58 119 UnitedStates 14,257 133,127 2 13 13 21 51 120 Switzerland 2,450 35,296 6 20 11 2 60 Total reporting economies 78.362t 1,251,3361 lOw 12 w 11 w 18 w 49w Oil exporters 1,240 t 28,203 t 10 w 13 w 20 w 10 w 47 w Nonreporting nonmemberu 9551 7,866t lOw 23w 6w 9w 53w Note: Includes only high-income OECD economies, a. Figures are for South Africa, Bostwana and Lesotho. b. Includes Luxembourg. 197 Table 18. Balance of payments and reserves Current account balance (millions of dollars) Gross international reserves Net After Before workers' Net direct In months official official remittances private investment of import transfers transfers (millions ofdollars) (millions of dollars) Millions of dollars cove rage 1970 1987 1970 1987 1970 1987 1970 1987 1970 1987 1987 Low-income economies 3,673 t 50,173 t 4.5 w China and India 1,023 t 33,965 t 6.4w Other low-income 2,650 t 16,208 t 2.7 w 1 Ethiopia -32 -264" -43 -475' 4 . 72 245 2.3 2 Bhutan . . -56 . . -56 . . . . .. . . . . 0 3 Chad 2 -83 -33 -324 -6 -26 1 4 2 57 1.4 4 Zaire -64 -705 -141 -851 -98 . . 42 10 189 417 1.8 5 Bangladesh -114' -309 -234 -966 0 617 2 876 3.5 6 Malawi -35 -24 -46 -53 -4 9 29 58 1.8 7 Nepal 8' -133 -16" -194 . . . . 94 251 4.9 8 LaoPDR -114" -141" . . . . 6 9 Mozambique . 372a -676' 33" . . . 10 Tanzania -36 _128a 37 -605" . . . . . . 65 32 0.3 11 BurkinaFaso 9 -124 -21 -124 16 110 0 . . 36 328 4.4 12 Madagascar 10 -135" -42 -241" -26 . . 10 . . 37 185 3.1 13 Mali -2 -111 -22 -313 -1 26 -1 4 1 25 0.5 14 Bunindi 2' -132" -8" _l85a . . 0" 2" 15 69 2.8 15 Zambia 108 21 107 -12 -48 1 -297 515 111 1.4 16 Niger 0 -67 -32 -201 -3 -43 0 . . 19 254 6.4 17 Uganda 20 -107 19 -200 -5 . . 4 1 57 55 1.0 18 China5 -81' 300 -81" 171 166 . . 1,669 . . 22,453 6.7 19 Somalia -6 248' -18 -59' . . . . 5 . . 21 17 0.4 20 Togo 3 -73 -14 -147 -3 1 0 12 35 361 7.3 21 India _386a -3,750" -592" -4,068' 65" 2,000" 0" 253" 1,023 11,512 5.9 22 Rwanda 7 -131 -12 -250 -4 -15 0 23 8 164 4.6 23 SierraLeone -16 -5 -20 -9 0 37a 0 8 -6 39 6 1.0 24 Benin 3 -208 -23 -223' 0 7 . . 16 9 0.2 25 CentralAfrican Rep. -12 _96a -24 -214' -4 -24' 1 20" 1 102 3.2 26 Kenya -49 -497 -86 -639 . . 14 . . 220 294 1.4 27 Sudan -42 -422" -43 _702a . -1 . . 22 12 0.1 28 Pakistan -667 -336 -705 -719 86 2,172 23 62 195 1,441 2.2 29 Haiti 2 -31 -5 -158 13 58 3 5 4 26 0.6 30 Lesotho 18' -12 -1" -16 29a . 2 . . 68 1.9 31 Nigeria -368 -380 -412 -380 . . . . 205 386 223 1,498 2.3 32 Ghana -68 -275 -76 -275 -9 -2 68 5 43 332 3.0 33 SriLanka -59 -378 -71 -572 3 348 0 29 43 310 1.4 34 Yemen,PDR -4 -122 -4 -178 52 303 -1 . . 59 117 2.1 35 Mauritania -5 -73" -13 -164' -6 2" 1 5 3 77 1.5 36 Indonesia -310 -1,837 -376 -2,098 . . 112 83 425 160 7,095 3.9 37 Liberia -16" -118 _27a -163 _18a -51 28' 39 . . 1 0.0 38 Afghanistan . . -556 . . -748 . . . . . . 49 747 5.6 39 Burma -63 _208a -81 -307' . . . . 98 149 2.7 5a 40 Guinea -53" -114" . . 41 Kampuchea, Dem. 42 VietNam Middle-income economies 16,606 t 133,497 r 3.5 w Lower-middle-income 7,024 t 64,672 3.4 w 43 Senegal -16 -316' -66 -608' -16 10" 5 -50" 22 23 0.1 44 Bolivia 4 -485 2 -597 . . 1 -76 22 46 530 5.2 45 Zimbabwe -14' 50 -13' -22 . . . . . . -24 59 370 2.7 46 Philippines -48 -539 -138 -736 0 211 -29 186 255 2,312 2.7 47 Yemen Arab Rep. -34" -607" -52" _607a 45" 428" -10' 540 3.7 48 Morocco -124 164 -161 164 27 1,587 20 57 142 752 1.5 49 Egypt, Arab Rep. -148 -2,705" -452 -3,757" 29 2,845" 869" 165 2,556 2.1 50 Papua New Guinea -89' -326 -239' -530 . . . . . . 71 . . 467 3.2 51 DominicanRep. -102 -119 -103 -148 25 242 72 50 32 191 2.5 52 Côted'Ivoire -38 -624' -73 -64P -56 31 119 30 0.1 53 Honduras -64 -183 -68 -330 . . 8 36 20 114 1.0 54 Nicaragua -40 -693 -43 -799 3 15 . . 49 . 55 Thailand -250 -586 -296 -723 . . . . 43 270 911 5,206 4.1 56 ElSalvador 9 l27 7 -196' . . . . 4 -41" 64 413 3.7 57 Congo, People's Rep. -45" -245 53a -298 3" -39 30" -40 9 9 0.1 58 Jamaica -153 -96 -149 -160 29 44 161 -5 139 174 1.1 59 Guatemala -8 -464 -8 -555 . . . . 29 152 79 541 3.5 60 Cameroon -30 _l,ll2a -47 -1,112" -11 3" 16 31" 81 78 0.3 61 Paraguay -16 _411a -19 -422" . . 4 9" 18 514 4.2 62 Ecuador -113 -1,176 -122 -1,251 . . 89 75 76 692 2.4 63 Botswana -30" 597 -35" 458 . . -29 6" 125 . . 2,057 17.6 64 Tunisia -53 -62 -88 -99 20 486 16 92 60 616 1.9 65 Turkey -44 -984 -57 -1,335 273 2,021 58 110 440 3,444 2.3 66 Colombia -293 255 -333 255 6 616 39 349 207 3,416 5.2 67 Chile -91 -811 -95 -871 -79 97 392 3,244 5.2 * Data forTaiwan, China are: I 17,925 2 17,917 61 14 627 80,460 22.5 Note: For data comparability and coverage, see the technical notes. Figures in italics are for years other than those specified. 198 Current account balance (millions of dollars) Gross international reserves Net After Before workers' Net direct In mont/u official official remittances private investment transfers transfers (millions of dollars) (millions of dollars) Millions of dollars 1970 /987 1970 1987 1970 1987 1970 1987 1970 1987 1987 68 Peru 202 -1,914 146 -1,419 -70 22 339 1,319 3.2 69 Mauritius 8 72 5 47 2 44 46 362 3.5 70 Jordan -20 -350 -130 -350 844 33 258 910 2.6 71 Costa Rica -74 -225 -77 -377 65 16 519 3.3 72 Syrian Arab Rep. -69 -465 -72 -1,365 250 57 403 1.3 73 Malaysia 8 2,336 2 2,170 94 575 667 8,573 5.5 74 Mexico -1,068 3,884 -1,098 3,509 323 3,248 756 13,692 6.2 75 South Africa -1,215 3,027 -1,253 2,911 318 28 1,057 3,463 1.9 76 Poland -578 . . -578 1,723 1.4 77 Lebanon 405 4,832 Upper-middle-income 9,582 I 68,852 t 3.7 w 78 Brazil -837 -1,275 -861 -1,275 407 582 1,190 7,477 3.0 79 Unsguay -45 -124 -55 -132 -5 186 1,793 12.0 80 Hungary -61 -676 -61 -676 . 697 3,067 2.9 81 Panama -64 342 -79 229 33 -72 16 78 0.2 82 Argentina -163 -4,285 -160 -4,285 II -19 682 3,734 3.5 83 Yugoslavia -372 819 -378 819 441 3,721 143 1,602 1.2 84 Algeria -125 -406 -163 -406 178 434 45 -20 352 4,343 4.5 85 Korea, Rep. -623 9,854 -706 9,835 . . . . 66 418 610 3,739 0.9 86 Gabon -3 -210 -15 -231 -8 -143 -1 121 15 18 0.1 87 Portugal - t58a 641 - 158a 309 523k 3,243 iSa 306 1,565 13,039 9.9 88 Venezuela -104 -1,125 -98 -1,103 -87 -34 -23 21 1,047 11,510 10.1 89 Greece -422 -1,298 -424 -2,963 333 1,334 50 683 318 4,299 3.6 90 Trinidad and Tobago -109 -184 -104 -184 3 . . 83 -22 43 214 2.8 91 Libya 645 -54 758 -13 -134 -446 139 -80 1,596 7,581 15.4 92 Oman -966 -966 -849 138 13 1,542 3.6 93 Iran, Islamic Rep. -507 -511 25 217 94 Iraq 105 . . 104 24 472 95 Roenania -23 1,489 -23 1,489 1,851 1.9 Low- and middle-income 20,279 t 183,670 1 3.8 w Sub-Saharan Africa 2,0281 8,0301 2.1 w East Asia 2,885 r 50,401 t 3.9 w South Asia 1,453 1 14,547 1 4.6 w Europe, M.East, & N.Africa 7,375 t 56,700 t 3.4 w Latin America & Caribbean 5,481 1 50,5291 4.7w 17 highly indebted 5,9581 54,2951 4.1 w High-income economies 75,457 t 892,235 t 4.2 w OECD members 72,938t 832,318t 4.1 w tOther 2,5191 59,9171 6.0 w 96 Spain 79 -51 79 -412 469 1,210 179 3,814 1,851 36,439 7.4 97 Ireland -198 391 -228 -1,087 32 . . 698 4,970 3.0 98 tSaudi Arabia 71 -9,571 152 -6,270 - 183 -4,935 20 -1,175 670 24,909 7.9 99 tlsrael -562 -999 -766 -4,495 40 148 452 6,368 3.9 100 New Zealand -232 -1,368 -222 -1,304 16 221 137 104 258 3,270 3.5 101 tSingapore -572 539 -585 561 93 982 1,012 15,227 5.0 102 tHong Kong 225 1,199 225 1,199 282 . . . . 103 Italy 774 -1,059 1,096 1,213 446 1,214 498 1,742 5,547 62,489 4.8 104 United Kingdom 1,913 -2,621 2,316 2,738 -190 -16,345 2,918 50,918 2.4 105 Australia -777 -8,688 -682 -8,611 778 57 1,709 12,584 3.5 106 Belgiumb 717 2,920 904 4,203 39 4 140 -411 2,947 25,899 2.6 107 Netherlands -483 3,372 -511 4,427 -49 -236 -15 -5,505 3,362 37,275 3.8 108 Austria -75 -226 -73 -155 -7 257 104 134 1,806 17,769 4.7 109 France -204 -4,088 18 -1,030 -641 -2,055 248 -4,000 5,199 72,675 4.0 110 Germany, Fed. Rep. 852 44,956 1,899 55,599 -1,366 -3,673 -303 -7,064 13,879 124,834 5.0 111 Finland -239 -1,938 -232 -1,633 -41 -809 455 7,364 3.5 112 tKuwait 853 4,414 853 4,572 -1,102 -93 209 5,371 6.8 113 Denmark -544 -2,951 -510 -2,798 75 . . 488 10,854 3.3 114 Canada 1,056 -7,963 739 -7,498 566 -922 4,733 16,242 1.6 115 Sweden -265 -853 -160 160 -16 -104 -2,844 775 11,112 2.4 116 Japan 1,980 87,660 2,160 90,410 -260 -18,330 4,876 92,702 5.2 117 tUnited Arab Emirates 75 6,486 75a 6,486 4a . 5,121 5.7 118 Norway -242 -4,111 -200 -3,337 -55 32 -846 813 14,850 5.0 119 United States 2,330 -153,950 4,680 -141,760 -650 -890 -6,130 -2,470 15,237 161,738 3.4 120 Switzerland 72 5,879 114 5,834 -313 -1,413 . . 26 5,317 67,791 10.2 Total reporting economies 95,736 tl,075,906 t 4.1 w Oil exporters 7,082 t 103,724 t 5.4 w Nonreporting nonmembers a. World Bank estimates. b. Includes Luxemboure. 199 Table 19. Official development assistance from OECD & OPEC members Amount 1965 1970 1975 1980 1983 1984 1985 1986 1987 1988 OECD Millions of US dollars 97 Ireland 0 0 8 30 33 35 39 62 51 57 100 New Zealand 14 66 72 61 55 54 75 87 104 103 Italy 60 147 182 683 834 1,133 1,098 2,404 2,615 104 UnitedKingdom 472 500 904 1,854 1,610 1,429 1,530 1,737 1,865 2,615 105 Australia 119 212 552 667 753 777 749 752 627 1,091 106 Belgium 102 120 378 595 479 446 440 547 689 592 107 Netherlands 70 196 608 1,630 1,195 1,268 1,136 1,740 2,094 2,231 108 Austria 10 11 79 178 158 181 248 198 196 302 109 France 752 971 2,093 4,162 3,815 3,788 3,995 5,105 6,525 6,959 110 Germany, Fed. Rep. 456 599 1,689 3,567 3,176 2,782 2,942 3,832 4,391 4,700 111 Finland 2 7 48 110 153 178 211 313 433 610 113 Denmark 13 59 205 481 395 449 440 695 859 922 114 Canada 96 337 880 1,075 1,429 1,625 1,631 1,695 1,885 2,340 115 Sweden 38 117 566 962 754 741 840 1,090 1,337 1,534 116 Japan 244 458 1,148 3,353 3,761 4,319 3,797 5,634 7,454 118 Norway 11 37 184 486 584 540 574 798 890 988 119 UnitedStates 4,023 3,153 4,161 7,138 8,081 8,711 9,403 9,564 8,945 12,170 120 Switzerland 12 30 104 253 320 285 302 422 547 615 Total 6,480 6,968 13,847 27,297 27,592 28,742 29,429 36,663 41,531 49,730 OECD As a percentage of donor GNP 97 Ireland 0.00 0.00 0.09 0.16 0.20 0.22 0.24 0.28 0.28 0.20 100 New Zealand . 0.23 0.52 0.33 0.28 0.25 0.25 0.30 0.26 0.27 103 Italy 0.10 0.16 0.11 0.15 0.20 0.28 0.26 0.40 0.35 104 United Kingdom 0.47 0.41 0.39 0.35 0.35 0.33 0.33 0.31 0.28 0.32 105 Australia 0.53 0.59 0.65 0.48 0.49 0.45 0.48 0.47 0.33 0.46 106 Belgium 0.60 . 0.46 0.59 0.50 0.59 0.58 0.55 0.48 0.49 0.39 107 Netherlands 0.36 0.61 0.75 0.97 0.91 1.02 0.91 1.01 0.98 0.98 108 Austria 0.11 0.07 0.21 0.23 0.24 0.28 0.38 0.21 0.17 0.24 109 France 0.76 0.66 0.62 0.63 0.74 0.77 0.78 0.70 0.74 0.73 110 Germany, Fed. Rep. 0.40 0.32 0.40 0.44 0.48 0.45 0.47 0.43 0.39 0.39 ill Finland 0.02 0.06 0.18 0.22 0.32 0.35 0.40 0.45 0.50 0.59 113 Denmark 0.13 0.38 0.58 0.74 0.73 0.85 0.80 0.89 0.88 0.89 114 Canada 0.19 0.41 0.54 0.43 0.45 0.50 0.49 0.48 0.47 0.50 115 Sweden 0.19 0.38 0.82 0.78 0.84 0.80 0.86 0.85 0.88 0.87 116 Japan 0.27 0.23 0.23 0.32 0.32 0.34 0.29 0.29 0.31 118 Norway 0.16 0.32 0.66 0.87 1.10 1.03 1.01 1.17 1.09 1.12 119 United States 0.58 0.32 0.27 0.27 0.24 0.24 0.24 0.23 0.20 0.25 120 Switzerland 0.09 0.15 0.19 0.24 0.31 0.30 0.31 0.30 0.31 0.32 OECD National currencies 97 Ireland (millions of pounds) 0 0 4 15 26 32 37 46 34 100 New Zealand (millions of dollars) . . 13 55 74 91 95 109 143 146 103 Italy (billions of lire) 38 92 119 585 1,267 1,991 2,097 3,578 3,389 104 UnitedKingdom(millionsofpounds) 169 208 409 798 1,062 1,070 1,180 1,194 1,151 105 Australia(millionsofdollars) 106 189 402 591 802 873 966 1,121 895 106 Belgium(millionsoffrancs) 5,100 6,000 13,902 17,399 24,390 25,527 26,145 24,525 25,835 107 Netherlands (millions of guilders) 253 710 1,538 3,241 3,411 4,069 3,773 4,263 4,242 108 Austria (millions of schillings) 260 286 1,376 2,303 2,838 3,622 5,132 3,023 2,478 109 France(millionsoffrancs) 3,713 5,393 8,971 17,589 29,075 33,107 35,894 35,357 39,218 110 Germany, Fed. Rep. (millions ofdeutschemarks) 1,824 2,192 4,155 6,484 8,109 7,917 8,661 8,323 8,004 Ill Finland(millionsofmarkkaa) 6 29 177 414 852 1,070 1,308 1,587 1,902 113 Denmark (millions of kroner) 90 443 1,178 2,711 3,612 4,650 4,657 5,623 5,848 114 Canada(millionsofdollars) 104 353 895 1,257 1,761 2,104 2,227 2,354 2,493 115 Sweden(millionsofkronor) 197 605 2,350 4,069 5,781 6,129 7,226 7,765 8,477 116 Japan(billionsofyen) 88 165 341 760 893 1,026 749 950 1,078 118 Norway (millions of kroner) 79 264 962 2,400 4,261 4,407 4,946 5,901 5,998 119 United States (millions of dollars) 4,023 3,153 4,161 7,138 8,081 8,711 9,403 9,564 8,945 120 Switzerland (millions of francs) 52 131 268 424 672 672 743 759 815 OECD Summary ODA(billionsofUSdollars, nominalprices) 6.48 6.97 13.86 27.30 27.59 28.74 29.43 36.66 41.53 49.73 ODAaspercentageofGNP 0.48 0.34 0.35 0.37 0.36 0.36 0.35 0.35 0.35 . ODA (billions of US dollars, constant 1980 prices) 20.90 18.34 22.00 27.30 27.87 29.03 29.14 30.55 30.76 GNP (trillions of US dollars, nominal prices 1.35 2.04 3.96 7.39 7.70 8.03 8.49 10.39 12.02 GDPdeflatorE 0.31 0.38 0.63 0.99 0.99 0.99 1.01 1.35 . 200 Amount 1976 1979 1980 1981 1982 1983 1984 1985 1986 1987 OPEC Mfflions of US dollars 31 Nigeria 80 29 35 143 58 35 51 45 52 30 84 Algeria 11 281 81 55 129 37 52 54 114 26 88 Venezuela 109 110 135 92 125 142 90 32 85 24 93 Iran, Islamic Rep. 751 -20 -72 -141 -193 10 52 -72 69 -10 94 Iraq 123 658 864 207 52 -10 -22 -32 -21 -35 98 SaudiArabia 2,791 3,941 5,682 5,514 3,854 3,259 3,194 2,630 3,517 2,888 112 Kuwait 706 971 1,140 1,163 1,161 997 1,020 771 715 316 117 UnitedArabEmirates 1,028 968 1,118 805 406 351 88 122 91 19 91 Libya 98 145 376 257 44 144 24 57 68 76 Qatar 180 282 277 246 139 20 10 8 19 4 Total OAPEC 4,937 7,246 9,538 8,247 5,785 4,798 4,366 3,655 4,503 3,294 Total OPEC 5,877 7,365 9,636 8,341 5,775 4,983 4,559 3,614 4,708 3,338 OPEC As a percentage of donor GNP 31 Nigeria 0.19 0.04 0.04 0.19 0.08 0.05 0.07 0.06 0.11 0.13 84 Algeria 0.07 0.90 0.20 0.13 0.31 0.08 0.10 0.10 0.18 0.04 88 Venezuela 0.35 0.23 0.23 0.14 0.19 0.22 0.19 0.07 0.17 0.06 93 Iran, Islamic Rep. 1.16 -0.02 -0.08 -0.13 -0.15 0.01 -0.01 -0.08 0.03 -0.01 94 Iraq 0.76 1.97 2.36 0.94 0.18 -0.09 -0.05 -0.08 0.04 0.06 98 SaudiArabia 5.95 5.16 4.87 3.45 2.50 2.86 3.44 2.86 4.52 3.40 112 Kuwait 4.82 3.52 3.52 3.65 4.34 3.73 3.82 3.25 2.99 1.23 117 UnitedArabEmirates 8.95 5.08 4.06 2.57 1.39 1.30 0.32 0.29 0.34 0.08 91 Libya 0.66 0.60 1.16 0.81 0.15 0.51 0.08 0.58 0.13 0.30 Qatar 7.35 6.07 4.16 3.50 2.13 0.39 0.17 0.18 0.08 0.08 Total OAPEC 4.23 3.31 3.22 2.52 1.81 1.70 1.60 1.39 1.80 1.10 Total OPEC 2.32 1.75 1.79 1.45 0.98 0.86 1.13 0.65 0.95 0.79 Net bilateral flows to low-income economies 1965 1970 1975 1980 1982 1983 1984 1985 1986 1987 OECD As a percentage of donor GNP 97 Ireland 0.02 0.03 0.03 0.05 0.06 0.06 100 New Zealand 0.14 0.01 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.06 103 Italy 0.04 0.06 0.01 0.01 0.04 0.05 0.09 0.12 0.16 0.17 104 United Kingdom 0.23 0.15 0.11 0.11 0.07 0.10 0.09 0.09 0.09 0.09 105 Australia 0.08 0.09 0.10 0.04 0.07 0.05 0.06 0.05 0.04 0.08 106 Belgium 0.56 0.30 0.31 0.24 0.21 0.21 0.20 0.23 0.20 0.18 107 Netherlands 0.08 0.24 0.24 0.30 0.31 0.26 0.29 0.27 0.32 0.41 108 Austria 0.06 0.05 0.02 0.03 0.01 0.02 0.01 0.02 0.01 0.03 109 France 0.12 0.09 0.10 0.08 0.10 0.09 0.14 0.14 0.13 0.17 110 Germany, Fed. Rep. 0.14 0.10 0.12 0.08 0.12 0.13 0.11 0.14 0.12 0.13 111 Finland 0.06 0.08 0.09 0.12 0.13 0.17 0.18 0.20 113 Denmark 0.02 0.10 0.20 0.28 0.26 0.31 0.28 0.32 0.32 0.35 114 Canada 0.10 0.22 0.24 0.11 0.14 0.13 0.15 0.15 0.12 0.16 115 Sweden 0.07 0.12 0.41 0.36 0.38 0.33 0.30 0.31 0.38 0.29 116 Japan 0.13 0.11 0.08 0.08 0.11 0.09 0.07 0.09 0.10 0.13 118 Norway 0.04 0.12 0.25 0.31 0.37 0.39 0.34 0.40 0.47 0.42 119 United States 0.26 0.14 0.08 0.03 0.02 0.03 0.03 0.04 0.03 0.06 120 Switzerland 0.02 0.05 0.10 0.08 0.09 0.10 0.12 0.12 0.12 0.14 Total 0.20 0.13 0.11 0.07 0.08 0.08 0.07 0.09 0.09 0.12 a. Preliminary estimates. b. See the technical notes. 201 Table 20. Official development assistance: receipts NeidisbursementofODA from all sources Per capita Aa a percentage Millions of dollars (dollars) of GNP 1981 1982 1983 1984 1985 /986 1987 1987 1987 Low-income economies 12,514 t 12,721 t 12,208 I 12,277 t 13,703 t 16,522 18,120 t 6.4 w 2.3 w China and India 2,4591 2,168t 2,5091 2,471 t 2,532 t 3,2581 3,301 t 1.8w 0.6w Other low-income 10,055 t 10,553 t 9.6991 9,806t 11,171 t 13,265 t 14,819 t 15.6w 6.1 w I Ethiopia 245 200 339 364 715 636 635 14.3 11.8 2 Bhutan 10 11 13 18 24 40 42 31.3 16.7 3 Chad 60 65 95 115 182 165 198 37.6 20.3 4 Zaire 394 348 315 312 325 448 621 19.0 10.7 5 Bangladesh 1,104 1,341 1,049 1,200 1,152 1,455 1,637 15.4 9.3 6 Malawi 137 12! 117 158 113 198 280 35.5 22.8 7 Nepal 181 200 201 198 236 301 345 19.6 12.7 8 Lao PDR 35 38 30 34 37 48 59 15.6 8.4 9 Mozambique 144 208 211 259 300 422 649 44.6 40.9 10 Tanzania 703 684 594 558 487 681 882 36.9 25.2 11 BurkinaFaso 217 213 184 189 198 284 283 34.1 16.2 12 Madagascar 234 242 183 153 188 316 327 30.0 15.8 13 Mali 230 210 215 320 380 372 364 46.9 18.6 14 Burundi 121 127 140 141 142 187 192 38.5 15.3 15 Zambia 232 317 217 239 328 464 429 59.5 21.1 16 Niger 194 257 175 161 304 307 348 51.2 16.1 17 Uganda 136 133 137 163 182 198 276 17.6 7.2 18 China 477 524 669 798 940 1,134 1,449 1.4 0.5 19 Somalia 374 462 343 350 353 511 580 101.6 57.0 20 Togo 63 77 112 110 114 174 123 38.0 10,0 21 India 1,983 1,644 1,840 1,673 1,592 2,124 1,852 2.3 0.7 22 Rwanda 153 151 150 165 181 211 243 37.7 11.6 23 Sierra Leone 60 82 66 61 66 87 68 17.8 7.3 24 Beam 82 81 86 77 96 138 136 31.5 8.1 25 CentralAfricanRep. 102 90 93 114 104 139 173 63.7 16.1 26 Kenya 449 485 400 411 438 455 565 25.6 7.0 27 Sudan 632 740 962 622 1,128 945 902 39.0 10.5 28 Pakistan 823 916 735 749 801 967 858 8.4 2.4 29 Haiti 107 128 134 135 153 175 218 35.4 9.7 30 Lesotho 104 93 108 101 94 88 108 66.5 29.4 31 Nigeria 41 37 48 33 32 59 69 0.6 0.3 32 Ghana 145 141 110 216 203 371 373 27.5 7.4 33 SriLanka 377 416 473 466 484 570 502 30.7 7.5 34 Yemen,PDR 87 143 106 103 113 71 80 35.2 8.1 35 Mauritania 214 187 176 175 207 221 178 95.6 19.0 36 Indonesia 975 906 744 673 603 711 1,245 7.3 1.8 37 Liberia 108 109 118 133 90 97 78 33.6 6.9 38 Afghanistan 23 9 14 7 17 2 45 2.4 39 Burma 283 319 302 275 356 416 364 9.3 40 Guinea 106 90 68 123 119 175 214 33.0 41 Kampuchea,Dem. 130 44 37 17 13 13 14 1.8 42 VietNam 242 136 106 110 114 147 116 1.8 Middle-income economies 11,8951 10,0921 9,5021 9,839 t 10,032 t 11,1211 12,219 I 13.4 w 0.8 w Lower-middle-income 10,784 t 9,460 I 9,044 I 9,307 1 9,396 I 10,280 11,1671 20.9w 1.8w 43 Senegal 398 285 323 368 295 567 642 92.4 13.6 44 Bolivia 169 148 174 172 202 322 318 47.3 7.1 45 Zimbabwe 212 216 208 298 237 225 295 32.6 5.0 46 Philippines 376 333 429 397 486 956 775 13.3 2.2 47 YemenArabRep. 411 412 328 326 283 262 349 41.2 8.2 48 Morocco 1,037 774 398 352 785 419 401 17.2 2.4 49 Egypt, Arab Rep. 1,292 1,441 1,463 1,794 1,791 1,717 1,766 35.2 4.9 50 PapuaNewGuinea 336 311 333 322 259 263 322 87.0 10.6 51 Dominican Rep. 105 136 100 188 207 93 130 19.3 2.6 52 Côted'Ivoire 124 137 156 128 125 186 254 22.8 2.5 53 Honduras 109 158 190 286 272 283 258 55.0 6.4 54 Nicaragua 145 121 120 114 102 150 141 40.2 4.4 55 Thailand 406 389 431 474 481 496 506 9.4 1.1 56 Elsalvador 167 218 290 261 345 341 426 86.4 9.0 57 Congo,People's Rep. 81 93 108 98 71 110 152 75.2 7.0 58 Jamaica 155 180 181 170 169 178 169 70.4 5.9 59 Guatemala 75 64 76 65 83 135 241 28.5 3.4 60 Cameroon 199 212 129 186 159 224 213 19.6 1.7 61 Paraguay 54 85 51 50 50 66 82 20.9 1.8 62 Ecuador 59 53 64 136 136 147 203 20.5 1.9 63 Botswana 97 101 104 102 96 102 154 135.6 10.1 64 Tunisia 239 210 205 178 163 223 282 37.0 2.9 65 Turkey 728 647 356 242 179 339 417 7.9 0.6 66 Colombia 102 97 86 88 62 63 78 2.6 0.2 67 Chile -7 -8 0 2 40 -5 21 1.7 0.1 Note: For data comparability and coverage, see the technical notes. Figures in italics are for years other than those specified. 202 Net disbursement of ODA from all sources Per capita As a percentage Millions of dollars (dollars) of GNP 1981 1982 1983 1984 1985 1986 1987 1987 1987 68 Pem 233 188 297 310 316 272 292 14.4 0.6 69 Mauritius 58 48 41 36 28 56 65 62.5 3.7 70 Jordan 1,065 798 787 687 540 565 595 157.0 12.0 71 Costa Rica 55 80 252 218 280 196 228 87.5 5.3 72 SyrianArabRep. 1,500 962 813 641 610 728 697 61.9 2.9 73 Malaysia 143 135 177 327 229 192 363 22.0 1.2 74 Mexico 99 140 132 83 144 252 156 1.9 0.1 75 South Africa 76 Poland . . . . . . . . . . . . . 77 Lebanon 455 187 127 77 83 62 100 37.5 Upper-middle-income 1,2191 741 1 5761 664t 7261 9381 1,1301 3.0w 0.1w 78 Bmzil 235 208 101 161 123 178 288 2.0 0.1 79 Uruguay 7 4 3 4 5 27 18 5.9 0.2 80 Hungaly . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 81 Panama 39 41 47 72 69 52 40 17.7 0.7 82 Argentina 44 30 48 49 39 88 99 3.2 0.1 83 Yugoslavia -15 -8 3 3 11 19 35 1.5 0.1 84 Algeria 167 136 95 122 173 165 222 9.6 0.3 85 Korea, Rep. 330 34 8 -37 -9 -18 II 0.3 0.0 86 Gabon 44 62 64 76 61 79 82 76.8 2.3 87 Portugal 82 49 43 97 101 139 65 6.4 0.2 88 Venezuela 14 13 10 14 11 16 19 1.0 0.0 89 Greece 13 12 13 13 II 19 34 3.4 0.1 90 TrinidadandTobago -2 6 5 5 7 19 34 28.0 0.8 91 Libya 11 12 6 5 5 11 6 1.6 0.0 92 Oman 231 133 71 67 78 84 16 11.7 0,2 93 Iran, Islamic Rep. 9 3 48 13 16 27 70 1.5 94 Iraq 9 6 13 4 26 33 91 5.3 95 Rumania Low-and middle-income 24,4091 22,8131 21,7101 22,1151 23,7351 27,6431 30,3391 8.1w 1.3w Sub-Saharan Africa 6,8891 7,1021 6,8891 7,1131 8,139 t 9,8981 11,1511 25.5w 8.3 w East Asia 3,451 t 2,8501 2,9641 3,1141 3,1531 3,9421 4,860 t 3.3w 0.8w South Asia 4,761 I 4,847 t 4,612 1 4,579 t 4,645 1 5,873 1 5,5991 5.2 w 1.7 w Europe, M.East, & N.Africa 7,343 t 5,928 t 4,886 t 4,727 t 4,983 t 4,885 t 5,271 1 16.6 w 1.2 w Latin America & Caribbean 1,965 I 2,087 1 2,359 1 2,582 1 2,814 t 3,045 1 3,458 I 8.6 w 0.4 w 17 highly indebted 2,727 t 2,405 1 2,3791 2,3201 2,9641 3,3701 3,4221 5.9w 0.4w High-income economies OECD members .. ,. .. .. .. .. tOther 843 r 954 1 1,421 I 1,353 I 2,060 1 2,055 t 1,434 1 50.3 w 0.7w 96 Spain 2 22 0 0 0 0 0 0.0 0.0 97 Ireland 98 tSaudi Arabia 30 57 44 36 29 31 22 1.8 0.0 99 tlsrael 773 857 1,345 1,256 1,978 1,937 1,251 285.9 3.6 100 New Zealand 101 tSingapore 22 20 15 41 24 29 23 8.9 0.1 102 tHong Kong 9 8 9 14 20 18 19 3.5 0.0 103 Italy 104 United Kingdom 105 Australia 106 Belgium 107 Netherlands 108 Austria 109 France 110 Germany, Fed. Rep. 111 Finland 112 tKuwait 10 6 5 4 4 5 3 1.8 0.0 113 Denmark 114 Canada 115 Sweden 116 Japan 117 tUnited Arab Emirates 1 5 4 3 4 34 115 79.0 0.5 118 Norway 119 United States 120 Switzerland Total reporting economies 25,254 1 23,789 1 23,131 t 23,469 25,795 t 29,698 1 31,773 t 8.4 w 1.1 w Oil exporters 4,768 1 4,282 I 3,8641 3,991 I 3.960 1 4.452 I 5,181 I 9.0 w 0.8w Nonreporting nonmembers 751 771 881 1071 hOt 149t 165I 4.0w 203 Table 21. Total external debt Long-term debt (millions of dollars) Public and Private Use of IMF credit Short-term debt Total external debt publicly guaranteed nonguaranteed (millions of dollars) (millions of dollars) (millions of dollars) 1970 1987 1970 1987 1970 1987 1970 1987 1970 1987 Low-income economies China and India Other low-income 1 Ethiopia 169 2,434 0 0 0 63 94 2,590 2 Bhutan 41 0 0 0 0 0 41 3 Chad 33 270 0 0 3 10 38 318 4 Zaire 311 7,334 0 0 0 833 462 8,630 5 Bangladesh 0 8,851 0 0 0 581 74 9,506 6 Malawi 122 1,155 0 0 0 110 98 . . 1,363 7 Nepal 3 902 0 0 0 27 19 947 8 LaoPDR 8 736 0 0 0 0 0 736 9 Mozambique . - . - . . . - . - . . - - . - 10 Tanzania 250 4,068 IS 11 0 65 . . 192 - . 4,335 11 BurkinaFaso 21 794 0 0 0 0 67 861 12 Madagascar 89 3,114 0 0 0 144 119 3,377 13 Mali 238 1,847 0 0 9 75 94 2,016 14 Burundi 7 718 0 0 8 0 37 755 15 Zambia 623 4,354 30 0 0 957 1,089 6,400 16 Niger 32 1,259 . . 254 0 91 . . 75 1,679 17 Uganda 138 1,116 0 0 0 229 . . 60 1,405 18 China . . 23,659 0 0 0 848 . . 5,720 30,227 19 Somalia 77 2,288 0 0 0 154 92 2,534 20 Togo 40 1,042 0 0 0 78 . . 103 - - 1,223 21 India 7,838 37,325 100 3,442 0 3,653 1,950 . . 46,370 22 Rwanda 2 544 0 0 3 0 39 583 23 Sierra Leone 59 513 0 0 0 83 63 659 24 Benin 41 929 0 0 0 0 - 204 . . 1,133 25 Central African Rep. 24 520 0 0 0 37 - . 28 585 26 Kenya 319 4,482 88 496 0 381 . . 59! . 5,950 27 Sudan 307 7,876 . 372 31 859 2,019 11,126 28 Pakistan 3,064 13,150 5 56 45 804 2,280 16,289 29 Haiti 40 674 0 0 2 52 . 79 804 30 Lesotho 8 237 0 0 0 0 4 . - 241 31 Nigeria 452 25,707 115 350 0 0 2,657 28,714 32 Ghana 488 2,207 10 30 46 779 108 3,124 33 Sri Lanka 317 4,109 . . 117 79 234 273 4,733 34 Yemen, PDR 1 1,669 0 0 0 0 55 1,724 35 Mauritania 27 1,868 0 0 0 47 119 2,035 36 Indonesia 2,443 41,284 461 4,105 139 716 6,476 52,58! 37 Liberia 158 1,152 0 0 4 29! 175 1,618 38 Afghanistan . - . . . . . . . . - 39 Burma 106 4,257 0 0 17 10 8! . 4,348 40 Guinea 312 1,617 0 0 3 30 138 - . 1,784 4! Kampuchea,De,n. 42 VietNam Middle-income economies Lower-middle-income 43 Senegal 100 3,068 31 42 0 267 319 3,695 44 Bolivia 480 4,599 1! 200 6 14! 608 5,548 45 Zimbabwe 229 2,044 . . 5! 0 157 260 2,512 46 Philippines 625 22,321 919 1,516 69 1,194 4,931 29,962 47 YemenArabRep. 2,155 0 0 0 2 232 . . 2,389 48 Morocco 711 18,468 15 372 28 1,07! 795 20,706 49 Egypt, Arab Rep. 1,713 34,515 . 1,098 49 182 4,469 40,264 50 PapuaNewGuinea 36 1,471 173 1,135 0 0 105 . . 2,71! 51 Dominican Rep. 212 2,938 14! 133 7 284 341 3,695 52 Chted'Ivoire 255 8,450 ii 3,264 0 576 . . 1,265 13,555 53 Honduras 90 2,68! 19 115 0 68 439 . . 3,303 54 Nicaragua 147 6,150 0 0 8 0 1,14! 7,29! 55 Thailand 324 14,023 402 3,108 0 916 2,664 20,710 56 ElSalvador 88 1,597 88 70 7 6 89 1,762 57 Congo, People's Rep. 124 3,679 0 0 0 14 944 4,636 58 Jamaica 160 3,511 822 58 0 679 199 4,446 59 Guatemala 106 2,345 14 116 0 59 305 2,825 60 Camemon 131 2,785 9 520 0 0 722 4,028 61 Paraguay 112 2,218 . . 28 0 0 201 2,447 62 Ecuador 193 9,026 49 30 14 490 . . 891 10,437 63 Botswana 17 514 0 0 0 0 3 518 64 Tunisia 541 6,189 . . 226 13 271 224 - . 6,909 65 Turkey 1,844 30,490 42 866 74 770 8,692 40,818 66 Colombia 1,297 13,828 283 1,524 55 0 1,654 17,006 67 Chile 2,067 15,536 501 2,466 2 1,465 . . 1,772 - . 21,239 Note: For data comparability and coverage, see the technical notes. Figures in italics are for years other than those specified. 204 Long-term debt (millions of dollars) Public and Private Use of IMF credit Short-term debt Total external debt publicly guaranteed nonguaranteed (millions of dollars) (millions ofdollars) (millions of dollars) 1970 1987 1970 1987 1970 1987 1970 1987 1970 1987 68 Peni 856 12,485 1,799 1,433 1 845 3,295 18,058 69 Mauritius 32 545 0 46 150 34 . 775 70 Jonlan 119 3,518 0 0 81 965 4,564 71 CostaRica 134 3,629 112 290 132 676 4,727 72 Syrian Arab Rep. 233 3,648 0 0 1 0 . . 1,030 4,678 73 Malaysia 390 19,065 50 2,610 0 74 Mexico 3,196 82,771 2,770 14,148 5,163 5,800 107,882 75 South Africa . . . 76 Poland . . 35,569 0 0 6,565 42,135 77 Lebanon 64 236 0 0 0 . 260 . . 496 Upper-middle-income 78 Brazil 3,421 91,653 1,706 14,434 3,977 13,868 123,932 79 Umguay 269 3,048 29 144 392 651 4,235 80 Hungary . . 15,931 0 0 809 . 2,217 18,957 81 Panama 194 3,722 0 0 346 1,256 5,324 82 Argentina 1,880 47,451 3,291 2,858 3,854 . . 2,651 . . 56,813 83 Yugoslavia 1,199 14,446 854 5,045 1,852 . 2,175 . 23,518 84 Algeria 937 19,240 0 0 0 3,641 22,881 85 Korea,Rep. 1,816 24,541 175 6,103 525 9,291 40,459 86 Gabon 91 1,605 0 0 60 406 . . 2,071 87 Portugal 485 14,922 268 630 529 . . 2,164 . . 18,245 88 Venezuela 728 25,245 236 7,504 0 3,770 36,519 89 Greece 905 17,437 388 1,429 0 4,255 23,120 90 TrinidadandTobago 101 1,635 0 0 0 166 1,801 91 Libya . . . . . 92 Oman . . 2,474 0 0 0 405 2,879 93 Iran, Islamic Rep. 94 Iraq 95 Roenania 5,425 0 507 730 6,662 Low- and middle-income Sub-Saharan Africa East Asia South Asia Europe, M.East, & N.Africa Latin America & Caribbean 17 highly indebted High-income economies OECD members fOther 96 Spain 97 Ireland 98 f Saudi Arabia 99 ttsrael 2,274 16,767 361 5,729 13 0 3,837 26,332 100 New Zealand 101 tSingapore 152 2,543 248 1,643 0 0 305 4,491 102 tHong Kong 103 Italy 104 United Kingdom 105 Australia 106 Belgium 107 Netherlands 108 Austria 109 France 110 Germany, Fed. Rep. 111 Finland 112 tKuwait 133 Denmark 114 Canada 115 Sweden 116 Japan 117 tUnited Arab Emirates 118 Norway 119 United States 120 Switzerland Total reporting economies Oil exporters Nonreporting nonmembers 205 Table 22. flow of public and private external capital Disbursements Repayment ofprincipal Net flows (millions of dollars) (millions of dollars) (millions ofdollars) Public and Public and Public and publicly Private publicly Private publicly Prtvate guaranteed nonguaranteed guaranteed nonguara steed guaranteed nonguara steed 1970 1987 1970 1987 1970 1987 1970 1987 1970 1987 1970 1987 Low-income economies China and India Other low-income I Ethiopia 28 403 0 0 15 130 0 0 13 273 0 0 2 Bhutan 16 0 0 0 0 0 16 0 0 3Chsd 6 51 0 0 3 3 0 0 3 48 0 0 4 Zaire 32 493 0 0 28 127 0 0 3 365 0 0 5 Bangladesh 0 923 0 0 0 191 0 0 0 733 0 0 6 Malawi 40 132 0 0 45 0 0 37 87 0 7 Nepal 8 LaoPDR 6 1 152 118 0 0 0 0 2 3 I 20 II 0 0 0 0 2 4 133 107 0 0 0 0 0 9 Mozambique 10 Tanzania 51 107 8 3 10 46 3 2 40 61 5 11 BurkinaFaso 2 112 0 0 2 17 0 0 0 95 0 0 12 Madagascar 11 229 0 0 5 64 0 0 5 165 0 0 13 Mali 23 117 0 0 0 19 0 0 23 99 0 0 14 Burundi 1 140 0 0 0 27 0 0 1 113 0 0 15 Zambia 351 130 35 73 316 58 16 Niger 12 156 50 2 47 30 11 109 20 17 Uganda 27 187 0 0 4 46 0 0 23 141 0 0 18 China 5,704 0 0 1,774 0 0 3,930 0 0 19 Somalia 4 71 0 0 1 5 0 0 4 66 0 0 20 logo 5 50 0 0 2 35 0 0 3 15 0 0 21 India 883 5,391 25 800 289 2,049 25 631 594 3,342 0 169 22 Rwanda 0 91 0 0 0 13 0 0 0 78 0 0 23 24 SierraLeone Benin 8 2 2 68 0 0 0 0 11 1 19 4 0 0 0 0 3 2 49 0 0 0 0 25 CentralAfricanRep. 2 76 0 0 2 13 0 0 1 1 63 0 0 26 Kenya 35 449 41 90 17 291 12 53 17 158 30 37 27 Sudan 53 169 22 30 30 139 28 Pakistan 489 941 3 41 112 792 1 15 378 148 2 26 29 Haiti 4 94 0 0 3 14 0 0 1 80 0 0 30 Lesotho 0 41 0 0 0 9 0 0 0 31 0 0 31 Nigeria 32 Ghana 56 42 1,021 365 25 50 0 38 14 239 117 30 0 100 8 18 28 782 248 5 50 8 33 SriLanka 34 Yemen, PDR 66 1 387 228 . 0 . 0 0 29 0 219 56 0 . 9 0 36 1 168 172 . 0 . 9 0 35 Mauritania 5 140 0 0 3 58 0 0 1 82 0 0 36 Indonesia 441 5,276 195 915 59 3,096 61 638 383 2,180 134 277 37 38 Liberia Afghanistan 7 32 0 0 11 . 5 . . 0 0 4 27 0 0 S . . . . . . . . . . 39 Burma 22 336 0 0 13 114 0 0 9 222 0 0 40 Guinea 90 146 0 0 II 76 0 0 80 71 0 0 41 Kampuchea,Dem. 42 VietNam Middle-income economies Lower-middle-income 43 Senegal 44 Bolivia 19 55 360 209 1 3 6 0 17 5 161 74 3 2 8 0 14 38 199 134 2 1 2 0 45 Zimbabwe . . 278 . . . . 5 274 . . . . . 3 46 Philippines 141 1,017 276 80 74 778 186 98 67 240 90 18 47 YemenArabRep. 115 0 0 100 0 0 15 0 0 48 Momcco 168 1,264 8 78 37 652 3 34 131 612 5 44 49 Egypt, Arab Rep. 397 1,291 . 245 309 778 . . 150 88 513 . . 95 50 PapuaNewGuinea 43 176 111 268 0 99 20 249 43 78 91 19 51 DominicanRep. 38 144 22 0 7 68 20 14 31 76 2 14 52 Côted'Ivoirc 78 602 4 900 29 289 2 591 49 314 2 309 53 54 Honduras Nicaragua 29 184 10 14 3 142 3 24 26 42 7 10 44 495 0 0 16 22 0 0 28 473 0 0 55 Thailand 51 1,311 169 577 23 1,102 107 789 28 209 62 212 56 ElSalvador 8 120 24 0 6 106 16 14 2 14 8 14 57 Congo, People's Rep. 20 532 0 0 6 150 0 0 15 382 0 0 58 Jamaica 15 312 165 4 6 211 164 10 9 101 -6 59 Guatemala 60 Cameroon 37 29 125 302 11 6 0 217 20 5 147 203 2 2 210 3 17 24 99 22 4 9 1 37 61 62 Paraguay Ecuador 15 41 214 652 . 7 . 0 0 16 7 128 223 . 11 . 20 3 26 8 86 429 4 . . 3 20 63 Botswana 6 102 0 0 0 38 0 0 6 64 0 0 64 Thnisia 89 806 43 47 591 68 42 215 24 . . 2 . . . . 65 Turkey 329 4,182 1 435 128 2,741 3 279 201 1,441 156 66 Colombia 253 1,217 0 79 75 1,264 59 140 177 47 59 61 67 Chile 408 582 247 195 166 186 41 108 242 396 206 87 Note: For data comparability and coverage, see the technical notes. Figures in italics are for years other than those specified. 206 Disbursements Repayment ofprincipal Net flows (millions of dollars) (millions of dollars) (millions of dollars) Public and Public and Public and publicly Private publicly Private publicly Private guaranteed nonguaranteed guaranteed nonguaranteed guaranteed nonguaranteed 1970 1987 1970 1987 1970 1987 1970 1987 1970 1987 1970 1987 68 Peni 148 491 240 106 100 251 233 10 48 241 7 96 69 Mauritius 2 70 0 22 1 45 0 3 1 25 0 19 70 Jordan 14 349 0 0 3 334 0 0 12 15 0 0 71 CostaRica 30 86 30 0 21 61 20 16 9 25 10 16 72 SyrianArabRep. 60 540 0 0 31 253 0 0 29 287 0 0 73 74 Malaysia Mexico 45 772 1,374 8,303 12 603 585 247 47 475 1,757 3,249 9 542 940 1,084 2 297 383 5,054 3 61 355 837 75 South Africa . . . 0 . . . . . Poland 493 0 962 469 76 77 Lebanon 12 . 13 . 0 0 2 . 17 . . 0 0 0 . 10 4 . . 0 0 0 Upper-middle-income 78 Brazil 892 1,555 900 0 256 2,942 200 740 637 1,388 700 740 79 Uniguay 37 237 13 125 47 134 4 19 10 102 9 107 80 Hungaly . 3,168 0 0 . . 2,097 0 0 . . 1,070 0 0 81 Panama 67 139 0 0 24 158 0 0 44 19 0 0 82 Argentina 482 2,916 424 200 344 507 428 188 139 2,409 4 12 83 Yugoslavia 179 313 465 233 170 996 204 388 9 683 261 155 84 Algeria 308 4,196 0 0 34 3,543 0 0 274 653 0 0 85 Korea, Rep. 444 2,218 32 2,173 198 10,455 7 2,639 246 8,237 25 466 86 Gabon 26 265 0 0 9 13 0 0 17 252 0 0 87 Portugal 18 2,773 20 110 63 3,643 22 101 45 871 9 88 Venezuela 226 315 67 0 42 1,209 25 380 184 894 41 380 89 Greece 163 2,676 144 100 62 2,294 37 285 101 383 107 185 90 TrinidadandTobago 8 129 0 0 10 263 0 0 3 134 0 0 91 Libya . . . . . . . . . . 94 . . . . . . . 92 Oman 342 0 0 436 0 0 . . 0 0 93 Iran, Islamic Rep. . . . . . . . . . 94 Iraq .. .. .. .. .. .. .. 95 Ronsania 479 0 0 1,128 0 0 649 0 0 Low- and middle-income Sub-Saharan Africa East Asia South Asia Europe, M.East, & N.Africa Latin America & Caribbean 17 highly indebted High-income economies OECD members tOther 96 Spain 97 Ireland 98 lSaudi Arabia 99 ttsrael 410 1,052 123 794 26 1,080 36 548 385 28 87 246 100 New Zealand 101 tSingapore 61 443 53 320 6 307 49 265 55 136 5 55 102 Hong Kong 103 Italy 104 United Kingdom 105 Australia 106 Belgium 107 Netherlands 108 Austria 109 France 110 Gemiany, Fed. Rep. Ill Finland 112 tKuwail 113 Denmark 114 Canada 115 Sweden 116 Japan 117 tUnited Arab Emirates 118 Norway 119 United States 120 Switzerland Total reporting economies Oil exporters Nonreporting nonmembers a. Disbursements less repayments of principal may not equal net flow because of rounding. 207 Table 23. Total external public and private debt and debt service ratios Total long-term debt Total long-term debt Total interest disbursed and outstanding service as a percentage of. payments As a percentage on long-term debt Exports of goods Millions of dollars of GNP (millions of dollars) GNP and services 1970 1987 /970 1987 1970 1987 1970 1987 1970 /987 Low-income economies China and India Other low-income I Ethiopia 169 2,434 9.5 45,6 6 50 1.2 3.4 11.4 28.4 2 Bhutan . 41 . . 19.9 . . 1 . . 0.2 . 3Chad 33 270 9.9 28.1 0 3 0.9 0.7 4.2 3.9 4 Zaire 311 7,334 9.! 139.5 9 119 11 4.7 4.4 12.8 5 Bangladesh 0 8,851 0.0 50.6 0 132 0.0 1.8 0.0 24.2 6 Malawi 122 1,155 43.2 98.3 4 26 2.3 6.0 7.8 23.3 7 Nepal 3 902 0.3 32.5 0 14 0.3 1.2 3.2 9.7 8 LaoPDR 8 736 105.1 0 2 1.9 9 Mozambique . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 10 Tanzania 265 4,079 20.7 144.1 8 38 1.6 3.0 6.3 19.2 11 BurkinaFaso 21 794 6.6 44.0 0 14 0.7 1.7 6.8 12 Madagascar 89 3,114 10.4 163.2 2 83 0.8 7.7 3.7 35.3 13 Mali 238 1,847 71.4 95.7 0 13 0.2 1.7 1.4 9.9 14 Burundi 7 718 3.1 60.3 0 IS 0.3 3.6 2.3 38.5 15 Zambia 653 4,354 37.5 227.5 . . . . . . . 16 Niger . . 1.513 . . 72.6 . . 73 . . 7.2 . . 46.9 17 Uganda 138 1,116 7.3 29.7 5 24 0.5 1.9 2.9 19.5 18 China . . 23,659 . . 8.1 . . 1,069 . . 1.0 . . 7.! 19 Somalia 77 2,288 24.4 236.9 0 4 0.3 0.9 2.! 8.3 20 Togo 40 1,042 16.0 90.6 I 29 1.0 5.5 3.1 14.2 21 India 7,938 40,767 14.9 16.5 193 1,517 0.9 1.7 23.6 24.0 22 Rwanda 2 544 0.9 26.1 0 7 0.1 1.0 1.2 11.3 23 SierraLeone 59 513 14.3 54.6 3 I 3.1 0.5 10.8 24 Benin 41 929 15.1 56.5 0 IS 0.6 2.0 2.4 15.9 25 CentralAfricanRep. 24 520 13.5 49.2 1 9 1.7 2.! 5.1 12.! 26 Kenya 406 4,978 26.3 64.3 17 244 3.0 7.6 9.1 33.8 27 Sudan . . 8,248 , . 101.9 . . . . . . . 28 Pakistan 3,069 13,205 30.6 38.2 77 386 1.9 3.5 23.6 26.3 29 Haiti 40 674 10.2 30.2 0 9 1.0 1.0 59.4 7.0 30 Lesotho 8 237 7.7 37.1 0 5 0.5 2.3 4.5 4.4 3! Nigeria 567 26,057 4.3 111.3 28 569 0.7 3.9 7.! 11.7 32 Ghana 498 2,237 22.9 45.3 12 58 1.2 3.7 5.5 20.3 33 Sri Lanka . . 4,226 64.7 . . 126 5.4 . . 20.2 34 Yemen,PDR I 1,669 . . 177.5 0 15 . . 7.6 0.0 38.2 35 Mauritania 27 1,868 13.9 215.! 0 28 1.8 9.9 3.4 18.2 36 Indonesia 2,904 45,389 29.9 68.8 46 2,748 1.7 9.8 13.9 33.2 37 Liberia 158 1,152 39.2 108.4 6 6 4.3 1.0 8.! 2.5 38 Afghanistan . . . . . . . . . . . 39 Burma 106 4,257 3 69 12.1 59.3 40 Guinea 312 1,617 . . . . 4 35 4! Kampuchea,Dem. 42 VietNam Middle-income economies Lower-middle-income 43 Senegal 13! 3,109 15.5 69.2 2 116 1.1 6.4 4.0 22.3 44 Bolivia 491 4,799 49.3 115.6 7 62 2.6 3.3 12.6 22.1 45 Zimbabwe . . 2,095 . . 37.1 . . . . . . . . . 46 Philippines 1,544 23.837 21.8 69.4 44 1,497 4.3 6.9 23.0 25.7 47 YemenArabRep. . . 2,155 . . 46.6 45 . . 3.1 . . 24.8 48 Morocco 726 18,840 18.6 117.9 25 624 1.7 8.2 9.2 30.8 49 Egypt,ArabRep. . . 35,613 . . 108.7 . . 806 . . 5.3 . . 21.5 50 PapuaNewGuinea 209 2,606 33.4 91.1 10 157 4.8 17.7 24.6 37.4 51 DominicanRep. 353 3,071 26.1 66.3 13 106 2.9 4.1 15.2 52 Côte d'Ivoire 266 11,714 19.5 124.1 12 597 3.1 15.6 7.5 40.8 53 Honduras 109 2,796 15.6 73.6 4 92 1.4 6.8 5.0 26.1 54 Nicaragua 147 6,150 19.5 207.8 7 12 3.0 1.2 10.5 55 Thailand 726 17,13! 10.2 36.2 33 1,057 2.3 6.2 14.0 20.6 56 ElSalvador 176 1,667 17.3 36.0 9 76 3.1 4.2 12.0 21.0 57 Congo, People's Rep. 124 3,679 46.5 195.0 3 45 3.4 10.3 11.5 18.6 58 Jamaica 982 3,569 73.1 141.2 64 231 17.4 17.9 43.5 27.5 59 Guatemala 120 2,461 6.5 35.8 7 153 1.6 4.4 8.2 25.8 60 Cameroon 140 3,306 12.6 27.1 5 177 1.0 4.8 4.0 27.9 61 Paraguay . . 2,246 . . 49.5 . . 96 . . 5.0 . . 21.7 62 Ecuador 242 9,056 14.8 93.2 10 279 2.2 5.4 14.0 21.9 63 Botswana 17 514 21.2 38.2 0 32 0.7 5.2 1.0 3.7 64 Tunisia . . 6,415 . . 69.7 . . 340 . . 10.8 . . 29.4 65 Turkey 1,886 31,356 15.0 47.9 44 1,885 1.4 7.5 22.6 34.0 66 Colombia 1,580 15.352 22.5 45.3 59 1,177 2.8 7.6 19.0 36.3 67 Chile 2,568 18,002 32.1 103.6 104 1,420 3.9 9.9 24.5 26.4 Note: For data comparability and coverage, see the technical notes. Figures in italics are for years other than those specified. 208 Total long-term debt Total long-term debt Total interest disbursed and outstanding service usa percentage of: payments As a percentage on long-term debt Exports of goods Millions of dollars of GNP (millions of dollars) GNP and services 1970 1987 1970 1987 1970 1987 1970 1987 1970 1987 68 Peni 2,655 13,918 37.3 31.2 162 203 7.0 1.0 40.0 12.9 69 Mauritius 32 59! 14.3 34.1 2 31 1,4 4.6 3.2 6.5 70, Jordan 119 3,518 22.9 75.4 2 183 0.9 11.1 3.6 21.8 71 Costa Rica 246 3,919 25.3 95.9 14 139 5.7 5.3 19.9 14.3 72 SyrianArabRep. 233 3.648 10.8 15.3 6 112 1.7 1.5 11.3 16.5 73 Malaysia 440 21,675 10.8 74.3 25 1,461 2.0 14.3 4.5 20.0 74 Mexico 5,966 96,919 16.2 69.6 283 7,091 3.5 8.2 44.3 38.4 75 South Africa . . . . . . . 76 Poland . . 35,569 . . 55.7 . . 960 . . 3.0 14.7 77 Lebanon 64 236 4.2 1 13 0.2 Upper-middle-income 78 Brazil 5,128 106,087 12.2 33.7 224 5,834 1.6 3.0 21.8 33.2 79 Uruguay 298 3,192 12.5 44.2 17 273 2.9 5.9 23.6 25.7 80 Hungaiy . . 15,931 . . 63.5 . . 1,130 . . 12.9 . . 26.7 81 Panama 194 3,722 19.5 72.6 7 226 3.1 7.5 7.7 6.5 82 Argentina 5,17! 50,309 23.8 65.5 338 3,775 5.1 5.8 51.7 52.0 83 Yugoslavia 2,053 19,491 15.0 32.2 104 1,717 3.5 5.! 19.7 19.4 84 Algeria 937 19,240 19.3 30.5 10 1,377 0.9 7.8 3.9 49.0 85 Korea,Rep. 1,991 30,644 22.3 25.8 76 2,375 3.1 13.0 20.4 27.5 86 Gabon 9! 1,605 28.8 52.5 3 57 3.8 2.3 5.7 5.! 87 Portugal 753 15,552 12.1 44.6 34 1,232 1.9 14.3 8.7 38.9 88 Venezuela 964 32,749 7.6 67.8 53 2,518 0.9 8.5 4.3 32.4 89 Greece 1,293 18,866 12.7 40.4 63 1,260 1.6 8.2 14.7 37.8 90 TrinidadandTobago 101 1,635 13.3 39.3 6 121 2.1 9.2 4.6 91 Libya . . . . . . . . . 92 Oman 2,474 33.9 177 8.4 93 Iran, Islamic Rep. ' ' 94 Iraq . . 95 Romania . . 5,425 . . . . 503 Low- and middle-income Sub-Saharan Africa East Asia South Asia Europe, M.East, & N.Africa Latin America & Caribbean 17 highly indebted High-income economies OECD members (Other 96 Spain 97 Ireland 98 ('Saudi Arabia 99 '('Israel 2,635 22,495 47.9 67.2 34 1,864 1.7 10.4 6.8 25.3 100 New Zealand 101 tSingapore 400 4,186 20.9 20.4 23 305 4.0 4.3 3.9 2.4 102 tHong Kong 103 Italy 104 United Kingdom 105 Australia 106 Belgium 107 Netherlands 108 Austria 109 France 110 Germany, Fed. Rep. Ill Finland 112 'fKuwait 113 Denmark 114 Canada 115 Sweden 116 Japan 117 '('United Arab Emirates 118 Norway 119 United Slates 120 Switzerland Total reporting economies Oil exporters Nonreporting nonmembers Note: Public and private debt includes public, publicly guaranteed, and private nonguaranteed debt; data are shown only when they are available for all categories. 209 Table 24. External public debt and debt service ratios External public debt outstanding and disbursed Debt service as a percentage of Interest payments on Millions of As a percentage external public debt Exports of dollars of GNP (millions of dollars) GNP goods and services 1970 1987 1970 1987 1970 1987 1970 /987 1970 1987 Low-income economies . 218,245 28.4 w 16,834 2.2 w 15.7 w China and India . 60,983 11.3w 6,139 1.1 w 10.7 w Other low-income 10,422 t 157,261 15.5w 68.8 w 720 t 10,696 1 1.1 w 4.7 w 7.1w 21.9 w 1 Ethiopia 169 2,434 9.5 45.6 6 50 1.2 3.4 11.4 28.4 2 Bhutan . . 41 . . 19.9 . . I . . 0.2 3 Chad 33 270 9.9 28.1 0 3 0.9 0.7 4.2 3.9 4 Zaire 311 7,334 9.1 139.5 9 119 I.! 4.7 4.4 12.8 5 Bangladesh 0 8,851 0.0 50.6 0 132 0.0 1.8 0.0 24.2 6 Malawi 122 1,155 43.2 98.3 4 26 2.3 6.0 7.8 23.3 7 Nepal 3 902 0.3 32.5 0 14 0.3 1.2 3.2 9.7 8 La0PDR 8 736 105.1 0 2 1.9 9 Mozambique . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 10 Tanzania 250 4,068 19.5 143.7 7 37 1.3 2.9 5.3 18.5 II BurkinaFaso 21 794 6.6 44.0 0 14 0.7 1.7 6.8 12 Madagascar 89 3,114 10.4 163.2 2 83 0.8 7.7 3.7 35.3 13 Mali 238 1,847 71.4 95.7 0 13 0.2 1.7 1.4 9.9 14 Burundi 7 718 3.1 60.3 0 15 0.3 3.6 2.3 38.5 15 Zambia 623 4,354 35.7 227.5 29 56 3.7 6.7 6.4 13.5 16 Niger 32 1,259 5.0 60.4 1 60 0.4 5.1 4.0 33.5 17 Uganda 138 1,116 7.3 29..7 5 24 0.5 1.9 2.9 19.5 18 China . . 23,659 . . 8.1 . . 1,069 . . 1.0 . . 7.1 19 Somalia 77 2,288 24.4 236.9 0 4 0.3 0.9 2.1 8.3 20 Togo 40 1,042 16.0 90.6 1 29 1.0 5.5 3.1 14.2 21 India 7,838 37,325 14.7 15.1 187 1,247 0.9 1.3 22.2 18.9 22 Rwanda 2 544 0.9 26.1 0 7 0.1 1.0 1.2 11.3 23 SierraLeone 59 513 14.3 54.6 3 1 3.1 0.5 10.8 24 Benin 41 929 15.1 56.5 0 15 0.6 2.0 2.4 15.9 25 CentralAfricanRep. 24 520 13.5 49.2 1 9 1.7 2.1 5.1 12.1 26 Kenya 319 4,482 20.6 57.9 13 211 1.9 6.5 6.0 28.8 27 Sudan 307 7,876 15.2 97.3 13 18 1.7 0.6 10.7 6.8 28 Pakistan 3,064 13,150 30.6 38.0 77 381 1.9 3.4 23.5 25.9 29 Haiti 40 674 10.2 30.2 0 9 1.0 1.0 59.4 7.0 30 Lesotho 8 237 7.7 37.1 0 5 0.5 2.3 4.5 4.4 31 Nigeria 452 25,707 3.4 109.8 20 540 0.4 3.3 4.3 10.0 32 Ghana 488 2,207 22.5 44.7 12 56 1.2 3.5 5.5 19.2 33 SriLanka 317 4,109 16.1 62.9 12 120 2.1 5.2 10.9 19.2 34 Yemen, PDR I 1,669 . . 177.5 0 15 . . 7.6 0.0 38.2 35 Mauritania 27 1,868 13.9 215.1 0 28 1.8 9.9 3.4 18.2 36 Indonesia 2,443 41,284 25.2 62.6 25 2,338 0.9 8.2 7.0 27.8 37 Liberia 158 1,152 39.2 108.4 6 6 4.3 1.0 8.1 2.5 38 Afghanisean . . . . . . . . . 39 Burma 106 4,257 . . 3 69 . . 12.1 59.3 40 Guinea 312 1,617 . , 4 35 , 41 Kampuchea,Dem. 42 VietNam Middle-income economies 28,807 t 668,122 t 11.5w 44.8w 4,193 t 85.269 t 1.7w 5.7w 11.7w 23.9w Lower-middle-income 16,847 t 378,385t 13.5 w 57.5 w 2,392 t 36,189 t 1.9w 5.5 w 12.6w 21.7 w 43 Senegal 100 3,068 11.9 68.3 2 113 0.8 6.1 2.9 21.4 44 Bolivia 480 4,599 48.2 110.8 7 62 2.3 3.3 11.3 22.1 45 Zimbabwe 229 2,044 15.5 36.2 5 109 0.6 6.8 2.3 23.2 46 Philippines 625 22,321 8.8 65.0 26 1,365 1.4 6.2 7.5 23.2 47 YemenArabRep. 2,155 46.6 45 3.1 24.8 48 Morocco 711 18,468 18.2 115.6 24 618 1.6 7.9 8.7 29.9 49 Egypt, Arab Rep. 1,713 34,515 22.5 105.4 56 716 4.8 4.6 38.0 18.5 50 Pspua New Guinea 36 1,471 5.8 51.4 1 77 0.2 6.1 1.1 13.0 51 Dominican Rep. 212 2,938 15.7 63.4 4 94 0.8 3.5 4.4 52 Cole cl'Ivoire 255 8,450 18.7 89.5 12 422 2.9 7.5 7.1 19.6 53 Honduras 90 2,681 12.9 70.6 3 86 0.8 6.0 2.9 23.0 54 Nicaragua 147 6,150 19.5 207.8 7 12 3.0 1.2 10.5 55 Thailand 324 14,023 4.6 29.6 16 845 0.6 4.1 3.3 13.6 56 El Salvador 88 1,597 8.6 34.5 4 74 0.9 3.9 3.6 19.4 57 Congo,People'sRep. 124 3.679 46.5 195.0 3 45 3.4 10.3 11.5 18.6 58 Jamaica 160 3,511 11.9 138.9 9 226 1.1 17.3 2.8 26.6 59 Guatemala 106 2,345 5.7 34.1 6 145 1.4 4.2 7.4 24.9 60 Cameroon 131 2,785 11.8 22.9 4 133 0.8 2.8 3.2 15.9 61 Paraguay 112 2,218 19.2 48.8 4 94 1.8 4.9 11.7 21.3 62 Ecuador 193 9,026 11.8 92.9 7 271 1.4 5.1 8.6 20.7 63 Botswana 17 514 21.2 38.2 0 32 0.7 5.2 1.0 3.7 64 Thnisia 541 6,189 38.6 67.2 18 322 4.7 9.9 19.7 26.9 65 Turkey 1,844 30,490 14.7 46.6 42 1,835 1.4 7.0 21.9 31.7 66 Colombia 1,297 13,828 18.5 40.8 44 1,108 1.7 7.0 11.7 33.4 67 Chile 2,067 15,536 25.8 89.4 78 1,181 3.1 7.9 19.2 21.1 Note: For data comparability and coverage, see the technical notes. Figures in italics arc for years other than those specified. 210 External public debt outstanding and disbursed Debt service as a percentage of. Interest payments on Millions of As a percentage external public debt Exports of dollars of GNP (millions of dollars) GNP goods and services 1970 1987 1970 1987 1970 1987 1970 /987 1970 1987 68 Peru 856 12,485 12.0 28.0 43 198 2.0 1.0 11.6 12.5 69 Mauritius 32 545 14.3 31.4 2 30 1.4 4.3 3.2 6.1 70 Jordan 119 3,518 22.9 75.4 2 183 0.9 11.1 3.6 21.8 71 CostaRica 134 3,629 13.8 88.8 7 121 2.9 4.5 10.0 12.1 72 SyrianArabRep. 233 3,648 10.8 15.3 6 112 1.7 1.5 11.3 16.5 73 Malaysia 390 19,065 9.5 65.4 22 1,217 1.7 10.2 3.8 14.3 74 Mexico 3,196 82,771 8.7 59.5 216 5,722 1.9 6.4 23.6 30.1 75 South Africa . . .. . . 76 Poland . . 35,569 . . 55.7 . . 960 . . 3.0 14.7 77 Lebanon 64 236 4.2 . . 1 13 0.2 Upper-middle-income 12,1181 290,8901 9.6w 34.7 w 1,8191 49,091 t 1.4 w 5.8w 10.6w 25.8w 78 Brazil 3,421 91,653 8.2 29.1 135 4,714 0.9 2.4 12.5 26.7 79 Uruguay 269 3,048 11.3 42.2 16 270 2.7 5.6 21.7 24.4 80 Hungary . . 15,931 . . 63.5 . . 1,130 . . 12.9 . . 26.7 81 Panama 194 3,722 19.5 72.6 7 226 3.1 7.5 7.7 6.5 82 Argentina 1,880 47,451 8.6 61.7 121 3,387 2.1 5.1 21.6 45.3 83 Yugoslavia 1,199 14,446 8.8 23.9 73 1,122 1.8 3.5 10.0 13.3 84 Algeria 937 19,240 19.3 30.5 10 1,377 0.9 7.8 3.9 49.0 85 Korea, Rep. 1,816 24,541 20.3 20.7 71 1,844 3.0 10,4 19.5 21.9 86 Gabon 91 1,605 28.8 52.5 3 57 3.8 2.3 5.7 51 87 Portugal 485 14,922 7.8 42.8 29 1,189 1.5 13.9 6.8 37.i 88 Venezuela 728 25,245 5.7 52.3 40 1,660 0.6 5.9 2.9 22.5 89 Greece 905 17,437 8.9 37.3 41 1,142 1.0 7.4 9.4 33 9 90 TrinidadandTobago 101 1,635 13.3 39.3 6 121 2.1 9.2 4.6 91 Libya . . . . . . . 92 Oman 2,474 . . 33.9 177 . . 8.4 . 93 Iran, Islamic Rep. 94 Iraq 95 Romania 5,425 503 Low- and middle-income 47,066 t 886,367 12.7w 39.2w 5,389 102,104£ 1.5 w 4.5 w 11.2w 22.0 w Sub-Saharan Africa 5,374 t 103,874 13.1 w 80.8 w 472 t 5,235 1 1.2w 4.1 w 5.3 w 14.7 w East Asia 5,654 I 147,605 15.0w 24.9 w 566 1 27,904 t 1.5w 4.7 w 7.9 w 17.2 w South Asia 11,3271 68,696t 15.1 w 21.6 w 724 r 5,355 1.0w 1.7w 17.9 w 20.8 w Europe, M. East, & N. Africa 8,832 t 227,861 1 13.5 w 47.9 w 1,197 32,355 1.8w 6.6 w 12.3 w 26.7 w Latin America & Caribbean 15,878 1 338,331 1 10.5 w 45.5w 2,430 31,256 t 1.6w 4.2 w 13.1 w 26.5 w 17 highly indebted 17,923 t 402,171 I 9.8w 47.5 w 2,7891 36,251 I 1.5 w 4.3 w 12.4w 24.9w High-income economies . OECD members .. .. .. .. .. .. .. tOther 2,470 1 19,4841 31.3 w 34.5 w 59 t 3,0041 0.7 w 5.3 w 1.5 w 5.8 w 97 Spain 98 Ireland 99 tSaudi Arabia 100 '(Israel 2,274 16,767 41.3 50.1 13 1,372 0.7 7.3 2.8 17.8 101 New Zealand 102 '(Singapore 152 2,543 7.9 12.4 7 196 0.7 2.4 0.6 1.4 103 '(Hong Kong 104 Italy 105 United Kingdom 106 Australia 107 Belgium 108 Netherlands 109 Austria 110 France 111 Germany, Fed. Rep. 112 Finland 113 '(Kuwait 114 Denmark 115 Canada 116 Sweden 117 Japan 118 '(United Arab Emirates 119 Norway 120 United States 121 Switzerland Total reporting economies Oil exporters Nonreporting nonmembers 211 Table 25. Terms of external public borrowing Public loans with Average interest Average Average variable interest rates, Commitments rate maturity grace period as a percentage (millions of dollars) (percent) (years) (years) ofpublic debt 1970 1987 1970 1987 1970 1987 1970 1987 1970 1987 Low-income economies 31,171 t . . 5.1 w 23 w 7w 17.8 w China and India . . 17,141 t . . 6.2 w . . 19 w . 5w . . 19.0 w Other low-income 3,360 t 14,030 t 3.2 w 3.7w 29 w 29 w 9w 8w 0.2 w 17.4 w 1 Ethiopia 21 561 4.4 4.4 32 24 7 6 0.0 5.8 2 Bhutan . 13 . . 1.0 . . 40 . . 10 . . 0.0 3 Chad 10 116 5.7 1.3 8 34 1 8 0.0 0.1 4 Zaire 258 431 6.5 1.1 13 38 4 9 0.0 5.3 5 Bangladesh 0 1,009 0.0 1.1 0 42 0 10 0.0 0.0 6 Malawi 14 117 3.8 0.9 29 47 6 10 0.0 2.7 7 Nepal 17 163 2.8 0.9 27 45 6 10 0.0 0.8 8 La0PDR 12 114 3.0 0.5 28 42 4 26 0.0 0.0 9 Mozambique . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 10 Tanzania 284 201 1.2 1.2 39 32 11 10 1.6 2.5 II Burkina Faso 9 74 2.3 2.9 36 24 8 8 0.0 0.4 12 Madagascar 23 293 2.3 1.5 39 42 9 9 0.0 7.8 13 Mali 34 63 1.1 2.4 25 33 9 7 0.0 0.3 14 Burundi 1 30 2.9 2.2 5 35 2 9 0.0 0.0 15 Zambia 557 267 4.2 3.0 27 28 9 9 0.0 14.7 16 Niger 19 131 1.2 1.1 40 40 8 9 0.0 11.0 17 Uganda 12 248 3.8 2.5 28 29 7 7 0.0 0.0 18 China . . 9,210 . . 6.6 . . 15 . . 4 . . 28.2 19 Somalia 2 154 0.0 1.1 4 41 4 10 0.0 0.9 20 Togo 3 48 4.6 1.5 17 40 4 10 0.0 4.2 21 India 954 7,931 2.5 5.7 34 23 8 7 0.0 13.1 22 Rwanda 9 107 0.8 1.6 50 39 11 9 0.0 0.0 23 Sierra Leone 25 0 2.9 0.0 27 0 6 0 10.6 0.6 24 Benin 7 76 1.8 1.0 32 45 7 10 0.0 3.7 25 Central African Rep. 7 21 2.0 1.2 36 38 8 10 0.0 0.0 26 Kenya 50 286 2.6 1.4 37 37 8 10 0.1 4.0 27 Sudan 95 249 1.8 1.7 17 31 9 8 0.0 1.1 28 Pakistan 951 1,620 2.8 3.7 32 28 12 8 0.0 5.5 29 Haiti 5 182 4.8 1.4 10 37 1 9 0.0 1.3 30 Lesotho 0 42 5.0 3.1 25 29 2 7 0.0 1.2 31 Nigeria 65 78 6.0 7.2 14 18 4 5 2.7 49.5 32 Ghana 51 630 2.0 1.9 37 29 10 8 0.0 5.7 33 Sri Lanka 81 340 3.0 3.0 27 32 5 9 0.0 6.1 34 Yemen, PDR 63 209 0.0 2.7 21 25 11 8 0.0 0.0 35 Mauritania 7 124 6.0 1.0 11 45 3 10 0.0 6.7 36 Indonesia 520 5,262 2.6 6.1 35 20 9 7 0.0 26.2 37 Liberia 12 10 6.6 2.8 19 40 5 10 0.0 10.7 38 Afghanistan . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 39 Burma 48 383 4.1 1.8 16 36 5 10 0.0 0.8 40 Guinea 68 164 2.9 2.4 13 40 5 9 0.0 10.6 41 Kampuchea,Dem. 42 VietNam Middle-income economies 8,139 t 53,599 t 6.2w 7.2w 16w 13 w 4w 5w 2.8 w 53.1 w Lower-middle-income 4,2841 32,238 t 5.8 w 6.9w 18 w 15 w 5w 5w 1.5 w 46.2 w 43 Senegal 7 443 3.8 3.3 23 32 7 8 0.0 4.1 44 Bolivia 24 301 1.9 6.7 48 26 4 6 0.0 29.1 45 Zimbabwe . . 410 . . 7.6 . . 12 . . 4 0.0 26.6 46 Philippines 171 1,182 7.3 5.4 12 22 2 6 0.8 48.2 47 Yemen Arab Rep. 74 . . 2.2 29 8 3.2 48 Morocco 187 1,425 4.6 7.8 20 19 3 5 0.0 31.1 49 Egypt, Arab Rep. 704 589 5.3 5.6 21 31 8 7 0.0 2.0 50 Papua New Guinea 91 258 6.4 4.0 22 21 8 6 0.0 31.9 51 Dominican Rep. 20 172 2.4 7.3 28 19 5 4 0.0 25.8 52 Côted'Ivoire 71 490 5.8 6.6 19 18 5 6 9.1 51.4 53 Honduras 23 265 4.1 5.5 30 23 7 6 0.0 18.2 54 Nicaragua 23 350 7.1 4.1 18 17 4 4 0.0 22.1 55 Thailand 106 846 6.8 5.3 19 20 4 7 0.0 31.9 56 ElSalvador 12 221 4.7 5.1 23 26 6 7 0.0 5.7 57 Congo, People's Rep. 31 258 2.8 7.8 17 15 6 4 0.0 40.4 58 Jamaica 24 369 6.0 6.8 16 15 3 3 0.0 25.3 59 Guatemala 50 189 3.7 4.7 26 27 6 7 10.3 30.9 60 Cameroon 42 412 4.7 6.5 29 18 8 5 0.0 5.9 61 Paraguay 14 150 5.7 5.9 25 21 6 5 0.0 13.7 62 Ecuador 78 1,045 6.2 7.3 20 17 4 4 0.0 68.9 63 Botswana 38 34 0.6 5.2 39 38 10 8 0.0 12.8 64 Tunisia 144 667 3.5 7.3 27 15 6 5 0.0 16.8 65 Turkey 484 6,287 3.6 6.7 19 11 5 4 0.9 31.8 66 Colombia 363 700 6.0 8.4 21 11 5 3 0.0 40.9 67 Chile 361 1,011 6.8 7.9 12 14 4 4 0.0 79.1 Note: For data comparability and coverage, see the technical notes. Figures in italics are for years other than those specified. 212 Public loans with Average interest Average Average variable interest rates, Commitments rate maturity grace period as a percentage (millions of dollars) (percent) (years) (years) ofpublic debt 1970 /987 1970 1987 /970 1987 1970 1987 /970 1987 68 Peru 125 317 7.4 6.6 14 16 4 4 0.0 33.3 69 Mauritius 14 97 0.0 8.2 24 18 2 3 6.0 14.1 70 Jordan 35 568 3.8 7.0 15 11 5 3 0.0 22.9 71 CostaRica 58 102 5.6 6.7 28 20 6 5 7.5 53.8 72 SyrianArabRep. 14 257 4.4 6.9 9 20 2 3 0.0 0.8 73 Malaysia 84 957 6.1 6.0 19 13 5 4 0.0 49.7 74 Mexico 858 11,069 7.9 7.7 12 14 3 5 5.7 79.1 75 South Africa . . . . . . . 76 Poland . . 558 . . 6.5 . . 6 . . 3 . . 64.5 77 Lebanon 7 37 2.9 7.6 21 26 1 3 0.0 11.9 Upper-middle-income 3,8671 21,371 1 6.7w 7.6w 14w lOw 4w 4w 4.5w 61.8w 78 Brazil 1,439 2,107 6.8 8.3 14 14 3 4 11.8 67.5 79 Uruguay 71 354 7.9 8.4 12 14 3 4 0.7 68.1 80 Hungalya . 2,744 . . 7.2 . . 9 . . 6 . . 63.3 81 Panama 111 189 6.1 7.2 15 15 4 4 0.0 59.1 82 Argentina 494 3,322 7.3 8.2 12 12 3 5 0.0 84.1 83 Yugoslavia 199 214 7.1 8.4 17 14 6 3 3.3 52.9 84 Algeria 306 4,535 6.4 7.4 10 6 2 2 2.8 33.0 85 Korea, Rep. 691 1,295 5.8 7.0 19 17 6 4 1.2 30.5 86 Gabon 33 90 5.1 6.7 11 13 2 4 0.0 20.6 87 Portugal 59 2,188 4.3 7.3 17 10 4 5 0.0 42.8 88 Venezuela 198 260 7.8 8.3 8 17 2 3 2.6 89.1 89 Greece 246 2,881 7.2 7.1 9 8 4 5 3.5 56.1 90 TrinidadandTobago 3 106 7.5 6.8 10 7 I 4 0.0 34.4 91 Libya . . . . . . . . . . 92 Oman 389 . . 8.1 10 . . 4 34.8 93 Iran, Islamic Rep. . . . 94 Iraq . . . . . . . . 95 Romania 375 8.1 . . 16 5 . . 27.0 Low- and middle-income 12,453 1 84,770 I 5.1 w 6.4 w 21 w 17 w 6w 5w 1.7w 44.4 w Sub-Saharan Africa 1,8791 7,006 I 3.7w 3.4w 26 w 29 w 8w 7w 0.9 w 21.7 w East Asia 1,677 19,155 1 5.0w 6.3 w 23 w 17 w 6w 5w 0.5 w 34.0w South Asia 2,052 t 11,4671 2.7 w 4.7w 32 w 27 w 10 w 7w 0.0 w 8.6 w Europe, M.East, & N.Africa 2,461 24,232 1 5.1 w 7.1 w 18w 11w Sw 4w 1.3 w 36.8 w Latin America & Caribbean 4,383 1 22,9101 6.9w 7.6 w 14w 15 w 4w Sw 4.0 w 68.3 w 17 highly indebted 4,7841 24,346 1 6.9 w 7.7 w 14 w 15 w 4w Sw 3.9w 66.0w High-income economies OECD members tOther 507 1 1,201 I 9.6w 7.0w 14w 9w Sw 4w 0.2w 8.1w 96 Spain 97 Ireland 98 (Saudi Arabia 99 tlsrael 438 853 10.0 7,7 13 10 5 3 0.0 6.1 100 New Zealand 101 tSingapore 69 328 6.9 5.2 18 7 4 5 0.0 16.2 102 Hong Kong 103 ttaly 104 United Kingdom 105 Australia 106 Belgium 107 Netherlands 108 Austria 109 France 110 Germany, Fed. Rep. Ill Finland 112 tKuwait 113 Denmark 114 Canada 115 Sweden 116 Japan 117 tUnited Arab Emirates 118 Norway 119 United States 120 Switzerland Total reporting economies Oil exporters Nonreporting nonmembers a. Includes debt inconvertible currencies only. 213 Table 26. Population growth and projections Hypothetical Assumed size of year of Average annual growth ofpopulation stationary reaching net Population (percent) Population (millions) population reproduction momentum 1965-80 1980-87 1987-2000 1987 2000 2025a (millions) rate of 1 1990 Low-income economies 2.3w 2.0w 1.9w 2,824t 3,625t 5,161t China and India 2.2 w 1.6 w 1.5 w 1,866 t 2.279 t 2,893 Other low-income 2.6w 2.8 w 2.6w 958 t 1,346 2,268 1 Ethiopia 2.7 2.4 3.1 44 66 122 220 2040 1.9 2 Bhutan 1.6 2.0 2.4 1 2 3 5 2035 1.7 3 Chad 2.0 2.3 2.6 5 7 13 26 2045 1.8 4 Zaire 2.8 3.1 3.1 33 49 97 200 2045 1.9 5 Bangladesh 2.8 2.8 2.4 106 144 217 324 2025 1.9 6 Malawi 2.9 3.8 3.5 8 12 29 96 2060 1.9 7 Nepal 2.4 2.7 2.5 18 24 37 57 2030 1.8 8 La0PDR 1.9 2.4 2.6 4 5 8 14 2030 1.8 9 Mozambique 2.5 2.7 3.2 15 22 42 87 2045 l.9 10 Tanzania 3.3 3.5 3.4 24 37 75 155 2045 2.0 II BurkinaFaso 2.1 2.6 2.9 8 12 23 48 2045 1.8 12 Madagascar 2.5 3.3 3.0 II 16 28 49 2035 1.9 13 Mali 2.1 2.4 3.0 8 11 24 59 2050 1.8 14 Burundi 1.9 2.8 3.2 5 7 14 29 2045 1.9 15 Zambia 3.0 3.6 3.5 7 II 23 50 2045 2.0 16 Niger 2.7 3.0 3.2 7 10 22 69 2060 1.9 17 Uganda 2.9 3.1 3.3 16 24 46 97 2045 2.0 18 China 2.2 1.2 1.3 1,069 1,269 1,528 1,681 2000 1.5 19 Somalia 2.7 2.9 3.0 6 8 16 37 2050 1.9 20 logo 3.0 3.4 3.1 3 5 9 15 2035 2.0 21 India 2.3 2.1 1.8 798 1,010 1,365 1,766 2015 1.7 22 Rwanda 3.3 3.3 3.8 6 10 23 63 2055 1.9 23 Sierra Leone 2.0 2.4 2.6 4 5 10 24 2050 1.8 24 Benin 2.7 3.2 2.9 4 6 II 19 2035 2.0 25 CentralAfricanRep. 1.8 2.5 2.6 3 4 6 11 2035 1.8 26 Kenya 3.6 4.1 3.9 22 37 83 196 2050 2.1 27 Sudan 2.8 3.1 2.7 23 33 56 98 2035 1.8 28 Pakistan 3.1 3.1 3.3 102 156 286 513 2040 1.9 29 Haiti 2.0 1.8 1.9 6 8 11 16 2025 1.7 30 Lesotho 2.3 2.7 2.6 2 2 4 6 2030 1.8 31 Nigeria 2.5 3.4 3.0 107 157 286 500 2035 1.9 32 Ghana 2.2 3.4 3.0 14 20 35 60 2035 1.9 33 SriLanka 1.8 1.5 1.1 16 19 23 26 1995 1.5 34 Yemen,PDR 2.1 2.9 3.0 2 3 6 11 2035 1.9 35 Mauritania 2.3 2.7 2.7 2 3 5 12 2050 1.8 36 Indonesia 2.4 2.1 1.7 171 214 279 345 2005 1.7 37 Liberia 3.0 3.3 3.0 2 3 6 11 2035 1.9 38 Afghanistan 2.4 . . . . . . . . . . . . . 39 Burma 2.3 2.2 2.2 39 52 72 97 2015 1.8 40 Guinea 1.9 2.4 2.4 6 9 16 34 2045 1.8 41 Kampuchea, Dem. 0.3 42 VietNam 2.6 2.4 65 88 127 168 2015 1.8 Middle-income economies 2.4w 2.2w 1.9w l,038t I,329t 1,862t Lower-middle-income 2.5 w 2.3 w 2.1 w 610 t 795 t 1,145 43 Senegal 2.5 2.9 3.1 7 10 20 42 2045 1.9 44 Bolivia 2.5 2.7 2.7 7 10 16 25 2030 1.8 45 Zimbabwe 3.1 3.7 3.0 9 13 22 32 2025 2.0 46 Philippines 2.9 2.5 1.9 58 74 101 127 2010 1.8 47 YemenArabRep. 2.8 2.6 3.1 8 13 23 44 2040 1.9 48 Morocco 2.5 2.7 2.4 23 32 47 64 2020 1.8 49 Egypt, Arab Rep. 2.2 2.7 2.3 50 67 99 137 2020 1.8 50 PapuaNewGuinea 2.3 2.7 2.5 4 5 8 12 2025 1.8 51 DominicanRep. 2.7 2.4 1.8 7 9 II 14 2010 1.7 52 Côted'Ivoire 4.2 4.2 3.6 11 18 36 83 2050 1.9 53 Honduras 3.2 3.6 2.9 5 7 Il 17 2025 1.9 54 Nicaragua 3.1 3.4 3.0 4 5 9 13 2025 1.9 55 Thailand 2.9 2.0 1.5 54 65 82 98 2000 1.7 56 ElSalvador 2.7 1.2 2.1 5 6 10 15 2025 1.7 57 Congo,People'sRep. 2.7 3.3 3.6 2 3 7 17 2050 1.9 58 Jamaica 1.5 1.4 0.8 2 3 3 4 2000 1.4 59 Guatemala 2.8 2.9 2.8 8 12 20 32 2030 1.8 60 Cameroon 2.7 3.2 3.2 11 16 33 67 2045 1.9 61 Paraguay 2.8 3.2 2.7 4 6 9 12 2025 1.8 62 Ecuador 3.1 2.9 2.2 10 13 19 24 2015 1.8 63 Botswana 3.5 3.4 2.3 1 2 2 3 2010 2.0 64 Tunisia 2.1 2.6 2.1 8 10 14 17 2010 1.8 65 Turkey 2.5 2.3 1.9 53 67 90 Ill 2010 1.7 66 Colombia 2.2 1.9 1.7 29 36 48 57 2005 1.7 67 Chile 1.7 1.7 1.4 13 15 19 21 2000 1.5 Note: For data comparability and coverage, see the technical notes. Figures in italics are for years other than those upecified. 214 Hypothetical Assumed size of year of Average annual growth ofpopulation stationary reaching net Population (percent) Population (millions) population reproduction momentum 1965-80 1980-87 1987-2000 1987 2000 2025 (millions) rate of) 1990 68 Peni 2.8 2.3 2.1 20 26 36 46 2010 1.8 69 Mauritius 1.6 1.0 1.1 I 1 1 2 1985 1.6 70 Jordan 2.6 3.9 2.8 4 5 9 15 2035 1.9 71 CostaRica 2.7 2.3 2.0 3 3 4 5 2005 1.7 72 SyrianArabRep. 3.4 3.6 3.7 11 18 37 69 2040 2.0 73 Malaysia 2.5 2.7 2.2 17 22 30 37 2010 1.7 74 Mexico 3.1 2.2 1.9 82 105 141 170 2005 1.8 75 SouthAfrica 2.4 2.3 2.3 33 45 66 90 2020 1.8 76 Poland 0.8 0.8 0.5 38 40 44 47 1990 1.2 77 Lebanon 1.6 . Upper-middle-income 2.1w 1.9w 1.7w 432t 5391 726t 78 Brazil 2.4 2.2 1.8 141 178 234 280 2005 1.7 79 Uruguay 0.4 0.5 0.7 3 3 4 4 2000 1.3 80 Hungary 0.4 -0.1 -0.2 11 10 10 10 2030 1.1 81 Panama 2.6 2.2 1.5 2 3 4 4 2000 1.6 82 Argentina 1.6 1.4 1.1 31 36 43 49 2005 1.4 83 Yugoslavia 0.9 0.7 0.6 23 25 27 28 2030 1.2 84 Algeria 3.1 3.1 3.1 23 34 56 84 2025 1.9 85 Korea, Rep, 2.0 1.4 1.0 42 48 56 57 2030 1.5 86 Gabon 3.6 4.3 2.6 1 1 3 6 2045 1.7 87 Portugal 0.6 0.4 0.1 10 10 10 9 2030 1.2 88 Venezuela 3.5 2.8 2.2 18 24 34 42 2010 1.8 89 Greece 0.7 0.5 0.2 10 10 10 9 2030 1.1 90 Trinidad and Tobago 1.3 1.6 1.2 1 1 2 2 2000 1.5 91 Libya 4.3 4.3 3.5 4 6 13 24 2040 1.9 92 Oman 3.6 4.6 3.6 1 2 4 8 2045 1.8 93 Iran,IslamicRep. 3.2 3.0 3.0 47 69 113 171 2025 1.9 94 Iraq 3.4 3.6 3.4 17 26 49 83 2035 1.9 95 Rotnanja 1.1 0.4 0.5 23 24 26 29 1985 1.2 Low- and middle-income 2.3 w 2.0w 1.9w 3,862 4,954 7,023 Sub-Saharan Africa 2.7 w 3.2w 3.1 w 443 r 659 t 1,259 East Asia 2.3 w 1.5 w 1.5 w 1,513 1,825 2,261 South Asia 2.4 w 2.3 w 2.0 w 1,081 l,408t 2,004 Europe, M.East, & N.Africa 2.0 w 2.1 w 2.0 w 390 t 505 r 743 1 Latin America & Caribbean 2.5 w 2.2 w 1.8w 404 t 512 t 689 r 17 highly indebted 2.5 w 2.4w 2.1 w 582 t 759 t 1,097 High-income economies 0.9 w 0.7 w 0.5 w 777 t 830 t 883 OECD members 0.8 w 0.6 w 0.4 w 747 t 787 t 814 lOther 3.6 w 3.0 w 2.5 w 31 t 42 t 69 96 Spain 1.0 0.5 0.3 39 40 41 37 2030 1.2 97 Ireland 1.2 0.6 0.5 4 4 4 5 1990 1.3 98 Saudi Arabia 4.7 4.3 3.8 13 20 42 85 2045 1.8 99 tlsrael 2.8 1.7 1.4 4 5 7 7 2005 1.5 100 New Zealand 1.3 1.0 0.6 3 4 4 4 2030 1.3 101 tSingapore 1.6 1.1 0.8 3 3 3 3 2030 1.3 102 tHong Kong 2.0 1.6 1.0 6 6 7 7 2030 1.3 103 Italy 0.6 0.2 -0.1 57 57 53 42 2030 1.1 104 United Kingdom 0.2 0.1 0.1 57 57 57 54 2030 1.1 105 Australia 1.8 1.4 1.4 16 20 23 23 2030 1.4 106 Belgium 0.3 0.0 0.0 10 10 10 8 2030 1.1 107 Netherlands 0.9 0.5 0.3 15 15 15 13 2030 1.1 108 Austria 0.3 0.0 -0.1 8 7 7 6 2030 1.1 109 France 0.7 0.5 0.4 56 59 61 58 2030 1.1 110 Germany,Fed.Rep. 0.3 -0.1 -0.2 61 59 53 43 2030 1.0 Ill Finland 0.3 0.5 0.2 5 5 5 4 2030 1.1 112 tKuwait 7.1 4.5 3.1 2 3 4 6 2020 1.8 113 Denmark 0.5 0.0 -0.1 5 5 5 4 2030 1.0 114 Canada 1.3 1.0 0.8 26 29 31 29 2030 1.3 115 Sweden 0.5 0.1 0.0 8 8 8 8 2030 1.0 116 Japan 1.2 0.6 0.4 122 128 125 113 2030 1.1 117 tUnited Arab Emirates 15.3 5.2 2.4 1 2 3 3 2020 1.3 118 Norway 0.6 0.3 0.3 4 4 4 4 2030 1.1 119 UnitedStates 1.0 1.0 0.8 244 269 300 295 2030 1.3 120 Switzerland 0.5 0.3 -0.1 7 6 6 5 2030 1.0 Total reporting economies 2.1w 1.8w 1.7w 4,640t 5,7831 7,906t Oil exporters 2.7w 2.7w 2.4w 5781 7901 1,228 Nonreporting nonmembers 1.0 w 1.0 w 371 t 410 I 474 a. For the aasumptions used in the pmjectionu, ace the technical notes. 215 Table 27. Demography and fertifity Crude birth Crude death Percentage of rate per rate per Percentage of married women of thouoand thousand women of childbearing age population population childbearing age Totalfertility rate using contraception 1965 1987 1965 1987 1965 1987 1965 1987 2tXlO 1970 1985 Low-income economies 42w31w 16w 10w 46w SOw 6.3w 4.0w 3.3w China and India 41w 26w 14w 9w 46w 52w 6.3w 3.2w 2.5w Other low-income 46w 41w 21w 13w 46w 46w 6.4w 5.6w 4.7w 1 Ethiopia 43 48 20 18 46 46 5.8 6.5 5.7 2 2 Bhutan 42 39 23 17 48 48 6,0 5.5 5.3 3 Chad 45 44 28 20 47 46 6.0 5.9 6.0 4 Zaire 47 45 21 14 46 45 6.0 6.1 5.8 . 5 Bangladesh 47 41 21 15 44 46 6.8 5.5 4.3 25 6 Maluwi 56 53 26 20 46 44 7.8 7.6 7.6 . 7 Nepal 46 41 24 15 50 46 6.0 5.9 4.6 15 8 Lao PDR 45 42 23 16 47 47 6.2 5.7 5.0 9 Mozambique 49 45 27 17 47 46 6.8 6.3 6.1 . 10 Tanzuniu 49 50 22 14 45 43 6.6 7.0 6.0 . II Burkinu Faso 48 47 26 18 47 46 6.4 6.5 6.2 12 Madagascar 47 46 22 14 47 44 6.6 6.4 5.1 13 Mali 50 51 27 20 46 45 6.5 7.0 6.9 . . 6 14 Burundi 47 49 24 18 48 46 6.4 6.8 6.0 9 15 Zambia 49 50 20 13 45 44 6.6 6.8 6.0 . 16 Niger 48 51 29 20 43 44 6.8 7.0 7.2 17 Uganda 49 50 19 17 44 43 6.9 6.9 6.1 1 18 China 38 21 10 7 44 55 6.4 2.4 2.1 77 19 Somalia 50 49 26 19 45 44 6.7 6.8 6.5 2 20 logo 50 49 23 14 46 44 6.5 6.5 5.2 21 India 45 32 21 11 47 48 6.2 4.3 3.1 12 35 22 Rwandu 52 52 17 18 45 43 7.5 8.0 7.2 23 Sierra Leone 48 48 32 23 47 46 6.4 6.5 6.5 . . 4 24 Benin 49 48 25 16 44 44 6.8 6.5 5.2 . . 6 25 CentrulAfricunRep. 34 43 24 16 47 46 4.5 5.8 5.2 . 26 Kenya 52 52 20 11 40 40 8.0 7.7 6.5 1 17 27 Sudan 47 44 24 16 46 45 6.7 6.4 5.4 28 Pakistan 48 47 21 12 43 46 7.0 6.7 5.4 . S 11 29 Haiti 43 34 20 13 47 49 6.2 4.7 3.8 . . 5 30 Lesotho 42 41 18 13 47 45 5.8 5.8 4.5 31 Nigeria 51 47 23 15 45 43 6.9 6.5 5.4 5 32 Ghana 47 46 17 13 45 44 6.9 6.4 5.1 . 33 SriLanka 33 23 8 6 47 53 4.9 2.7 2.1 62 34 Yemen, PDR 50 48 27 16 45 46 7.0 6.7 5.4 35 Mauritania 47 48 27 19 47 45 6.5 6.5 6.5 . . 36 Indonesia 43 29 20 9 47 50 5.5 3.5 2.5 48 37 Liberia 46 45 21 13 46 44 6.3 6.5 5.2 7 38 Afghanistan 53 . . 29 . . 49 . . 7.1 . 2 39 Burma 40 32 18 10 46 49 5.8 4.3 3.3 40 Guinea 46 47 30 23 47 46 5.9 6.2 6.2 41 Kampuchea, Dem. 44 . . 20 . . 47 . . 6.3 42 VietNam 34 . . 8 47 4.4 3.1 ii Middle-income economies 38 w 30 w 13w 8w 45w 49w 5.5w 3.9w 3.1w Lower-middle-income 41 w 32 w 14w 8w 44w 49w 6.2w 4.1w 3.2w 43 Senegal 47 46 23 18 46 44 6.4 6.5 6.2 12 44 Bolivia 46 43 21 14 46 46 6.6 6.1 4.8 26 45 Zimbabwe 55 44 17 11 42 45 8.0 5.9 4.3 . . 40 46 Philippines 42 30 12 8 44 49 6.8 3.9 2.7 2 44 47 YemenArabRep. 49 48 27 16 46 44 7.0 7.0 5.7 . 48 Morocco 49 35 18 10 45 48 7.1 4.8 3.4 1 36 49 Egypt, Arab Rep. 44 36 19 10 43 47 6.8 4.8 3.6 32 50 Pupua New Guinea 43 39 20 12 47 47 6.3 5.7 4.4 . 51 DominicunRep. 47 31 14 7 43 50 7.0 3.8 2.7 . . 50 52 Côte d'Ivoire 52 51 22 15 44 44 7.4 7.4 6.4 . 53 Honduras 51 40 17 8 44 45 7.4 5.6 4.2 . . 35 54 Nicaragua 49 41 16 8 43 45 7.2 5.5 4.2 . 55 Thailand 41 25 10 7 44 53 6.3 2.8 2.2 15 65 56 ElSulvador 47 36 14 8 44 45 6.7 4.9 3.8 48 57 Congo, People's Rep. 42 47 18 11 47 43 5.7 6.5 6.3 58 Jamaica 38 26 9 6 42 50 5.4 2.9 2.1 52 59 Guatemala 47 41 17 9 44 44 6.7 5.8 4.5 . . 23 60 Cameroon 40 45 20 13 46 42 5.2 6.5 5.8 61 Paraguay 41 35 8 6 41 49 6.6 4.6 3.7 49 62 Ecuador 45 33 14 7 43 48 6.8 4.3 3.0 44 63 Botswana 53 35 19 10 45 45 6.9 5.0 3.1 . . 29 64 Tunisia 44 30 17 7 43 49 7.0 4.1 2.8 10 41 65 Turkey 41 30 15 9 44 50 5.9 3.8 2.8 . . 50 66 Colombia 45 26 14 7 43 52 6.3 3.2 2.4 . . 63 67 Chile 34 24 II 6 45 53 4.9 2.7 2.1 Note; For data comparability and coverage, see the technical notes. Figures in italics are for yeura other than those upecified. 216 Crude birth Crude death Percentage of rate per rate per Percentage of married women of thousand thousand women of childbearing age population population childbearing age Total ferttlitv rate using contraception 1965 1987 1965 1987 1965 1987 1965 1987 2000 1970 1985 68 Pens 45 31 17 9 44 49 6.7 4.! 2.9 46 69 Maurilius 36 20 8 7 45 54 5.0 2.1 2.1 78 70 Jordan 53 43 21 7 45 44 8.0 6.5 5.2 26 71 Costa Rica 45 28 8 4 42 52 6.4 3.3 2.4 66 72 Syrian Arab Rep. 48 45 16 7 41 43 7.6 6.8 5.5 73 Malaysia 41 31 12 6 43 51 6.3 3.8 2.8 7 51 74 Mexico 45 29 II 6 43 50 6.7 3.6 2.5 53 75 South Africa 40 35 16 10 46 47 6.1 4.5 3.5 76 Poland 17 16 7 10 47 48 2.5 2.2 2.1 77 Lebanon 41 13 42 6.2 55 Upper-middle-income 33w 27w 11w 8w 46w 50w 4.7w 3.5w 2.8w 78 Brazil 39 28 11 8 45 51 5.7 3.5 2.5 65 79 Uruguay 21 19 10 11 49 46 2.9 2.6 2.1 80 Hungaly 13 12 11 14 48 47 1.8 1.8 1.8 73 81 Panama 40 27 9 5 44 51 5.8 3.1 2.2 61 82 Argentina 23 21 9 9 50 47 3.1 3.0 2.3 83 Yugoslavia 21 15 9 9 50 50 2.7 2.0 2.0 59 84 Algeria 50 39 18 9 44 45 7.4 5.9 4.4 . 85 Korea,Rep. 36 20 11 6 46 55 4.9 2.l 1.9 32 70 86 Gabon 31 42 22 16 49 47 4.1 5.5 6.0 87 Portugal 23 12 10 10 48 48 3.1 1.5 1.6 88 Venezuela 42 31 8 5 44 50 6.2 3.8 2.7 89 Greece 18 12 8 10 51 47 2.3 1.7 1,7 90 TrinidadandTobago 34 26 8 7 46 53 4.4 2.8 2.1 54 91 Libya 49 44 18 9 45 44 7.3 6.9 5.6 92 Oman 50 46 24 12 46 44 7.2 7.2 5.9 93 Iran,IslamicRep. 46 41 18 9 42 47 7.1 5.6 4.4 94 Iraq 49 43 18 8 45 44 7.2 6.4 5.1 95 Romania IS 15 9 II 50 48 1.9 2.1 2.1 Low- and middle-income 41 w 30 w 15 w 10 w 46w 50 w 6.1 w 4.0 w 3.3 w Sub-Saharan Africa 48w 47w 22w 16w 45w 44w 6.6w 6.6w 5.8w East Asia 39 w 23 w 11 w 7w 45 w 54 w 6.2 w 2.7 w 2.3 w South Asia 45 w 34 w 20 w 12 w 47 w 48 w 6.3 w 4.6 w 3.5 w Europe, M.East, & N.Africa 35 w 31 w 15 w lOw 46w 47w 5.1 w 4.3 w 3.7w Latin America & Caribbean 40 w 29w 12 w 7w 45 w 50 w 5.8 w 3.6 w 2.7 w 17 highly indebted 41 w 32 w 14 w 9w 45 w 49 w 5.9 w 4.2 w 3.2 w High-income economies 19w 14w 10w 9w 47w 50w 2.8w 1.8 w 1.9w OECD members 19w 13 w 10 w 9w 47w 50w 2.7 w 1.7 w 1.7 w tOther 36w 30w 11 w 7w 45 w 48w 5.5 w 4.6w 4.1 w 96 Spain 21 12 8 9 49 48 2.9 1.6 1.6 97 Ireland 22 17 12 9 42 48 4.0 2.3 2.1 98 ISaudi Arabia 48 42 20 8 44 42 7.3 7.2 5.9 99 tlsrael 26 22 6 7 46 48 3.8 2.9 2.3 100 NewZealand 23 16 9 9 45 52 3.7 1.9 1.9 101 tSingapore 31 17 6 6 45 60 4.7 1.7 1.7 45 74 102 tHong Kong 28 16 6 6 45 55 4.7 1.8 1.8 50 72 103 Italy 19 10 10 10 48 49 2.7 1.3 1.4 104 UnitedKingdom 18 13 12 12 45 48 2.9 1.8 1.8 . 105 Australia 20 15 9 8 47 52 3.0 1.9 1.9 67 106 Belgium 17 12 12 12 44 48 2.6 1.6 1.6 8] 107 Netherlands 20 13 8 9 47 52 3.0 1.6 1.6 . . 72 108 Austria 18 II 13 12 43 48 2.7 1.5 1.5 71 109 France 18 14 11 10 43 48 2.8 1.8 1.8 . . 110 Germany,Fed.Rep. 18 10 12 12 45 49 2.5 1.4 1.4 78 Ill Finland 17 12 10 10 48 50 2.4 1.6 1.6 . . 77 112 tKuwait 47 33 8 3 46 49 7.4 4.8 3.7 . . 113 Denmark 18 II 10 12 47 50 2.6 1.5 1.6 67 114 Canada 21 15 8 8 47 53 3.1 1.7 1.7 73 115 Sweden 16 12 10 13 47 47 2.4 1.9 1.9 . . 78 116 Japan 19 11 7 7 56 50 2.0 1.7 1.7 .. 64 117 tUnited Arab Emirates 41 23 15 4 47 47 6.8 4.8 3.7 118 Norway 18 13 10 11 45 48 2.9 1.8 1.8 . . . 119 UniledStates 19 16 9 9 45 51 2.9 1.9 1.9 65 68 120 Switzerland 19 12 10 10 48 50 2.6 1.6 1.6 70 Total reporting economies 36w 28w 14w lOw 46w 50w 5.4w 3.6w 3.1w Oil exporters 45 w 36w 18 w lOw 45 w 47 w 6.4w 4.8w 3.8w Nonreporting nonmembers 20w 20w 8w lOw 47w 47w 2.7w 2.5w 2.3w a. Figuras include women whose husbands practice contraception; see the technical note. 217 Table 28. Health and nutrition Population per. Babies with low Daily calorie supply birth weights Physician Nursing person per capita 1965 1984 1965 1984 1965 1986 1985 Low-income economies 9,790 w 5,410 w 6,010 w 2,150w 1,993w 2,384w China and India 2,930 w 1,640 w 4,420 w 1,700 w 2,001 w 2,463 w Other low-income 28,190 w 13,550 w 10,170w 3,130w 1,976 w 2,227 w I Ethiopia 70,190 77,360 5,970 5,290 1,824 1,749 2 Bhutan 23,310 2,990 3 Chad 72,480 38,360 13,610 3,390 2,399 1,717 II 4 Zaire 35,130 2,187 2,163 5 Bangladesh 8,100 6,730 8,980 1,972 1,927 31 6 Malawi 47.320 11,560 3,130 2,244 2,310 10 7 Nepal 46,180 32,710 87,650 4,680 1,901 2,052 8 LaoPDR 24,320 1,360 4,880 530 1,956 2,391 39 9 Mozambique 18,000 37,950 5,370 5,760 1,979 1,595 15 10 Tanzania 21,700 2,100 1,832 2,192 14 11 BurkinaFaso 73,960 57,180 4,150 1,680 2,009 2,139 18 12 Madagascar 10,620 10,000 3,650 2,462 2,440 10 13 Mali 51,510 25,390 3,360 1,350 1,859 2,074 17 14 Burundi 55,910 21,120 7,320 3,040 2,391 2,343 14 15 Zambia 11,380 7,100 5,820 740 14 16 Niger 65,540 38,770 6,210 450 1,994 2,432 20 17 Uganda 11,110 21,900 3,130 2,060 2,360 2,344 10 18 China 1,600 1,000 3,000 1,700 1,926 2,630 6 19 Somalia 36,840 16,090 3,950 1,530 2,167 2,138 20 Toga 23.240 8,720 4,990 1,240 2,378 2,207 20 21 India 4,880 2,520 6,500 1,700 2,111 2,238 30 22 Rwanda 72,480 34,680 7,450 3,650 1,665 1,830 17 23 SierraLeone 16,840 13,630 4,470 1,090 1,837 1,855 14 24 Benin 32,390 15,940 2,540 1,750 2,009 2,184 10 25 CentralAfricanRep. 34,020 23,070 3,000 2,170 2,135 1,949 15 26 Kenya 13,280 10,100 1,930 950 2,289 2,060 13 27 Sudan 23,500 10,110 3,360 1,250 1,938 2,208 15 28 Pakistan 2,900 9,910 4,900 1,761 2,315 25 29 Haiti 14,000 7,180 12,890 2,290 2,000 1,902 17 30 Lesotho 20,060 18,610 4,700 2,065 2,303 10 31 Nigeria 29,530 7,980 6,160 1,020 2,185 2,146 25 32 Ghana 13,740 14,890 3,730 640 1,950 1,759 17 33 SriLanka 5,820 5,520 3,220 1,290 2,153 2,401 28 34 Yemen, PDR 12,870 4,340 1,850 1,060 1,982 2,299 13 35 Mauritania 36,470 12,110 . . 1,200 2,064 2,322 10 36 Indonesia 31,700 9,460 9,490 1,260 1,800 2,579 14 37 Liberia 12,360 9,240 2,290 1,360 2,154 2,381 38 Afghanistan 15,770 . 24,430 . . 2,294 39 Burma 11,860 3,740 11,370 900 1,917 2,609 16 40 Guinea 54,430 57,390 4,750 6,380 1,923 1,777 18 41 Kampuchea,Dem. 22,410 . . 3,670 . . 2,276 . 42 VietNam . . 1,000 . . 620 . . 2,297 18 Middle-income economies 4,030 w 2,390 w 2,170w 980 w 2,463 w 2,855 w Lower-middle-income 5,370 w 3,330 w 1,810w 1,070 w 2,394w 2,777w 43 Senegal 21,130 13,450 2,640 2,090 2,479 2,350 10 44 Bolivia 3,300 1,540 3,990 2,480 1,869 2,143 15 45 Zimbabwe 8,010 6,700 990 1,000 2,105 2,132 15 46 Philippines 6,700 1,130 2,740 1,924 2,372 18 47 YemenArabRep. 58,240 6,270 . 2,680 2,008 2,318 9 48 Morocco 12,120 15,610 2,290 920 2,167 2,915 9 49 Egypt, Arab Rep. 2,300 790 2,030 800 2,400 3,342 7 50 Papua New Guinea 12,640 6,160 620 890 1,905 2,205 25 51 Dominican Rep. 1,700 1,760 1,640 1,210 1,872 2,477 16 52 Côte d'Ivoire 20,640 . . 2,000 . . 2,360 2,562 14 53 Honduras 5,370 1,510 1,530 670 1,963 2,068 20 54 Nicaragua 2,560 1,500 1,390 530 2,398 2,495 15 55 Thailand 7,160 6,290 4,970 710 2,101 2,331 12 56 ElSalvador . . 2,830 1,300 930 1,859 2,160 15 57 Congo,People'sRep. 14,210 8,140 950 570 2,259 2,619 12 58 Jamaica 1,990 2,060 340 490 2,231 2,590 8 59 Guatemala 3,690 2,180 8,250 850 2,027 2,307 10 60 Cameroon 26,720 . . 5,830 . 2,079 2,028 13 61 Paraguay 1,850 1,460 1,550 1,000 2,627 2,853 6 62 Ecuador 3,000 830 2,320 620 1,940 2,058 10 63 Botswana 27,460 6,910 17,720 700 2,019 2,201 8 64 Tunisia 8,000 2,150 370 2,202 2,994 7 65 Turkey 2,900 1,380 . . 1,030 2,659 3,229 7 66 Colombia 2,500 1,190 890 630 2,174 2,543 15 67 Chile 2,120 1,230 600 370 2,592 2,579 7 Note: For data comparability and coverage, see the technical notes. Figures in italics are for years other than those specified. 218 Population per. Babies with low Daily calorie supply Physician Nursing person birth weights per capita erceflt) 1965 1984 1965 1984 1965 1986 1985 68 Pens 1,650 1,040 -- 2,325 2,246 9 69 Mauritius 3,930 1,900 2,030 580 2,272 2,748 9 70 Jordan 4,710 1,140 1,810 1,300 2,314 2,991 7 71 Costa Rica 2,010 960 630 450 2,366 2,803 9 72 SyrianArabRep. 5,400 1,260 1,440 2,195 3,260 9 73 Malaysia 6,200 1,930 1,320 1,010 2,247 2,730 9 74 Mexico 2,080 1,240 980 880 2,644 3,132 15 75 South Africa 2,050 . . 490 . 2,623 2,924 12 76 Poland 800 490 410 190 3,229 3,336 8 77 Lebanon 1,010 2,030 2,489 Upper-middle-income 2,430 w 1,170 w 2,590 w 870 w 2,556 w 2,970 w 78 Brazil 2,500 1,080 3,100 1,210 2,402 2,656 8 79 Uniguay 880 510 590 . 2,812 2,648 8 80 Hungaiy 630 310 240 170 3,171 3,569 tO 81 Panama 2,130 980 1,600 390 2,255 2,446 8 82 Argentina 600 370 610 980 3,210 3,210 6 83 Yugoslavia 1,200 550 850 260 3,289 3,563 7 84 Algeria 8,590 2,330 11,770 330 1,681 2,715 9 85 Korea, Rep. 2,680 1,170 2,970 590 2,256 2,907 9 86 Gabon 2,790 760 270 1,881 2,521 16 87 Portugal 1,240 410 1,160 . . 2,517 3,151 8 88 Venezuela 1,210 700 560 2,321 2,494 9 89 Greece 710 350 600 450 3,049 3,688 6 90 Trinidadandlobago 3,810 960 560 260 2,497 3,082 91 Libya 3,860 690 850 350 1,925 3,601 5 92 Oman 23,790 1,700 6,420 770 . . 14 93 Iran,IslamicRep. 3,800 2,690 4,170 1,050 2,204 3,313 9 94 Iraq 5,000 1,740 2,910 1,660 2,150 2,932 9 95 Rornania 760 570 400 280 2,978 3,373 6 Low- and middle-income 8,300 w 4,630 w 5,030w 1,860w 2,116w 2,509 w Sub-Saharan Africa 33,840 w 23,760 w 5,460 w 2,130w 2,096w 2,101 w East Asia 5,600w 2,400 w 4,060 w 1,560w 1,937w 2,594 w South Asia 6,220 w 3,570 w 8,380w 2,710 w 2,060 w 2,228 w Europe, M.East, & N.Africa 4,820 w 2,440 w 3,410w 1,160w 2,610 w 3,177w Latin America & Caribbean 2,370w 1,230w 2,090w 1,010w 2,457 w 2,701 w 17 highly indebted 7,930w 3,440 w 2,460 w 1,160w 2,422 w 2,635 w High-income economies 940 w 470 w 470w 130w 3,083 w 3,375 w OECD members 870 w 450 w 420w 130 w 3,100 w 3,390 w tOther 4,430 w 800 w 2,590w 260w 2,324 w 3,001 w 96 Spain 800 320 1,220 260 2,822 3,359 97 Ireland 950 680 170 140 3,546 3,632 4 98 tSaudi Arabia 9,400 690 6,060 320 1,853 3,004 6 99 tlsrael 400 350 300 110 2,784 3,061 7 100 New Zealand 820 580 570 80 3,237 3,463 5 101 tSingapore 1,900 1,310 600 . . 2,297 2,840 7 102 tHong Kong 2,520 1,070 1,250 240 2,504 2,859 4 103 Italy 1,850 230 790 . 3,091 3,523 7 104 United Kingdom 870 . 200 120 3,353 3,256 7 105 Australia 720 440 150 110 3,118 3,326 6 106 Belgium 700 330 590 110 . . 5 107 Netherlands 860 450 270 170 3,108 3,326 4 108 Austria 720 390 350 180 3,231 3,428 6 109 France 830 320 380 110 3,217 3,336 5 110 Germany,Fed.Rep. 640 380 500 230 3,102 3,528 5 111 Finland 1,300 440 180 60 3,111 3,122 4 112 tKuwait 790 640 270 200 2,945 3,021 7 113 Denmark 740 400 190 60 3,395 3,633 6 114 Canada 770 510 190 120 3,212 3,462 6 115 Sweden 910 390 310 100 2,888 3,064 4 116 Japan 970 660 410 180 2,687 2,864 5 117 jUnited Arab Emirates . 1,010 . 390 2,705 3,733 118 Norway 790 450 340 60 3,032 3,223 4 119 United States 670 470 310 70 3,224 3,645 7 120 Switzerland 710 700 270 130 3,412 3,437 5 Total reporting economies 6,650w 3,930w 4,010 w 1,570 w 2,322 w 2,655 w Oil exporters 17,940w 5,120w 5,740w 1,010w 2,128w 2,738w Nonreporting nonmembers 770 w 2,210 w 370 w 290 w 3,130 w 3,358 w 219 Table 29. Education Percentage of age group enrolled in education Primary Secondary Tertiary Total Male Female Total Male Female Total 1965 1986 1965 1986 1965 1986 /965 1986 1965 1986 1965 1986 1965 1986 Low-income economies 73w 103w 113w 92 w 20w 35w 42w 27w 2w 3w' China and India 83w 113w 124w 101w 25w 39w 47w 30w 2w 2w' Other low-income 49w 76w 60w 83w 37w 68w 9w 25w 13w 29w 5w 20w 1w 4w' 1 Ethiopia 11 36 16 44 6 28 2 /2 3 14 1 9 0 1 2 Bhutan 7 23 13 29 I 17 0 4 0 7 1 0 3 Chad 34 43 56 61 13 24 I 6 3 tO 0 2 0 4 Zaire 70 95 45 5 8 2 0 2 5 Bangladesh 49 60 67 69 31 50 13 18 23 24 3 II 1 5 6 Malawi 44 64 55 72 32 55 2 4 3 6 1 3 0 I 7 Nepal 20 79 36 104 4 47 5 25 9 35 2 11 1 5 8 Lao PDR 40 94 50 102 30 85 2 19 2 23 1 /6 0 2 9 Mozambiquc 37 82 48 92 26 73 3 7 3 9 2 5 0 0 10 Tanzania 32 69 40 70 25 69 2 3 3 4 1 3 0 0 II BurkinaFaso 12 35 16 45 8 26 I 6 2 8 1 4 0 1 12 Madagascar 65 121 70 125 59 118 8 36 10 43 5 30 I 5 13 Mali 24 22 32 27 16 16 4 7 5 9 2 4 0 1 14 Burundi 26 59 36 68 15 50 I 4 2 6 I 3 0 / 15 Zambia 53 104 59 112 46 101 7 /9 II 24 3 14 2 16 Niger 11 29 15 37 7 20 1 6 1 9 0 3 / 17 Uganda 67 83 50 4 6 2 0 1 18 China 89 129 137 120 24 42 48 35 0 2 19 Somalia 10 20 16 26 4 13 2 12 4 15 1 8 0 4 20 Togo 55 102 78 125 32 78 5 21 8 32 2 10 0 2 21 India 74 92 89 107 57 76 27 35 41 45 13 24 5 22 Rwanda 53 67 64 68 43 66 2 3 3 4 1 2 0 23 Sierra Leone 29 37 21 5 8 3 0 24 Benin 34 65 48 87 21 43 3 16 5 23 2 9 0 25 CentralAfrican Rep. 56 66 84 81 28 50 2 13 4 19 I 7 26 Kenya 54 94 69 97 40 91 4 20 6 25 2 15 0 1 27 Sudan 29 50 37 59 21 41 4 20 6 23 2 17 I 2 28 Pakistan 40 44 59 55 20 32 12 18 18 25 5 10 2 5 29 Haiti 50 78 56 83 44 72 5 18 6 19 3 17 0 I 30 Lesotho 94 /15 74 /02 114 127 4 22 4 18 4 26 0 2 31 Nigeria 32 39 24 5 7 3 0 3 32 Ghana 69 63 82 75 57 59 13 35 19 45 7 27 I 2 33 SriLanka 93 103 98 104 86 102 35 66 34 63 35 70 2 4 34 Yemen,PDR 23 35 10 II 17 5 35 Mauritania 13 46 19 57 6 35 1 15 2 21 0 8 0 36 Indonesia 72 118 79 121 65 116 12 41 18 45 7 34 1 7 37 Liberia 41 59 . . 23 5 8 3 38 Afghanistan 16 26 . 5 2 4 1 0 39 Burma 71 . . 76 . . 65 . . 15 . 20 . . II . . 40 Guinea 31 29 44 40 19 17 5 9 9 14 2 5 0 1 41 Kampuchea,Dem. 77 98 . . 56 . 9 . . 14 . 4 . . 42 VietNam 100 . 107 94 43 44 41 Middle-income economies 93w 104w 99w 108w 86w 100w 26w 54w 30w 62w 22w 56w 6w 18w Lower-middle-income 89w 104w 96w 108w 81w 100w 24w 51w 28w 57w 21w 50w 6w 17w 43 Senegal 40 55 52 66 29 45 7 13 10 18 3 9 1 2 44 Bolivia 73 87 86 93 60 82 18 37 21 40 15 34 5 19 45 Zimbabwe 110 129 128 132 92 126 6 46 8 55 5 37 0 4 46 Philippines 113 106 115 107 111 106 41 68 42 66 40 69 19 38 47 YemenArabRep. 9 79 16 125 1 31 0 15 . 26 3 48 Morocco 57 79 78 96 35 62 II 34 16 39 5 27 1 9 49 Egypt,ArabRep. 75 87 90 96 60 77 26 66 37 77 15 54 7 21 50 Papua New Guinea 44 . . 53 . . 35 . . 4 . . 6 . . 2 . . . . 2 51 DominicanRep. 87 133 87 131 87 135 12 47 11 43 12 56 2 19 52 Côted'Ivoire 60 78 80 92 41 65 6 20 10 27 2 12 0 3 53 Honduras 80 102 81 103 79 102 10 36 11 31 9 36 1 10 54 Nicaragua 69 98 68 93 69 103 14 42 15 27 13 57 2 9 55 Thailand 78 99 82 . 74 . . 14 29 16 . II . . 2 20 56 ElSalvador 82 70 85 69 79 70 17 24 18 23 17 26 2 14 57 Congo,People'sRep. 114 134 . 94 . 10 15 . 5 I 58 Jamaica 109 . . 112 . . 106 . SI . 53 . 50 3 4 59 Guatemala 50 76 55 82 45 70 8 20 10 . 7 . . 2 9 60 Cameroon 94 107 114 1/6 75 97 5 23 8 29 2 18 0 2 61 Paraguay 102 99 109 102 96 97 13 30 13 30 13 29 4 10 62 Ecuador 91 114 94 . . 88 17 55 19 . . 16 3 33 63 Botswana 65 105 59 101 71 109 3 31 5 29 3 33 . . 2 64 Tunisia 91 118 116 127 65 108 16 39 23 45 9 33 2 6 65 Turkey 101 117 118 121 83 113 16 44 22 56 9 33 4 10 66 Colombia 84 114 83 112 86 115 17 56 18 55 16 56 3 13 67 Chile 124 110 125 110 122 109 34 70 31 67 36 73 6 16 Note: For data comparability and coverage, sec thc technical notes. Figures in italics are for years other than those specified. 220 Percentage of age group enrolled in education Primary Secondan Tertiary Total Male Female Total Male Female Total 1965 1986 1965 1986 1965 1986 1965 1986 1965 1986 1965 1986 1965 /986 68 Pem 99 122 108 125 90 120 25 65 29 68 21 61 8 25 69 Mauritius 10! 106 105 105 97 106 26 51 34 53 18 49 3 1 70 Jordan 95 105 83 38 52 23 2 71 Costa Rica 106 102 107 103 105 101 24 42 23 41 25 44 6 24 72 SyrianArabRep. 78 III 103 117 52 105 28 60 43 72 13 49 8 17 73 Malaysia 90 101 96 100 84 99 28 54 34 54 22 54 2 6 74 Mexico 92 114 94 115 90 113 17 55 2! 56 13 54 4 16 75 South Africa 90 91 88 15 16 14 4 76 Poland 104 10! 106 101 102 101 69 80 70 78 69 81 18 17 77 Lebanon 106 118 . 93 26 33 . 20 14 Upper-middle-income 97 w 104 w 102 w 107 w 93 w 101 w 28 w 59 w 32 w 71 w 24 w 67 w 6w 20 w 78 Brazil 108 105 109 . . 108 . . 16 36 16 16 . 2 79 Umguay 106 110 106 111 106 109 44 71 42 . . 46 . 8 42 80 Hungary 101 98 102 97 100 98 . 70 . 70 . . 71 13 15 8! Panama 102 106 104 109 99 104 34 59 32 56 36 63 7 28 82 Argentina 101 109 101 109 102 109 28 74 26 68 31 79 14 39 83 Yugoslavia 106 95 108 95 103 94 65 82 70 84 59 80 13 19 84 Algeria 68 95 81 105 53 85 7 54 10 62 5 45 I 7 85 Korea, Rep. 10! 94 103 94 99 94 35 95 44 98 25 93 6 33 86 Gabon 134 126 146 127 122 125 11 27 16 31 5 22 . . 4 87 Portugal 84 117 84 131 83 123 42 52 49 47 34 56 5 13 88 Venezuela 94 110 93 110 94 110 27 46 27 41 28 50 7 26 89 Greece 110 106 III 106 109 106 49 88 57 89 4! 87 10 24 90 Trinidad and Tobago 93 95 97 93 90 96 36 76 39 74 34 79 2 4 91 Libya 78 . . Ill . . 44 . . 14 . . 24 . . 4 . . 1 1) 92 Oman 94 101 86 35 45 . . 25 2 93 Iran, Islamic Rep. 63 117 85 127 40 107 18 47 24 56 II 38 2 5 94 Iraq 74 99 102 107 45 91 28 52 42 65 14 39 4 95 Romania 101 97 102 98 100 97 39 79 44 74 32 76 10 11 Low- and middle-income 78 w 103 w 84w 112w 62w 94w 22 w 40 w 28 w 47 w 14 w 34 w 3w 7w Sub-Saharan Africa 41w 66 w 52w 73w 31w 58w 4w 16 w 6w 20 w 2w 12w Ow 2w East Asia 88 w 123 w 131w 117w 23 w 45 w 50 w 39 w 1w 5w South Asia 68 w 84 ss' 83w 98w 52w 69w 24 w 32 w 36 w 41w 12 w 22 w 4w 5w Europe, M.East, & N.Africa 83 w 97 w 94w 104w 71w 91w 32 w 56 w 38 w 62 w 26 w 49 w 7w 13 w Latin America & Caribbean 98 w 108 w 99w 110w 96w 108w 19w 48 w 20 w 54 w 19 w 56 w 4w 20 w 17 highly indebted 88 w 106w 91 w 109 w 84w 104 w 21 w 52 w 23 w 59 w 20 w 58 w 5w 18 w High-income economies 105 w 102 w 106 w 103 w 105 w 102 w 62 w 92 w 63 w 91 w 60 w 93 w 21 w 39 w OECD members 107 w 102 w 107 w 103 w 106 w 102 w 63 w 93 w 64 w 92 w 61 w 94 w 21 w 39 w tOther 74w 90w 80w 94w 67w 87w 27w 61w 29w 63w 24w 59w 7w 17w 96 Spain 115 101 117 104 114 103 38 98 46 95 29 10/ 6 32 97 Ireland 108 100 107 100 108 100 51 96 53 91 50 101 12 22 98 tSaudi Arabia 24 71 36 78 II 65 4 44 7 52 I 35 1 13 99 tlsrael 95 99 95 98 95 100 48 79 46 75 5! 83 20 33 100 New Zealand 106 105 107 106 104 104 75 84 76 83 74 86 15 33 101 ISingapore 105 115 110 118 100 113 45 71 49 70 41 73 10 102 tHong Kong 103 105 106 106 99 104 29 69 32 66 25 72 5 13 103 Italy 112 97 113 99 110 99 47 76 53 74 41 74 11 25 104 United Kingdom 92 106 92 105 92 106 66 85 67 83 66 87 12 22 105 Australia 99 106 99 106 99 105 62 96 63 95 6! 98 16 29 106 Belgium 109 96 110 95 108 97 75 96 77 95 72 97 15 32 107 Netherlands 104 114 104 113 104 115 61 104 64 106 57 102 17 32 108 Austria 106 100 106 100 105 100 52 79 52 78 52 80 9 28 109 France 134 112 135 113 133 111 56 95 53 92 59 99 18 30 110 Germany, Fed. Rep. 97 97 97 72 71 74 9 30 Ill Finland 92 104 95 104 89 104 76 102 72 95 80 110 II 35 112 tKuwait 116 98 129 99 103 96 52 82 59 84 43 79 . . 16 113 Denmark 98 98 97 98 99 98 83 105 98 105 67 lOS 14 29 114 Canada 105 105 106 106 104 104 56 103 57 103 55 103 26 55 115 Sweden 95 99 94 97 96 99 62 83 63 79 60 88 13 37 116 Japan 117 limited Arab Emirates 118 Norway 100 . . 97 102 100 98 . 100 97 101 99 97 100 . 98 . 102 101 97 82 . 64 . 96 59 97 82 . 66 . 95 54 95 81 . 62 . 97 66 100 13 11 0 29 8 28 119 United States . . 102 . . 103 . . 101 . . 100 . 100 . . 100 40 59 120 Switzerland 87 87 87 37 38 . . 35 8 23 Total reporting economies 82w 103w 88w 110w 70w 95w 28w 50w 35w 55w 23w 45w 7w 14w Oil exporters 68w 110w 78w 114w 59w 105w 15w 49w 20w 54w lOw 43w 2w lOw Nonreporting nonmembers 102 w 105 w 103 w . 102 w 66 w 92 w 60 w 72w . 27w 21w 221 Table 30. Income distribution and ICP estimates of GDP ICP estimates of Percentage share of household income, by percentile groups of households GDPper capita, 1985 Lowest Second Third Fourth Highest Highest (US = 100) Year 20 percent quintile quintile quintile 20 percent 10 percent Low-income economies China and India Other low-income I Ethiopia 1.6 2 Bhutan 3 Chad 4 Zaire 5 Bangladesh 1981-82 6.6 10.7 l51 22.1 45.3 29.5 6 Malawi 3.6 7 Nepal 8 LaoPDR 9 Mozambique 10 Tanzania 2.6 11 BurkinaFaso . . . . 12 Madagascar 3.9 . 13 Mali 2.4 14 Burundi . . . . . . . . . . . . . 15 Zambia 4.7 1976 3.4 7.4 11.2 16.9 61.1 46.4 16 Niger 17 Uganda 18 China 19 Somalia 20 Togo 21 India 4.7 1975-76 7.0 9.2 13.9 20.5 49.4 33.6 22 Rwanda 3.8 23 Sierra Leone 3.0 24 Benin 6.5 . . . 25 Central African Rep. . 26 Kenya 5.3 1976 2.6 6.3 11.5 19.2 60.4 45.8 27 Sudan 28 Pakistan 29 Haiti 30 Lesotho 31 Nigeria 7.2 32 Ghana 33 SriLanka 11.7 1980-81 5.8 10.1 14.1 20.3 49.8 34.7 34 Yemen, PDR 35 Mauritania 36 Indonesia 1976 6.6 7.8 12.6 23.6 49.4 34.0 37 Liberia 38 Afghanistan . 39 Burma . . . . . 0 40 Guinea 41 Kampuchea, Dem. 42 VietNam Middle-income economies Lower-middle-income 43 Senegal 7.0 . 44 Bolivia 45 Zimbabwe 9.9 . . . . 0 . . 46 Philippines 1985 5.2 8.9 13.2 20.2 52.5 37.0 47 Yemen Arab Rep. 48 Morocco 13.1 0 . . . . . . . . 49 Egypt, Arab Rep. 15.8 1974 5.8 10.7 14.7 20.8 48.0 33.2 50 Papua New Guinea 51 Dominican Rep. . . . . . . 0 . . . 52 Côted'Ivoire 10.2 1985-86 2.4 6.2 10.9 19.1 61.4 43.7 52 Honduras . 0 54 Nicaragua 0 . . . . . . . . . . . 55 Thailand 17.0 1975-76 5.6 9.6 13.9 21.1 49.8 34.1 56 El Salvador . . 1976-77 5.5 10.0 14.8 22.4 47.3 29.5 57 Congo, People's Rep. 16.4 . 58 Jamaica 59 Guatemala 60 Cameroon 14.0 61 Paraguay 62 Ecuador 63 Botswana 16.1 . 64 Tunisia 19.8 . . . . . . . . . . . . . 65 Turkey 21.8 1973 3.5 8.0 12.5 19.5 56.5 40.7 66 Colombia 67 Chile 0 Note: For data comparability and coverage, see the technical notes. Figures in italics are for years other than those specified. 222 icp estimates of Percentage share of household income, by percentile groups of householdc GDP per capita, 1985 Lowest Second Third Fourth Highest Highest (US 100) Year 20 percent quintile quintile quintile 20 percent 10 percent 68 Pent 1972 1.9 5.1 11.0 21.0 61.0 42.9 69 Mauritius 24.8 1980-81 4.0 7.5 11.0 17.0 60.5 46.7 70 Jordan 71 Costa Rica 1971 3.3 8.7 13.3 19.8 54.8 39.5 72 Syrian Arab Rep. 73 Malaysia 1973 3.5 7.7 12.4 20.3 56.1 39.8 74 Mexico 1977 2.9 7.0 12.0 20.4 57.7 40.6 75 South Africa . 76 Poland 24.5 77 Lebanon . Upper-middle-income 78 Brazil 1972 2.0 5.0 9.4 17.0 66.6 50.6 79 Uruguay . , . . . . . . . . . . . 80 Hungary 31.2 1982 6.9 13.6 19.2 24.5 35.8 20.5 81Panama 1973 2.0 5.2 11.0 20 61.8 44.2 82 Argentina 1970 4.4 9.7 14.1 21.5 50.3 35.2 83 Yugoslavia 29.2 1978 6.6 12.1 18.7 23.9 38.7 22.9 84 Algeria . . . . . . . . . . , . . 85 Korea,Rep. 24.3 1976 5.7 11.2 15.4 22.4 45.3 27.5 86 Gabon . . . . . . . . . . . 87 Portugal 33.8 1973-74 5.2 10.0 14.4 21.3 49.1 33.4 88 Venezuela . . 1970 3.0 7.3 12.9 22.8 54.0 35.7 89 Greece 35.5 . . . . . 90 TrinidadandTobago 1975-76 4.2 9.1 13.9 22.8 50.0 31.8 91 Libya . . . 92 Oman 93 Iran, Islamic Rep. 28.3 94 Iraq 95 Romania Low- and middle-income Sub-Saharan Africa East Asia South Asia Europe, M.East, & N.Africa Latin America & Caribbean 17 highly indebted High-income economies OECD members tOther 96 Spain 46.0 1980-81 6.9 12.5 17.3 23.2 40.0 24.5 97 Ireland 40.9 1973 7.2 13.1 16.6 23.7 39.4 25.1 98 tSaudi Arabia . . . . . . . . . . . 99 tlsrael . . 1979-80 6.0 12.0 17.7 24.4 39.9 22.6 100 New Zealand 60.9 1981-82 5.1 10.8 16.2 23.2 44.7 28.7 101 tSingapore . . . . . . . . . . . . . 102 tHongKong 60.4 1980 5.4 10.8 15.2 21.6 47.0 31.3 103 Italy 65.6 1977 6.2 11.3 15.9 22.7 43.9 28.1 104 UnitedKingdom 66.1 1979 7.0 11.5 17.0 24.8 39.7 23.4 105 Australia 71.1 1975-76 5.4 10.0 15.0 22.5 47.1 30.5 106 Belgium 64.7 1978-79 7.9 13.7 18.6 23.8 36.0 21.5 107 Netherlands 68.2 1981 8.3 14.1 18.2 23.2 36.2 21.5 108 Austria 66.1 . . . . . . . . 109 France 69.3 1975 5.5 11.5 17.1 23.7 42.2 26.4 110 Geimany, Fed. Rep. 73.8 1978 7.9 12.5 17.0 23.1 39.5 24.0 Ill Finland 69.5 1981 6.3 12.1 18.4 25.5 37.6 21.7 112 IKuwait . . . . . . . . . . . . 113 Denmark 74.2 1981 5.4 12.0 18.4 25.6 38.6 22.3 114 Canada 92.5 1981 5.3 11.8 18.0 24.9 40 23.8 115 Sweden 76.9 1981 7.4 13.1 16.8 21.0 41.7 28.1 116 Japan 71.5 1979 8.7 13.2 17.5 23.1 37.5 22.4 117 fUnited Arab Emirates . . . . . . . . . . . . 118 Norway 84.4 1982 6.0 12.9 18.3 24.6 38.2 22.8 119 United States 100.0 1980 5.3 11.9 17.9 25.0 39.9 23.3 120 Switzerland 1978 6.6 13.5 18.5 23.4 38.0 23.7 Total reporting economies Oil exporters Nonreporting nonmembers Note: ICP refers to the UN's International Comparison Program. Data are preliminary Phase V results; see the technical notes for details. All estimates in this table should be treated with caution. 223 Table 31. Urbanization Urban population Number of As percentage Average annual Percentage of urban population cities of of total growth rate In cities of over over 500,000 population (percent) In largest city 500 000 persons persons 1965 1987 1965-80 1980-87 19(1) 1980 1960 1980 1960 1980 Low-income economies 17w 30w 3.5 w 8.8w 11 w 13w 30w 43w 59 t 165 Chinaandlndia 18w 33w 3.0w 10.1w 6w 6w 36w 43w 49t 114t Other low-income 14w 24w 4.8 w 5.6w 24w 29w 17w 43w lOt Sit 1 Ethiopia 8 12 4.9 4.6 30 37 0 37 0 1 2 Bhutan 3 5 3.9 4.9 . . 0 0 0 0 3 Chad 9 30 7.8 7.8 . . 39 0 0 0 0 4 Zaire 26 38 4.5 4.6 14 28 14 38 1 2 5 Bangladesh 6 13 6.4 5.8 20 30 20 51 1 3 6 Malawi 5 13 7.5 8.6 . . 19 0 0 0 0 7 Nepal 4 9 6.4 7.8 41 27 0 0 0 0 8 LaoPDR 8 17 5.2 6.1 69 48 0 0 0 0 9 Mozambique 5 23 9.4 10.7 75 83 0 83 0 1 10 Tanzania 5 29 10.8 11.3 34 50 0 50 0 1 11 BurkinaFaso 5 8 4.1 5.3 . . 41 0 0 0 0 12 Madagascar 12 23 5.4 6.4 44 36 0 36 0 1 13 Mali 13 19 4.3 3.4 32 24 0 0 0 0 14 Bunindi 2 7 6.0 9.2 . . 0 0 0 0 15 Zambia 23 53 7.2 6.6 . . 35 0 35 0 1 16 Niger 7 18 7.0 7.5 . . 31 0 0 0 0 17 Uganda 7 10 5.0 5.0 38 52 0 52 0 1 18 China 18 38 2.3 11.0 6 6 42 45 38 78 19 Somalia 20 36 5.5 5.5 34 0 0 0 0 20 Togo 11 24 6.6 6.9 60 0 0 0 0 21 India 19 27 3.9 4.1 7 6 26 39 11 36 22 Rwanda 3 7 7.5 8.1 . . . . 0 0 0 0 23 SierraLeone 15 26 4.3 5.0 37 47 0 0 0 0 24 Benin II 39 9.0 7.9 . . 63 0 63 0 1 25 CentralAfricanRep. 27 45 4.3 4.7 40 36 0 0 0 0 26 Kenya 9 22 8.0 8.6 40 57 0 57 0 I 27 Sudan 13 21 5.7 4.2 30 31 0 31 0 1 28 Pakistan 24 31 4.3 4.5 20 21 33 51 2 7 29 Haiti 18 29 4.2 4.1 42 56 0 56 0 1 30 Lesotho 6 19 7.8 7.2 0 0 0 0 31 Nigeria 17 33 5.7 6.3 13 17 22 58 2 9 32 Ghana 26 32 3.2 4.1 25 35 0 48 0 2 33 SriLanka 20 21 2.3 1.2 28 16 0 16 0 1 34 Yemen,PDR 30 42 3.5 4.6 61 49 0 0 0 0 35 Mauritania 10 38 9.2 7.9 . . 39 0 0 0 0 36 Indonesia 16 27 4.8 5.0 20 23 34 50 3 9 37 Liberia 22 42 6.2 5.9 . . . . 0 0 0 0 38 Afghanistan 9 . . 6.0 . . 33 17 0 17 0 1 39 Burma 21 24 3.2 2.3 23 23 23 23 1 2 40 Guinea 12 24 5.3 5.7 37 80 0 80 0 1 41 Kampuchea,Dem. 11 . . -0.5 . . . . . . . . . 42 VietNam .. 21 . . 3,9 21 50 4 Middle-income economies 42 w 57 w 3.9w 3.4w 29w 31w 34w 47w Sit 112t Lower-middle-income 39 w 51 w 3.8w 3.5w 31w 34w 32w 46w 29t 61t 43 Senegal 33 37 2.9 3.8 53 65 0 65 0 1 44 Bolivia 40 50 3.1 4.4 47 44 0 44 0 1 45 Zimbabwe 14 26 6.0 6.3 40 50 0 50 0 1 46 Philippines 32 41 4.2 3.8 27 30 27 34 1 2 47 YemenArabRep. 5 23 10.1 8.4 . . 25 0 0 0 0 48 Momcco 32 47 4.3 4.5 16 26 16 50 1 4 49 Egypt,ArabRep. 41 48 2.9 3.7 38 39 53 53 2 2 50 PapuaNewGuinea 5 15 8.1 4.8 . . 25 0 0 0 0 51 Dominican Rep. 35 58 5.2 4.4 50 54 0 54 0 1 52 Côted'Ivoire 23 44 7.5 6.9 27 34 0 34 0 1 53 Honduras 26 42 5.5 5.8 31 33 0 0 0 0 54 Nicaragua 43 58 4.7 4.7 41 47 0 47 0 1 55 Thailand 13 21 5.1 4.9 65 69 65 69 1 56 El Salvador 39 44 3.2 1.9 26 22 0 0 0 0 57 Congo, People's Rep. 34 41 3.4 4.6 77 56 0 0 0 0 58 Jamaica 38 51 2.9 2.6 77 66 0 66 0 1 59 Guatemala 34 33 2.7 2.9 41 36 41 36 1 60 Camemon 16 46 8.1 7.4 26 21 0 21 0 1 61 Paraguay 36 46 3.8 4.6 44 44 0 44 0 1 62 Ecuador 37 55 4.7 5.0 31 29 0 51 0 2 63 Botswana 4 21 12.4 8.1 . . . . . . . . . . 64 Tunisia 40 54 4.0 2.9 40 30 40 30 1 1 65 Turkey 34 47 4.2 3.4 18 24 32 42 3 4 66 Colombia 54 69 3.4 2.9 17 26 28 51 3 4 67 Chile 72 85 2.6 2.3 38 44 38 44 1 1 Note: For data comparability and coverage, see the technical notes. Figures in italics are for years other than those specified 224 Urban population Number of As percentage Percentage of urban population Average annual cities of of iota! growth rate In cities of over over 500,000 population (percent) In largest city 500 0(X) persons persons 1965 1987 1965-80 1980-87 1960 1980 1960 1980 1960 1980 68 Pens 52 69 4.3 3.2 38 39 38 44 I 2 69 Mauritius 37 42 2.5 0.8 . . . . . . . . 70 Jonlan 46 66 4.4 5.3 31 37 0 37 0 1 71 CostaRica 38 45 4.0 1.8 67 64 0 64 0 1 72 SyrianArabRep. 40 51 4.6 4.5 35 33 35 55 1 2 73 Malaysia 26 40 4.5 5.0 19 27 0 27 0 1 74 Mexico 55 71 4.4 3.2 28 32 36 48 3 7 75 SouthAfrica 47 57 3.3 3.3 16 13 44 53 4 7 76 Poland 50 61 1.9 1.5 17 15 41 47 5 8 77 Lebanon 50 4.5 . . 64 79 64 79 1 Upper-middle-income 46w 66w 3.9w 3.2w 27w 27w 36w 49w 22t 511 78 Brazil 50 75 4,5 3,7 14 15 35 52 6 14 79 Uruguay 81 85 0.6 0.7 56 52 56 52 1 80 Hungary 43 59 2.0 1.4 45 37 45 37 1 1 81 Panama 44 54 3.5 3.0 61 66 0 66 0 1 82 Argentina 76 85 2.2 1.9 46 45 54 60 3 5 83 Yugoslavia 31 48 3.0 2.6 11 10 11 23 1 3 84 Algeria 38 44 3.7 3.9 27 12 27 12 I 85 Korea,Rep. 32 69 5.8 4.2 35 41 61 77 3 7 86 Gabon 21 43 6.7 6.7 . . . . . . . . . 87 Portugal 24 32 1.9 1.6 47 44 47 44 1 88 Venezuela 70 83 4.8 2.6 26 26 26 44 1 4 89 Greece 48 61 2.0 1.4 51 57 51 70 1 2 90 Trinidadandlobago 30 67 5.7 3.9 . . . 0 0 0 0 91 Libya 26 67 9.8 7.0 57 64 0 64 0 1 92 Oman 4 10 7.4 8.8 93 Iran, IslamicRep. 37 53 5.2 4.2 26 28 26 47 I 6 94 Iraq 51 72 5.3 4.9 35 55 35 70 1 3 95 Romania 38 49 3.0 0.3 22 17 22 17 1 Low- and middle-income 24 w 37 w 3.7w 6.3 w 16w 18w 31 w 44w 1101 277 t Sub-Saharan Africa 14 w 27 w 5.5 w 6.9 w 28 w 36 w 7w 41 w 3t 27 1 East Asia 19 w 37 w 3.1 w 11.0w 11 w 13 w 41 w 47 w 46 1 102 1 South Asia 18 w 25 w 4.0 w 4.1 w 11w 11 w 25 w 40 w 15 I 49 1 Europe, M.East, & N.Africa 37 w 50 w 3.5 w 3.2 w 28 w 28 w 31 w 40 w 22 t 43 t Latin America & Caribbean 53 w 70 w 3.9w 3.2w 27 w 29 w 32 w 49 w 20 t 49 r 17 highly indebted 44w 60w 4.0w 3.8w 23w 25w 29w 49w 241 62t High-income economies 71 w 77 w 1.4 w 0.9 w 19 w 19 w 47 w 55 w 107 I 157 1 OECD members 72 w 77 w 1.3 w 0.8 w 18 w 18 w 47 w 55 w 104 1 152 1 fOther 69w 83 w 4.6 w 3.6 w 58 w 49 w 51 w 54 w 31 5t 96 Spain 61 77 2.2 1.4 13 17 37 44 5 6 97 Ireland 49 58 2.1 1.3 51 48 51 48 I 98 tSaudi Arabia 39 75 8.5 6.0 15 18 0 33 0 2 99 j'Israel 81 91 3.5 2.1 46 35 46 35 I 100 NewZealand 79 84 1.6 1.1 25 30 0 30 0 1 101 tSingapore 100 100 1.6 1.1 100 100 100 100 1 102 tHong Kong 89 93 2.1 1.7 100 100 100 100 1 103 Italy 62 68 1.1 0.6 13 17 46 52 7 9 104 United Kingdom 87 92 0.5 0.3 24 20 61 55 15 17 105 Australia 83 86 2.0 1.3 26 24 62 68 4 5 106 Belgium 93 97 0.4 0.2 17 14 28 24 2 2 107 Netherlands 86 88 1.2 0.5 9 9 27 24 3 3 108 Austria 51 57 0.8 0.6 51 39 51 39 1 109 France 67 74 1.2 0.6 25 23 34 34 4 6 110 Gemsany,Fed. Rep. 79 86 0.7 0.1 20 18 48 45 11 II 111 Finland 44 60 2.3 0.5 28 27 0 27 0 1 112 tKuwait 78 95 8.3 5.2 75 30 0 0 0 0 113 Denmark 77 86 1.1 0.3 40 32 40 32 1 114 Canada 73 76 1.5 1.1 14 18 31 62 2 9 115 Sweden 77 84 0.9 0.2 15 15 15 35 I 3 116 Japan 67 77 2.1 0.8 18 22 35 42 5 9 117 tUnited Arab Emirates 41 78 17.5 4.5 . . . . . . , . . 118 Norway 48 74 3.0 1.0 50 32 50 32 I 119 UnitedStates 72 74 1.2 1.0 13 12 61 77 40 65 120 Switzerland 53 61 1.0 1.3 19 22 19 22 1 Total reporting economies 34 w 44w 2.7 w 4.5 w 17 w 18 w 35w 46w 2I7t 434t Oil exporters 30 w 46 w 4.7 w 4.7 w 24 w 26w 31w 49w 161 501 Nonreportingnonmembers 52w 66w 2.2w 1.7w 9w 8w 20w 31 w 31! 591 225 Table 32. Women in development Health and welfare Population: Life expectancy Births Maternal Infant &lucation: females per 100 males at birth (years) attended by mortality mortality females per 100 males health staff (per 100000 (per 1,000 Total Age 0-4 Female Male (percent) live births) live births) Primary Secondary 1965 1985 1965 1985 1965 1987 1965 1987 1985 1980 1965 1987 1965 1986 1970 1986 Low-income economies 96 w 96 w 96 w 94 w 49 w 62 w 47 w 60 w 124 w 76 w 75 w 60 w Chinaandlndia 94w 94w 94w 94w 51w 65w 48w 64w 114w 62w 74w .. 60w Other low-income 100 w 100w 99w 97w 45 w 55 w 43 w 53 w 149w 103 w 49w 75 w 45 w 59w 1 Ethiopia 101 101 98 100 43 49 42 45 58 2,000b 166 154 38 63 32 64 2 Bhutan 98 94 95 94 40 47 41 49 3 173 128 54 31 3 Chad 104 103 100 100 38 47 35 44 700 184 132 39 9 18 4 Zaire 107 103 97 99 45 54 42 51 800b 142 98 48 75 26 40 5 Bangladesh 92 94 98 94 44 50 45 51 600 145 119 44 66 45 6 Malawi 108 104 105 98 40 48 38 44 59 250 201 150 78 39 51 7 Nepal 98 95 100 94 40 50 41 52 10 850 173 128 41 16 30 8 Lao PDR 98 99 98 98 50 47 110 59 81 34 73 9 Mozambique 104 103 100 100 39 50 36 47 28 479" 180 141 78 53 10 Tanzania 104 103 101 99 44 55 41 51 74 370b 38 139 106 60 100 62 11 BurkinaFaso 103 102 100 100 40 49 37 46 600 195 138 48 59 33 47 12 Madagascar 103 102 102 99 44 55 41 52 62 300 203 120 83 70 74 13 Mali 108 107 108 100 39 49 37 46 27 207 169 49 59 29 43 14 Bunindi 108 105 103 99 45 51 42 47 12 143 112 42 75 17 52 15 Zambia 102 103 98 98 46 55 42 51 110 123 80 78 90 49 58 16 Niger 103 102 98 100 38 46 35 43 47 0b 181 135 46 56 35 39 17 Uganda 102 102 100 99 47 50 43 47 300 122 103 82 31 54 18 China 94 94 95 93 59 71 55 68 44 90 32 82 69 19 Somalia 102 110 101 100 40 49 36 45 2 1,100 166 132 27 52 27 58 20 Togo 104 103 100 99 43 55 40 51 15 476b 156 94 42 62 26 31 21 India 94 93 94 94 44 58 46 58 33 500 151 99 57 64 40 48 22 Rwanda 103 102 101 100 51 50 47 47 . 210 141 122 69 97 44 29 23 SierraLeone 104 104 101 100 34 42 31 40 25 450 210 151 55 40 24 Benin 104 104 104 100 43 52 41 49 34 1,680" 168 116 44 50 44 41 25 CentralAfrican Rep. 109 106 105 100 41 52 40 48 600 169 132 34 62 20 39 26 Kenya 100 100 99 98 49 60 45 56 . 510" 113 72 57 93 42 62 27 Sudan 100 99 98 97 41 51 39 49 20 607" 161 108 55 68 40 76 28 Pakistan 93 91 96 95 44 54 47 55 24 600 150 109 31 50 25 38 29 Haiti 105 104 98 98 46 56 44 53 20 340 180 117 . . 87 . . 88 30 Lesotho 111 108 102 102 50 57 47 54 28 143 100 157 125 111 150 31 Nigeria 103 102 100 99 43 53 40 49 . . 1,500 179 105 63 79 51 32 Ghana 102 102 100 99 49 56 46 52 73 1070b 121 90 71 77 36 62 33 SriLanka 93 98 97 96 64 73 63 68 87 90 63 33 86 93 101 109 34 Yemen,PDR 98 103 97 97 40 52 39 49 10 100 197 120 . . 36 25 48 35 Mauritania 103 103 101 100 39 48 35 44 23 119 180 127 31 66 13 41 36 Indonesia 102 101 101 97 45 62 43 58 43 800 129 71 . 93 64 73 37 Liberia 99 97 100 99 45 56 42 53 173 139 87 30 38 Afghanistan 95 . . 96 . . 35 . . 35 . . . . 640 207 . 17 50 16 49 39 Burma 100 101 98 97 49 62 46 58 140 125 70 65 40 Guinea 101 102 101 100 36 44 34 41 . . 197 147 . 44 30 33 41 Kampuchea 100 . . 98 . . 46 . . 43 . . . S . . 135 . . 56 . . . 42 VietNam . . 105 . . 97 . . 68 64 100 110 . . 46 . . 91 . . 90 Middle-income economies 100 w 100 w 97 w 96 w 59 w 67 w 55 w 62 w 99 w 56 w 78 w 88 w 88 w 96 w Lower-middle-income 100 w 100w 97 w 96 w 57 w 66 w 53 w 61 w 108 w 61 w 76 w 88 w 83 w 99w 43 Senegal 102 102 101 100 42 49 40 46 . . 530 172 128 57 68 39 50 44 Bolivia 102 103 99 98 46 55 42 51 36 480 161 110 68 88 64 86 45 Zimbabwe 101 102 100 100 49 60 46 56 69 150" 104 72 . . 95 63 68 46 Philippines 99 99 97 95 57 65 54 62 . . 80 73 45 94 94 . . 99 47 YemenArabRep. 97 111 97 97 40 52 39 50 12 . . 197 116 5 27 3 12 48 Monicco 100 100 98 96 51 63 48 59 327b 147 82 42 62 40 67 49 Egypt, Arab Rep. 98 97 95 95 50 62 47 59 24 500 173 85 64 77 45 50 PapuaNewGuinea 91 92 94 95 44 55 44 53 34 1,000 143 62 61 . . . 51 Dominican Rep. 97 97 97 97 57 68 54 64 57 56 III 65 . . 96 . . 122 52 Côted'Ivoire 100 97 100 99 43 54 40 SI 20 150 96 51 70 27 41 53 Honduras 99 98 97 96 51 66 48 62 50 82 130 69 . . 100 . 54 Nicaragua 101 100 98 96 51 65 49 62 . . 65 123 62 99 107 . . 172 55 Thailand 100 99 96 96 58 66 53 63 33 270 90 39 89 . . 69 56 ElSalvador 99 103 97 96 56 67 52 58 35 74 122 59 91 99 77 94 57 Congo,PeoplesRep. 104 103 101 99 51 61 48 57 121 73 71 90 43 75 58 Jamaica 109 102 100 97 67 77 63 71 89 100 50 18 . . 97 111 105 59 Guatemala 97 98 97 96 50 64 48 60 19 110 114 59 80 82 82 60 Cameroon 105 103 100 99 47 58 44 54 . . 303 145 94 66 84 36 62 61 Paraguay 100 98 96 96 67 69 63 65 22 469 74 42 88 92 91 98 62 Ecuador 100 99 97 97 57 68 54 63 27 220 113 63 91 97 76 100 63 Botswana 122 110 103 100 49 62 56 46 52 300 113 67 129 108 . . Ill 64 Tunisia 96 98 96 51 95 66 65 50 60 l,000c 147 59 52 80 44 71 65 Turkey 96 94 97 55 97 52 66 63 78 207 165 76 66 89 37 59 66 Colombia 101 99 97 59 97 53 68 64 51 130 99 46 102 100 95 100 67 Chile 102 103 98 62 97 56 75 68 55 103 20 96 95 130 108 Note: For data comparability and coverage, see the technical notes. Figures in italics are for years other than those specified. 226 Health and welfare Births Maternal Infant Population: Life expectancy &Jucation. females per 100 males at birth (years) attended by mortality mortality females per 100 males health staff (per 100,000 (per 1,000 Total Age 0-4 Female Male (percent) live births) live births) Primary Secondary 1965 1985 1965 1985 1965 1987 1965 1987 1985 1980 1965 1987 1965 1986 1970 1986 68 Peni 98 98 97 96 52 63 49 60 55 310 131 88 82 93 74 88 69 Mauritius 100 102 96 97 63 70 59 63 90 99 64 23 90 97 66 90 70 Jordan 94 94 96 96 51 68 49 64 75 114 44 72 91 53 96 71 CostaRica 98 98 97 96 66 76 63 71 93 26 72 18 94 111 106 72 SyrianArab Rep. 95 97 94 97 54 67 51 63 37 280 116 48 47 86 36 69 73 Malaysia 97 99 96 95 59 72 56 68 82 59 57 24 94 98 74 Mexico 100 100 96 96 61 72 58 65 92 82 47 95 88 SouthAfrica 100 98 53 64 49 55Qc 75 101 96 58 125 72 76 Poland 106 105 95 95 72 76 66 68 12 42 18 . 94 251 265 77 Lebanon 99 . 96 . . 64 . . 60 . 57 . . 77 Upper-middle-income 101 w 100 w 96 w 96 w 61 w 69 w 58 w 64 w 88 w 50 w 82 w 92 w 78 Bmzil 100 100 98 98 59 68 55 62 73 150 105 63 . . 99 79 Umguay 100 103 96 97 72 74 64 68 . . 56 48 27 . . 95 129 80 Hungary 107 107 94 96 72 74 67 67 99 28 39 17 94 95 202 187 81 Panama 96 96 96 96 64 74 62 70 83 90 58 23 93 92 102 109 82 Argentina 98 102 97 97 69 74 63 67 85 58 32 97 156 83 Yugoslavia 104 102 95 94 68 75 64 68 27 72 25 91 93 86 92 84 Algeria 99 101 97 95 51 64 49 61 . 129 155 74 62 79 40 72 85 Korea, Rep. 100 100 93 93 58 73 55 66 65 34 64 25 91 94 65 88 86 Gabon 104 104 100 100 44 54 41 51 . 124" 155 103 84 99 43 81 87 Portugal 110 107 95 94 69 77 63 70 15 65 16 95 91 98 116 88 Venezuela 97 98 96 96 64 73 60 67 82 65 67 36 98 96 102 119 89 Greece 106 103 94 93 72 79 69 74 . . 12 34 13 92 94 91 102 90 Trinidadandlobago 101 100 97 97 67 73 63 67 90 81 43 20 97 99 113 101 91 Libya 93 90 97 96 51 63 48 59 76 80 140 82 39 . . 21 92 Oman 98 89 97 97 44 57 42 54 60 197 100 . . 82 38 58 93 Iran, Islamic Rep. 99 97 99 94 52 64 52 62 . . 154 65 46 78 49 67 94 Iraq 97 96 96 95 52 65 51 63 50 . . 121 69 42 81 41 59 95 Ronsania 104 103 95 95 70 73 66 68 180 44 25 94 Low- and middle-income 97 w 97 w 96 w 95 w 52 w 63 w 49 w 61 w 118w 71w 77w .. 67w Sub-Saharan Africa 103 w 102 w 100 w 99 w 44 w 52 w 41 w 49 w 160 w 115 w 56 w 76 w 40 w 56 w East Asia 96 w 96 w 95 w 94 w 54 w 69 w 50 w 66 w 93w 40w 85w .. 72w South Asia 94 w 94 w 95 w 94 w 45 w 57 w 46 w 57 w 147 w 102 w 54w 63 w 40w 47w Europe, M.East, & N.Africa 101 w 99w 96 w 95 w Latin America & Caribbean 100 w 100 w 97 w 97 w 59 w 66 w 60 w 69 w 56 w 62w 56 w 63 w 115w 65w 95w 56w .... 65w 80w 81w 97w 103w 17 highly indebted 100 w 100 w 98 w 97 w 57 w 65 w 53 w 60 w 107 w 64 w 80 w 88 w 87 w 92 w High-income economies 104 w 104 w 96 w 95 w 74 w 79 w 67 w 73 w 25 w 10 w 94 w . . 99 w OECD members 104 w 105 w 96 w 95 w 74 w 79 w 68 w 73 w 24 w 9w 95 w .. 99 w tOther 95 w 87 w 96 w 95 w 63 w 72 w 59 w 65 w 72 w 38 w 88 w 68 w 92 w 96 Spain 106 104 96 94 74 80 68 74 96 10 38 10 93 94 . . 102 97 Ireland 99 99 96 94 73 76 69 71 . . 7 25 7 . . 95 . . 101 98 tSaudi Arabia 96 84 97 97 49 65 47 62 78 52 150 71 29 80 16 70 99 tlsrael 98 100 95 94 73 77 70 74 99 5 27 12 . . 97 133 122 100 New Zealand 99 102 95 95 74 78 68 72 99 14 20 11 94 95 . . 98 101 tSingapore 94 96 95 93 68 76 63 70 100 11 26 9 85 89 103 102 102 tHongKong 97 95 95 92 71 79 64 73 4 28 8 . 91 74 105 103 Italy 104 106 95 95 73 80 68 74 . 13 36 10 93 95 86 95 104 United Kingdom 106 105 95 95 74 78 68 72 98 7 20 9 . 105 Australia 98 100 95 95 74 80 68 73 99 11 19 10 95 94 . . 98 106 Belgium 104 105 95 95 74 78 68 72 100 10 24 10 94 96 . . 96 107 Netherlands 100 102 95 96 76 80 71 74 5 14 8 95 98 91 112 108 Austria 114 110 96 94 73 78 66 71 11 28 10 95 94 95 93 109 France 105 105 96 95 75 80 68 74 . . 13 22 8 95 94 . . 110 110 Germany,Fed.Rep. 111 109 95 95 73 78 67 72 11 24 8 94 96 92 98 Ill Finland 107 107 96 96 73 79 66 72 . . 5 17 7 . . 95 . . 113 112 tKuwait 64 76 97 98 64 75 61 71 99 18 66 19 76 95 73 89 113 Denmark 102 103 95 96 75 78 71 73 . . 4 19 8 96 96 102 105 114 Canada 99 102 95 94 75 80 69 73 99 2 24 8 94 93 95 95 115 Sweden 100 102 95 95 76 80 72 73 100 4 13 6 96 95 . . 107 116 Japan 104 103 96 95 73 81 68 75 100 15 18 6 96 95 101 99 117 tUnited Arab Emirates 72 46 96 96 59 73 55 69 96 . . 108 26 . . 94 52 97 118 Norway 101 102 95 95 76 80 71 74 100 4 17 8 . . 96 97 103 119 United States 103 105 96 95 74 79 67 72 100 9 25 10 . . 94 . . 97 120 Switzerland 105 105 96 95 75 80 69 74 5 18 7 . . 97 . . 99 Total reporting economies 99 w 98 w 96 w 95 w 56 w 66 w 53 w 63 w 98 w 60 w . . 80 w . . 73 w Oil exporters 101 w 99w 98w 97 w 50 w 62 w 48 w 58 w 134 w 75 w . . 87w 56w 77 w Nonreportingnonmembers 116w 111w 96w 96w 72w 73w 64w 65w 33w 27w a. See the technical notes. b. Data refer to maternal mortality in hospitals and other medical institutions only. c. Community data from rural areas only. 227 /77 / Technical notes This twelfth edition of the World Development In- of GDP as a percentage of the United States' GDP. dicators provides economic and social indicators The table on labor force has been dropped in this for selected periods or years in a form suitable for year's edition because of the lack of new data. This comparing economies and groups of economies. table will be reinserted when the 1990 round of The main criterion of country classification is census results has been tabulated and collected by GNP per capita, and this edition introduces new the International Labour Office (ILO). country groupings. The main tables now include This makes a total of 32 main tables in which the country data on 120 economies rather than the 129 statistics and measures have been chosen to give a presented in the previous edition. Since only broad perspective on development. sparse data are available for nonreporting non- Considerable effort has been made to standard- member economies, these countries are not in- ize the data; nevertheless, statistical methods, cov- cluded in the main tables. Summary measures for erage, practices, and definitions differ widely. In them are shown in the main tables where avail- addition, the statistical systems in many develop- able, and selected country data are presented in ing economies are still weak, and this affects the Box A.2 in the technical notes. Box A.1, Basic indi- availability and reliability of the data. Moreover, cators for economies with populations of less than intercountry and intertemporal comparisons al- 1 million, has been expanded to cover 55 econo- ways involve complex technical problems, which mies. See the definitions and data notes at the be- cannot be fully and unequivocally resolved. The ginning of the main report for details of country data are drawn from sources thought to be most composition of the new groups and other related authoritative, but many of them are subject to con- information. siderable margins of error. Readers are urged to The tables have been rearranged thematically, so take these limitations into account in interpreting the table order has changed since the last edition. the indicators, particularly when making compari- Note also that two tables have been modified: Ta- sons across economies. ble 17, OECD imports of manufactured goods: ori- To facilitate international comparisons, national gin and composition, and Table 30, Income distri- accounts constant price data series based on years bution and ICP estimates of GDP. Table 17 other than 1980 have been partially rebased to the provides data on South-North and North-North 1980 base. This is accomplished by rescaling, which manufactured trade, and Table 30 now includes moves the year in which current and constant International Comparison Program (ICP) estimates price versions of the same time series have the 228 same value, without altering the trend of either. All growth rates shown are calculated from con- Components of GDP are individually rescaled and stant price series and, unless otherwise noted, are summed up to provide GDP and its subaggre- have been computed using the least-squares gates. In this process, a rescaling deviation may method. The least-squares growth rate, r, is esti- occur between constant price gross domestic prod- mated by fitting a least-squares linear regression uct by industrial origin and GDP by expenditure. trend line to the logarithmic annual values of the Such rescaling deviations are absorbed under the variable in the relevant period. More specifically, heading private consumption, etc., on the assump- the regression equation takes the form: log X = a tion that GDP by industrial origin is a more reliable + bt + et, where this is equivalent to the logarith- estimate than GDP by expenditure. mic transformation of the compound growth rate This approach takes into account the effects of equation, X = X, (1 + r). In these equations, X is changes in intersectoral relative prices between the the variable, t is time, and a = log X. and b = log (1 original and the new base period. Because private + r) are the parameters to be estimated; e is the consumption is calculated as a residual, the na- error term. If b* is the least-squares estimate of b, tional accounting identities are maintained. It then the annual average growth rate, r, is obtained does, however, involve incorporating in private as [antilog (b*)] 1, and multiplied by 100 to ex- consumption whatever statistical discrepancies press it in percentage terms. arise for expenditure in the rebasing process. The value added in the services sector also includes a Table 1. Basic indicators statistical discrepancy as reported by the original source. Population estimates for mid-1987 are based on data The summary measures are calculated by simple from the Population Division of the United Na- addition when a variable is expressed in reason- tions (U.N.) or from World Bank sources. These ably comparable units of account. Indicators that are normally projections, usually based on data do not seem naturally additive are usually com- from the most recent population censuses or sur- bined by a price weighting scheme. It should be veys, which, in some cases, are neither recent nor emphasized, however, that use of a single base very accurate. Note that refugees not permanently year raises problems over a period encompassing settled in the country of asylum are generally con- profound structural changes and significant sidered to be part of the population of their coun- changes in relative prices, such as have occurred try of origin. from 1965 to 1987. The data on area are from the Food and Agricul- The World Development Indicators, unlike the ture Organization (FAO). For basic indicators on World Tables, does not present time series. For sum- economies with populations of less than 1 million, mary measures that cover many years, it is impor- see the table in Box A.1. For selected indicators on tant that the calculation is based on the same coun- nonreporting nonmember economies, see the table try composition over time and across topics. The in Box A.2. World Development Indicators does so by permit- Gross national product (GNP) measures the total ting group measures to be compiled only if the domestic and foreign value added claimed by resi- country data available for a given year account for dents and is calculated without making deductions at least two-thirds of the full group, as defined by for depreciation. It comprises GDP (defined in the the 1980 benchmarks. So long as that criterion is note for Table 2) plus net factor income from met, uncurrent reporters (and those not providing abroad, which is the income residents receive from ample history) are, for years with missing data, abroad for factor services (labor and capital) less assumed to behave like the sample of the group similar payments made to nonresidents who con- that does provide estimates. Readers should keep tributed to the domestic economy. in mind that the purpose is to maintain an appro- GNP per capita figures in U.S. dollars are calcu- priate relationship across topics, despite myriad lated according to the World Bank Atlas method. problems with country data, and that nothing The Bank recognizes that perfect cross-country meaningful can be deduced about behavior at the comparability of GNP per capita estimates cannot country level by working back from group indica- be achieved. Beyond the classic, strictly intracta- tors. In addition, the weighting process may result ble, index number problem, two obstacles stand in in discrepancies between summed subgroup fig- the way of adequate comparability. One concerns ures and overall totals. See the introduction to the the GNP and population estimates themselves. World Tables for further details. There are differences in national accounting and 229 Box A.1. Basic indicators for countries with populations of less than 1 million GNP per capita' Average Life Area annual Average annual expectancy Population (thousands growth rate rate of inflation' at birth (thousands) of square Dollars (percent) (percent) (years) mid-1987 kilometers) 1987 1965-87 1965-80 1980-87 1987 1 Guinea-Bissau 922 36 160 -1.9 . . 39.2 39 2 Gambia, The 797 11 220 1.2 8.3 13.8 43 3 São Tome and Principe 115 1 280 -0.1 4.9 65 4 Maldives 196 b 300 1.9 4.7 59 5 Comoros 426 2 370 0.6 6.6 56 6 Guyana 797 215 390 -4.4 8.1 13.6 66 7 Solomon Islands 293 28 420 . . 6.8 66 8 Kiribati 66 1 480 5.7 5.7 53 9 CapeVerde 344 4 500 13.9 65 10 Western Samoa 166 3 550 11.2 65 11 Swaziland 712 17 700 2.4 9.1 10.2 55 12 Tongo 100 1 720 . . . . 8.1 66 13 St. Vincent and the Grenadines 120 b 1,000 1.2 11.1 4.6 69 14 Belize 176 23 1,240 1.9 7.4 1.1 67 15 Grenada 100 b 1,340 . . 11.2 4.9 69 16 St. Lucia 142 1 1,400 2.3 9.4 3.9 70 17 Dominica 80 1 1,440 0.1 12.9 5.7 74 18 Fiji 722 18 1,570 2.2 10.4 5.8 70 19 St. Kitts and Nevis 44 b 1,700 3.3 9.3 5.2 68 20 Suriname 420 163 2,270 1.8 . . 4.1 67 21 AntiguaandBarbuda 83 b 2,540 0.6 9.1 6.1 73 22 Seychelles 67 b 3,120 3.1 12.9 3.7 70 23 Malta 345 b 4,190 7.6 3.5 1.8 73 24 Cyprus 680 9 5,200 . . . . 6.8 76 25 Barbados 254 b 5,350 2.4 11.2 6.1 75 26 Puerto Rico' 3,343 9 5,530 . . . . 4.5 75 27 Bahamas 240 14 10,280 0.9 6.4 6.3 70 28 Qatar 332 11 12,430 . . 69 29 Brunei 235 6 15,390 . . . . -4.4 74 30 Iceland 246 103 16,600 3.4 26.9 41.3 77 31 Luxembourg 371 3 18,550 4.2 6.7 5.5 74 32 American Samoa 36 b d 33 Aruba 60 b e . . . 34 Bahrain 445 1 e . -2.8 71 35 Bermuda 56 b e 8.1 10.7 36 Channel Islands 136 . . e . . 76 37 Djibouti 370 22 f . . 47 38 Equatorial Guinea 389 28 g . . 46 39 Faeroe Islands 47 1 e 40 Fed. States of Micronesia 90 1 41 French Guiana . . 90 d 7.4 . 42 French Polynesia 179 4 e 72 43 Gibraltar 30 b d 44 Greenland 54 342 e . 45 Guadeloupe 337 2 d . . 8.7 73 46 Guam 128 1 d 72 47 Isle of Man 63 . . e . . . 48 Marshall Islands . . . . f . 49 Macau 429 b d . . . . 71 50 Martinique 329 1 d 9.2 74 51 Netherlands Antilles 190 1 e 66 52 New Caledonia 158 19 e . . 68 53 Reunion 566 3 d . . . . . . 71 54 Vanuatu 150 15 g . . . . 4.6 63 55 Virgin Islands (U.S.) 110 b e 1.9 6.0 4.5 73 Note: Countries in italics are those for which 1987 GNP per capita cannot be calculated; figures in italics are for years other than those specified. a. See the technical note to Table 1. b. Less than 500 square kilometers. C. Population is more than 1 million. d. GNP per capita estimated to be in the upper-middle-income range. e. GNP per capita estimated to be in the high-income range. f. GNP per capita estimated to be in the lower-middle-income range. g. GNP per capita estimated to be in the low-income range. 230 demographic reporting systems, and in the cover- where age and reliability of underlying statistical informa- = current GNP (local currency) for year tion between various countries. The other relates = GNP deflator for year to the conversion of GNP data, expressed in differ- = annual average exchange rate (local currency/U.S. ent national currencies, to a common denomina- dollar) for year N, = midyear population for year tionconventionally the U.S. dollarto compare = U.S. GNP deflator for year t. them across countries. Recognizing that these shortcomings affect the Because of problems associated with the avail- comparability of the GNP per capita estimates, the ability of comparable data and the determination World Bank has introduced several improvements of conversion factors, information on GNP per in the estimation procedures. Through its regular capita is not shown for nonreporting nonmarket review of member countries' national accounts, economies. the Bank systematically evaluates the GNP esti- The use of official exchange rates to convert na- mates, focusing on the coverage and concepts em- tional currency figures to the U.S. dollar does not ployed and, where appropriate, making adjust- attempt to measure the relative domestic purchas- ments to improve comparability. As part of the ing powers of currencies. The United Nations In- review, Bank staff estimates of GNP (and some- ternational Comparison Program (ICP) has devel- times of population) may be developed for the oped measures of real GDP on an internationally most recent period. The Bank also systematically comparable scale using purchasing power parities assesses the appropriateness of official exchange (PPPs) instead of exchange rates as conversion fac- rates as conversion factors. An alternative conver- tors; see Table 30 for the most recent ICP estimates. sion factor is used (and reported in the World Ta- Information on the ICP has been published in four bles) when the official exchange rate is judged to studies and in a number of other reports. The most diverge by an exceptionally large margin from the recent study is Phase V. parts of which have al- rate effectively applied to foreign transactions. ready been published by the European Communi- This applies to only a small number of countries. ties and the OECD. The Atlas conversion factor for any year is the The ICP has now covered more than 70 countries average of the exchange rate for that year and the in five phases, at five-year intervals. The Bank is exchange rates for the two preceding years, after currently reviewing the data and methodology un- adjusting them for differences in relative inflation derlying the latest estimates and will include an between the country and the United States. This updated comparison of ICP and Atlas numbers in three-year average smooths fluctuations in prices a future edition of the Atlas or another statistical and exchange rates for each country. The resulting publication. GNP in U.S. dollars is divided by the midyear The ICP figures reported in Table 30 are prelimi- population for the latest year to derive GNP per nary and may be revised. The United Nations and capita. its regional economic commissions, as well as Some sixty low- and middle-income economies other international agencies, such as the European have suffered declining real GNP per capita in con- Communities, the Organisation for Economic Co- stant prices. In addition, terms of trade changes operation and Development, and the World Bank, affect relative income levels as do currency fluctua- are working to improve the methodology and to tions, which have been sharp during the decade. extend annual purchasing power comparisons to Hence the levels and ranking of GNP per capita all countries. However, exchange rates remain the estimates have sometimes changed in ways not only generally available means of converting GNP necessarily related to the relative domestic growth from national currencies to U.S. dollars. performance of the economies considered. The average annual rate of inflation is measured by The following formulas describe the procedures the growth rate of the GDP implicit deflator for for computing the conversion factor for year t: each of the periods shown. The GDP deflator is first calculated by dividing, for each year of the I Jp \ Ip, period, the value of GDP at current values by the (e_2,,) = [e,_ 5jj i) + e,_, p,_1) + e,] (Pt value of GDP at constant values, both in national currency. The least-squares method is then used to and for calculating GNP per capita in U.S. dollars calculate the growth rate of the GDP deflator for for year t: the period. This measure of inflation, like any (Y) = (1', / N, ± et_2,,) other, has limitations. For some purposes, how- 231 Box A.2. Selected indicators for nonreporting nonmember economies Democratic People's German Republic of Democratic USSR Korea Republic Czechoslovakia Cuba 1965 1987 1965 1987 1965 1987 1965 1987 1965 1987 Population (millions) 232 283 12 21 17 17 14 16 8 10 Urban population (percentage of total) 52 67 45 66 73 77 51 67 58 73 Life expectancy at birth (years) 69 69 57 69 70 73 69 71 67 75 Crude birth rate (per thousand) 18 19 39 29 17 14 16 14 34 17 Crude death rate (per thousand) 7 10 12 5 14 13 10 12 8 6 Population per physician 480 . . . . 420 870 440 540 280 1,150 530 Total fertility rate 2.5 2.4 5.6 3.6 2.5 1.8 2.4 2 4.4 1.9 Infant mortality per 1,000 live births 28 25 64 33 25 9 26 13 38 13 Low birth weight (percent) . . 6 . . . . . 6 . 6 . . 8 Dailycaloriesupply, percapita 3,205 3,399 2,329 3,232 3,204 3,814 3,383 3,448 2,374 3,124 Food production index (1979-81 = 100) 85 112 72 110 73 114 73 119 82 108 Education, primary (female) 103 . . . . 111 103 97 98 119 101 Education, primary (total) 103 106 . . . . 109 103 99 97 121 105 Area (thousands of square kilometers) . . 22,402 . . 121 108 128 111 Population projected to year 2000 (millions) . 307 28 17 16 12 Note: For data comparability and coverage, see the technical notes. Figures in italics are for years other than those specified. ever, it is used as an indicator of inflation because it tional series. Because of the sometimes limited ca- is the most broadly based deflator, showing annual pabilities of statistical offices, strict international price movements for all goods and services pro- comparability cannot be achieved, especially in duced in an economy. economic activities that are difficult to measure, Life expectancy at birth indicates the number of such as the informal sector or subsistence agricul- years a newborn infant would live if patterns of ture. mortality prevailing for all people at the time of its GDP measures the total for final use of output of birth were to stay the same throughout its life. goods and services produced by an economy, by Data are from the U.N. Population Division, sup- residents and nonresidents, regardless of the allo- plemented by World Bank estimates. cation to domestic and foreign claims. It is calcu- The summary measures for GNP per capita and life lated without making deductions for depreciation. expectancy in this table are weighted by popula- While SNA envisages estimates of GDP by indus- tion. Those for average annual rates of inflation are trial origin to be at producer prices, many coun- weighted by the 1980 share of country GDP valued tries still report such details at factor cost, which in current U.S. dollars. differs from producer prices because of the treat- ment of certain commodity taxes at the sector Tables 2 and 3. Growth and structure of level. Overall, GDP at producer prices is equal to production GDP at purchaser values, less import duties. For individual sectors, say agriculture, values at pro- Most of the definitions used are those of the U.N. ducer prices differ from purchaser values because System of National Accounts (SNA), series F, no. 2, of indirect taxes minus subsidies and, at least in revision 3. Estimates are obtained from national theory, because purchaser prices include retail and sources, sometimes reaching the World Bank wholesale service and transport costs. Interna- through other international agencies but more of- tional comparability of the estimates is affected by ten collected by World Bank staff during missions. the use of differing country practices in valuation World Bank staff review the quality of national systems for reporting value added by production accounts data and in some instances, through mis- sectors. As a partial solution, GDP estimates are sion work or technical assistance, help adjust na- shown at purchaser values if the components are 232 Angola Bulgaria Albania Mongolia Namibia 1965 1987 1965 1987 1965 1987 1965 1987 1965 1987 5 9 8 9 2 3 1 2 1 1 Population (millions) 13 26 46 68 32 35 42 51 28 54 Urban population (percentage of total) 35 45 69 72 66 72 57 64 45 56 Life expectancy at birth (years) 49 47 15 13 35 27 42 39 46 45 Crude birth rate (per thousand) 29 20 8 12 9 6 12 8 22 13 Crude death rate (per thousand) 13,150 17,780 600 280 2,100 . . 710 100 . Population per physician 6.4 6.4 2.1 1.9 5.3 3.3 5.8 5.4 6.1 6.1 Total fertility rate 193 137 31 15 87 39 90 45 146 106 Infant mortality per 1,000 live births 17 .. .. .. 7 .. 10 Low birth weight (percent) 1,897 2,716 3,452 3,642 2,389 2,713 2,597 2,847 1,904 1,824 Daily calorie supply, per capita 126 87 78 104 85 95 138 101 114 88 Food production index (1979-81 = 100) 26 . . 102 102 87 93 97 103 . Education, primary (female) 39 93 103 103 92 96 98 102 . . Education, primary (total) 1,247 111 29 . . 1,565 . . 1,824 Area (thousands of square kilometers) Population projected to year 2000 13 . . 9 4 3 2 (millions) on this basis, and such instances are footnoted. import duties, and any statistical discrepancies However, for a few countries in Tables 2 and 3, noted by national compilers, are categorized as GDP at purchaser values has been replaced by services, etc. GDP at factor cost. Note that in editions before Partially rebased 1980 series in domestic curren- 1986, GDP at producer prices and GDP at purchaser cies, as explained above, are used to compute the values were referred to as GDP at factor cost and growth rates in Table 2. The sectoral shares of GDP GDP at market prices, respectively. in Table 3 are based on current price series. The figures for GDP are dollar values converted In calculating the summary measures for each indi- from domestic currencies using single-year official cator in Table 2, partially rebased constant 1980 exchange rates. For a few countries where the offi- U.S. dollar values for each economy are calculated cial exchange rate does not reflect the rate effec- for each of the years of the periods covered; the tively applied to actual foreign exchange transac- values are often aggregated across countries for tions, an alternative conversion factor is used (and each year; and the least-squares procedure is used reported in the World Tables). Note that this table to compute the growth rates. The average sectoral does not use the three-year averaging technique percentage shares in Table 3 are computed from applied for GNP per capita in Table 1. group aggregates of sectoral GDP in current U.S. Agriculture covers forestry, hunting, and fishing, dollars. as well as agriculture. In developing countries with high levels of subsistence farming, much of agri- Table 4. Agriculture and food cultural production is either not exchanged or not exchanged for money. This increases the difficulty The basic data for value added in agriculture are from of measuring the contribution of agriculture to the World Bank's national accounts series at cur- GDP and reduces the reliability and comparability rent prices in national currencies. The value added of such numbers. Industry comprises value added in current prices in national currencies is converted in mining; manufacturing (also reported as a sub- to U.S. dollars by applying the single-year conver- group); construction; and electricity, water, and sion procedure, as described in the technical note gas. Value added in all other branches of economic for Tables 2 and 3. activity, including imputed bank service charges, The figures for the remainder of this table are 233 from the Food and Agriculture Organization mary energypetroleum and natural gas liquids, (FAQ). natural gas, solid fuels (coal, lignite, and so on), Cereal imports are measured in grain equivalents and primary electricity (nuclear, geothermal, and and defined as comprising all cereals in the Stan- hydroelectric power)all converted into oil equiv- dard International Trade Classification (SITC), revi- alents. Figures on liquid fuel consumption include sion 2, groups 041-046. Food aid in cereals covers petroleum derivatives that have been consumed in wheat and flour, bulgur, rice, coarse grains, and nonenergy uses. For converting primary electricity the cereal component of blended foods. The fig- into oil equivalents, a notional thermal efficiency of ures are not directly comparable since cereal im- 34 percent has been assumed. The use of firewood, ports are based on calendar-year data, whereas dried animal excrement, and other traditional fu- food aid in cereals is based on data for crop years els, although substantial in some developing coun- reported by donor countries and international or- tries, is not taken into account because reliable and ganizations, including the International Wheat comprehensive data are not available. Council and the World Food Programme. Further- Energy imports refer to the dollar value of energy more, food aid information by donors may not cor- importssection 3 in the SITC, revision 1and are respond to actual receipts by beneficiaries during a expressed as a percentage of earnings from mer- given period because of delays in transportation chandise exports. and recording, or because it is sometimes not re- Because data on energy imports do not permit a ported to the FAQ or other relevant international distinction between petroleum imports for fuel organizations. The earliest available food aid data and for use in the petrochemicals industry, these are for 1974. The time reference for food aid is the percentages may overestimate the dependence on crop year, July-June. imported energy. Fertilizer consumption measures the plant nutri- The summary measures of energy production and ents used in relation to arable land. Fertilizer prod- consumption are computed by aggregating the re- ucts cover nitrogenous phosphate, which includes spective volumes for each of the years covered by ground rock phosphate and potash fertilizers. Ara- the periods and then applying the least-squares ble land is defined as land under temporary crops growth rate procedure. For energy consumption per (double-cropped areas are counted once), tempo- capita, population weights are used to compute rary meadows for mowing or pastures, land under summary measures for the specified years. market or kitchen gardens, land temporarily fallow The summary measures of energy imports as a per- or lying idle, as well as land under permanent centage of merchandise exports are computed from crops. The time reference for fertilizer consump- group aggregates for energy imports and merchan- tion is the crop year, July-June. dise exports in current dollars. The index of food production per capita shows the average annual quantity of food produced per cap- Table 6. Structure of manufacturing ita in 1985-87 in relation to that produced in 1979- 81. The estimates are derived by dividing the The basic data for value added in manufacturing are quantity of food production by the total popula- from the World Bank's national accounts series at tion. For this index food is defined as comprising current prices in national currencies. The figures nuts, pulses, fruits, cereals, vegetables, sugar shown are dollar values converted from national cane, sugar beet, starchy roots, edible oils, live- currencies by using single-year official exchange stock, and livestock products. Quantities of food rates. For a few countries where the official ex- production are measured net of animal feed, seeds change rate does not reflect the rate effectively ap- for use in agriculture, and food lost in processing plied to actual foreign exchange transactions, an and distribution. alternative conversion factor is used. The summary measures for fertilizer consumption The data for distribution of value added among are weighted by total arable land area; the summary manufacturing industries are provided by the measures for food production per capita are United Nations Industrial Development Organiza- weighted by population. tion (UNIDO), and distribution calculations are from national currencies in current prices. Table 5. Commercial energy The classification of manufacturing industries is in accord with the U.N. International Standard In- The data on energy are primarily from U.N. dustrial Classification of All Economic Activities (ISIC). sources. They refer to commercial forms of pri- Food and agriculture comprise ISIC division 31; tex- 234 tiles and clothing, division 32; machinery and trans- ees and deducted by the employer; and (d) pay- port equipment, major groups 382-84; and chemicals, ments in kind. major groups 351 and 352. Other comprises wood The value of gross output is estimated on the basis and related products (division 33), paper and re- of either production or shipments. On the produc- lated products (division 34), petroleum and related tion basis it consists of (a) the value of all products products (major groups 353-56), basic metals and of the establishment, (b) the value of industrial mineral products (divisions 36 and 37), fabricated services rendered to others, (c) the value of goods metal products and professional goods (major shipped in the same condition as received, (d) the groups 381 and 385), and other industries (major value of electricity sold, and (e) the net change in group 390). When data for textiles, machinery, or the value of work-in-progress between the begin- chemicals are shown as not available, they are also ning and the end of the reference period. In the included in other. case of estimates compiled on a shipment basis, Summary measures given for value added in man- the net change between the beginning and the end ufacturing are totals calculated by the aggregation of the reference period in the value of stocks of method noted in the front of the technical notes. finished goods is also included. Value added is de- fined as the current value of gross output less the Table 7. Manufacturing earnings and output current cost of (a) materials, fuels, and other sup- plies consumed, (b) contract and commission work Four indicators are showntwo relate to real earn- done by others, (c) repair and maintenance work ings per employee, one to labor's share in total done by others, and (d) goods shipped in the same value added generated, and one to labor produc- condition as received. tivity in the manufacturing sector. The indicators The term employees in this table combines two are based on data from UNIDO, although the de- categories defined by the U.N., regular employees flators are from other sources, as explained below. and persons engaged. Together these groups com- Earnings per employee are in constant prices and prise regular employees, working proprietors, ac- are derived by deflating nominal earnings per em- tive business partners, and unpaid family workers; ployee, by the country's consumer price index they exclude homeworkers. The data refer to the (CPI). The CPI is from the IMF's International Fi- average number of employees working during the nancial Statistics (IFS). Total earnings as percentage of year. value added are derived by dividing total earnings of employees by value added in current prices, to Tables 8 and 9. Growth of consumption and show labor's share in income generated in the investment; structure of demand manufacturing sector. Gross out put per employee is in constant prices and is presented as an index of GDP is defined in the note for Table 2, but for these overall labor productivity in manufacturing with two tables it is in purchaser values. 1980 as the base year. To derive this indicator, General government consumption includes all cur- UNIDO data on gross output per employee in cur- rent expenditure for purchases of goods and ser- rent prices are adjusted using the implicit deflators vices by all levels of government. Capital expendi- for value added in manufacturing or in industry ture on national defense and security is regarded taken from the World Bank's national accounts as consumption expenditure. data files. Private consumption, etc., is the market value of all To improve cross-country comparability, UNIDO goods and services purchased or received as in- has, where possible, standardized the coverage of come in kind by households and nonprofit institu- establishments to those with 5 or more employees. tions. It excludes purchases of dwellings, but in- The concepts and definitions are in accordance cludes imputed rent for owner-occupied dwellings with the International Recommendations for Industrial (see Table 10 for details) In practice, it includes Statistics published by the United Nations. Earn- any statistical discrepancy in the use of resources. ings (wages and salaries) cover all remuneration to At constant prices, this means it also includes the employees paid by the employer during the year. rescaling deviation from partial rebasing. The payments include (a) all regular and overtime Gross domestic investment consists of outlays on cash payments and bonuses and cost of living al- additions to the fixed assets of the economy, plus lowances; (b) wages and salaries paid during vaca- net changes in the level of inventories. tion and sick leave; (c) taxes and social insurance Gross domestic savings are calculated by deducting contributions and the like, payable by the employ- total consumption from gross domestic product. 235 Exports of goods and nonfactor services represent the subitem fuel and power (for heating, lighting, cook- value of all goods and nonfactor services provided ing, air conditioning, and so forth). Note that this to the rest of the world; they include merchandise, item excludes energy used for transport (rarely re- freight, insurance, travel, and other nonfactor ported to be more than 1 percent of total consump- services. The value of factor services, such as in- tion in low- and middle-income economies). As vestment income, interest, and labor income, is mentioned above, medical care and education in- excluded. clude government as well as private consumption The resource balance is the difference between ex- expenditure. Transport and communication also in- ports of goods and nonfactor services and imports cludes the purchase of motor cars, which are re- of goods and nonfactor services. ported as a subitem. Other consumption, the resid- Partially rebased 1980 series in constant domestic ual group, includes beverages and tobacco, currency units (see above) are used to compute the nondurable household goods and household ser- indicators in Table 8. Table 9 uses national accounts vices, recreational services, and services supplied series in current domestic currency units. The by hotels and restaurants. It also includes the sepa- growth rates in Table 8 are calculated from the con- rately reported subitem, other consumer durables, stant 1980 price series; the shares of GDP in Table comprising household appliances, furniture, floor 9, from current price series. coverings, recreational equipment, and watches The summary measures are calculated by the and jewelry. method explained in the note for Tables 2 and 3. Estimating the structure of consumption is one of the weakest aspects of national accounting in Table 10. Structure of consumption low- and middle-income economies. The structure is estimated through household expenditure sur- Percentage shares of selected items in total house- veys and similar survey techniques. It therefore hold consumption expenditure are computed from shares any bias inherent in the sample frame or SNA-defined details of GDP (expenditure at na- population. For example, some countries limit sur- tional market prices), often as collected for Interna- veys to urban areas or, even more narrowly, to tional Comparison Program (ICP) Phases IV (1980) capital cities. This tends to produce exceptionally and V (1985). For countries not covered by the ICP, low shares for food and high shares for transport and less detailed national accounts estimates are in- communication, gross rents, fuel and power, and other cluded, where available. The intention is to consumption, which includes meals purchased out- present a general idea of the broad structure of side the home. Controlled food prices and incom- consumption. The data cover 83 countries (five plete national accounting for subsistence activities more than last year's edition, including Bank staff also contribute to low food shares. estimates for China) and refer to the most recent estimates, generally for a year between 1980 and Table 11. Central government 1985, inclusive. Where they refer to earlier years, expenditure the figures are shown in italics. Consumption here refers to private (nongovernment) consumption as The data on central government finance in Tables defined in the SNA and in the notes to Tables 2, 4, 11 and 12 are from the IMF Government Finance and 9, except that education and medical care com- Statistics Yearbook, 1988 and IMF data files. The ac- prise government as well as private outlays. This counts of each country are reported using the sys- ICP concept of "enhanced consumption" reflects tem of common definitions and classifications who uses rather than who pays for consumption found in the IMF Manual on Government Finance goods, and improves international comparability Statistics (1986). because it is less sensitive to differing national For complete and authoritative explanations of practices regarding the financing of health and ed- concepts, definitions, and data sources, see these ucation services. IMF sources. The commentary that follows is in- A major subitem of food is presented: cereals and tended mainly to place these data in the context of tubers. The subitem comprises the main staple the broad range of indicators reported in this edi- products: rice, flour, bread, all other cereals and tion. cereal preparations, potatoes, yams, and other tu- The shares of total expenditure and revenue by bers. For high-income OECD economies, however, category are calculated from series in national cur- this subitem does not include tubers. Gross rents, rencies. Because of differences in coverage of avail- fuel and power consist of actual and imputed rents, able data, the individual components of central and repair and maintenance charges, as well as the government expenditure and current revenue 236 shown in these tables may not be strictly compara- Health covers public expenditure on hospitals, ble across all economies. maternity and dental centers, and clinics with a Moreover, inadequate statistical coverage of major medical component; on national health and state, provincial, and local governments dictates medical insurance schemes; and on family plan- the use of central government data; this may seri- fling and preventive care. Note that Table 10 pro- ously understate or distort the statistical portrayal vides a more comprehensive measure of expendi- of the allocation of resources for various purposes, ture on medical care, private as well as public, especially in countries where lower levels of gov- relative to household consumption. ernment have considerable autonomy and are re- Housing and community amenities and social security sponsible for many economic and social services. and welfare cover expenditure on housing, such as In addition, central government can mean either of income-related schemes; on provision and support two accounting concepts: consolidated or budgetary. of housing and slum clearance activities; on com- For most countries, central government finance munity development; and on sanitary services. data have been consolidated into one overall ac- They also cover compensation for loss of income to count, but for others only the budgetary central the sick and temporarily disabled; payments to the government accounts are available. Since all cen- elderly, the permanently disabled, and the unem- tral government units are not included in the ployed; family, maternity, and child allowances; budgetary accounts, the overall picture of central and the cost of welfare services, such as care of the government activities is incomplete. Countries re- aged, the disabled, and children. Many expendi- porting budgetary data are footnoted. tures relevant to environmental defense, such as It must be emphasized that for these and other pollution abatement, water supply, sanitary affairs reasons the data presented, especially those for ed- and refuse collection, are included indistinguish- ucation and health, are not comparable across ably in this category. countries. In many economies private health and Economic services comprise expenditure associ- education services are substantial; in others public ated with the regulation, support, and more effi- services represent the major component of total cient operation of business; economic develop- expenditure but may be financed by lower levels of ment; redress of regional imbalances; and creation government. Caution should therefore be exer- of employment opportunities. Research, trade pro- cised in using the data for cross-country compari- motion, geological surveys, and inspection and sons. regulation of particular industry groups are among Central government expenditure comprises the ex- the activities included. penditure by all government offices, departments, Other covers items not included elsewhere; for a establishments, and other bodies that are agencies few economies it also includes amounts that could or instruments of the central authority of a coun- not be allocated to other components (or adjust- try. It includes both current and capital (develop- ments from accrual to cash accounts). ment) expenditure. Total expenditure (as a percentage of GNP) is more Defense comprises all expenditure, whether by narrowly defined than the measure of general gov- defense or other departments, on the maintenance ernment consumption (percentage of GDP) given of military forces, including the purchase of mili- in Table 9, because it excludes consumption expen- tary supplies and equipment, construction, re- diture by state and local governments. At the same cruiting, and training. Also in this category are time, central government expenditure is more closely related items such as military aid programs. broadly defined because it includes government's Education comprises expenditure on the provi- gross domestic investment and transfer payments. sion, management, inspection, and support of pre- Overall surplus/deficit is defined as current and primary, primary, and secondary schools; of uni- capital revenue and grants received, less total ex- versities and colleges; and of vocational, technical, penditure and lending minus repayments. and other training institutions. Also included is Summary measures for the components of central expenditure on the general administration and reg- government expenditure are computed from ulation of the education system; on research into group totals for expenditure components and cen- its objectives, organization, administration, and tral government expenditure in current dollars. methods; and on such subsidiary services as trans- Those for total expenditure as a percentage of GNP port, school meals, and school medical and dental and for overall surpus/deficit as a percentage of services. Note that Table 10 provides an alternative GNP are computed from group totals for the above measure of expenditure on education, private as total expenditures and overall surplus/deficit in well as public, relative to household consumption. current dollars, and GNP in current dollars, re- 237 spectively. Since 1987 data are not available for for total current revenue and GNP in current dol- more than half the countries, by weighting, 1986 lars. Since 1987 data are not available for more data are used for the summary measures in Tables than half the countries, by weighting, 1986 data 11 and 12. are used for the summary measures for Tables 11 and 12. Table 12. Central government current revenue Table 13. Money and interest rates Information on data sources and comparability is The data on monetary holdings are based on the given in the note to Table 11. Current revenue by IMF's International Financial Statistics (IFS). Mone- source is expressed as a percentage of total current tary holdings, broadly defined, comprise the mone- revenue, which is the sum of tax revenue and non- tary and quasi-monetary liabilities of a country's tax revenue and is calculated from national curren- financial institutions to residents other than the cies. central government. For most countries, monetary Tax revenue comprises compulsory, unrequited, holdings are the sum of money (IFS line 34) and nonrepayable receipts for public purposes. It in- quasi-money (IFS line 35). Money comprises the cludes interest collected on tax arrears and penal- economy's means of payment: currency outside ties collected on nonpayment or late payment of banks and demand deposits. Quasi-money com- taxes and is shown net of refunds and other correc- prises time and savings deposits and similar bank tive transactions. Taxes on income, profit, and capital accounts that the issuer will readily exchange for gain are taxes levied on the actual or presumptive money. Where nonmonetary financial institutions net income of individuals, on the profits of enter- are important issuers of quasi-monetary liabilities, prises, and on capital gains, whether realized on these are also included in the measure of monetary land sales, securities, or other assets. Social security holdings. contributions include employers' and employees' The growth rates for monetary holdings are cal- social security contributions, as well as those of culated from year-end figures, while the average of self-employed and unemployed persons. Domestic the year-end figures for the specified year and the taxes on goods and services include general sales, previous year is used for the ratio of monetary turnover or value added taxes, selective excises on holdings to GDP. goods, selective taxes on services, taxes on the use The nominal interest rates of banks, also from IFS, of goods or property, and profits of fiscal monopo- represent the rates paid by commercial or similar lies. Taxes on international trade and transactions in- banks to holders of their quasi-monetary liabilities clude import duties, export duties, profits of ex- (deposit rates) and charged by the banks on loans port or import monopolies, exchange profits, and to prime customers (lending rate). They are, how- exchange taxes. Other taxes include employers' ever, of limited international comparability partly payroll or labor taxes, taxes on property, and taxes because coverage and definitions vary, and partly not allocable to other categories. They may include because countries differ in the scope available to negative values that are adjustments, for instance, banks for adjusting interest rates to reflect market for taxes collected on behalf of state and local gov- conditions. ernments and not allocable to individual tax cate- Since interest rates (and growth rates for mone- gories. tary holdings) are expressed in nominal terms, Non tax revenue comprises receipts that are not a much of the variation between countries stems compulsory nonrepayable payment for public pur- from differences in inflation. For easy reference, poses, such as administrative fees or entrepreneur- the Table 1 indicator of recent inflation is repeated ial income from government ownership of prop- in this table. erty. Proceeds of grants and borrowing, funds arising from the repayment of previous lending by Table 14. Growth of merchandise trade governments, incurrence of liabilities, and pro- ceeds from the sale of capital assets are not in- The statistics on merchandise trade, Tables 14 cluded. through 17, are primarily from the U.N. trade data Summary measures for the components of current system, which accords with the U.N. Yearbook of revenue are computed from group totals for reve- International Trade Statisticsthat is, the data are nue components and total current revenue in cur- based on countries' customs returns. However, rent dollars; those for current revenue as a per- more recent statistics are often from secondary centage of GNP are computed from group totals sources, notably the IMF, as indicated in footnoted 238 cases. World Bank estimates are also reported. Sec- Tables 15 and 16. Structure of merchandise trade ondary sources and World Bank estimates are based on aggregated reports available before the The shares in these tables are derived from trade detailed reports submitted to the U.N. appear. In values in current dollars reported in the U.N. trade some cases, these permit coverage adjustments for data system and the U.N. Yearbook of International significant components of a country's foreign trade Trade Statistics, supplemented by other secondary not subject to regular customs reports. Such cases sources and World Bank estimates as explained in are identified in the country notes to the World the note to Table 14. Tables. Values in these tables are in current U.S. Merchandise exports and imports are defined in the dollars. note to Table 14. Merchandise exports and imports, with some excep- The categorization of exports and imports fol- tions, cover international movements of goods lows the SITC, series M, no. 34, revision 1. Esti- across customs borders. Exports are valued f.o.b. mates from secondary sources also usually follow (free on board) and imports, c.i.f. (cost, insurance, this definition. and freight), unless otherwise specified in the fore- In Table 16, fuels, minerals, and metals are the com- going sources. These values are in current dollars; modities in SITC section 3 (mineral fuels and lubri- note that they do not include trade in services. cants and related materials) divisions 27 and 28 The growth rates of merchandise exports and imports (minerals and crude fertilizers, and metalliferous are in constant terms and are calculated from ores) and division 68 (nonferrous metals). Other primary commodities comprise SITC sections 0, 1, 2, quantum indexes of exports and imports. Quan- tum indexes are obtained from the export or im- and 4 (food and live animals, beverages and to- port value index as deflated by the corresponding bacco, inedible crude materials, oils, fats, and price index. To calculate these quantum indexes, waxes) less divisions 27 and 28. Machinery and the World Bank uses its own price indexes, which transport equipment are the commodities in SITC are based on international prices for primary com- section 7. Other manufactures represent SITC sec- modities and unit value indexes for manufactures. tions 5 through 9 less section 7 and division 68. Textiles and clothing, representing SITC divisions 65 These price indexes are country-specific and disag- gregated by broad commodity groups. This en- and 84 (textiles, yarns, fabrics, and clothing), are sures consistency between data for a group of shown as a subgroup of other manufactures. countries and those for individual countries. Such In Table 15, food commodities are those in SITC data consistency will increase as the World Bank sections 0, 1, and 4 and division 22 (food and live continues to improve its trade price indexes for an animals, beverages, oils and fats, and oilseeds and increasing number of countries. These growth nuts), less division 12 (tobacco). Fuels are the com- rates can differ from those derived from national modities in SITC section 3 (mineral fuels, lubri- practices because national price indexes may use cants and related materials). Other primary commod- different base years and weighting procedures ities comprise SITC section 2 (crude materials, from those used by the World Bank. excluding fuels), less division 22 (oilseeds and nuts) plus divisions 12 (tobacco) and 68 (nonfer- The terms of trade, or the net barter terms of rous metals). Machinery and transport equipment are trade, measure the relative movement of export the commodities in SITC section 7. Other manufac- prices against that of import prices. Calculated as tures, calculated residually from the total value of the ratio of a country's index of average export manufactured imports, represent SITC sections 5 prices to its average import price index, this indica- through 9, less section 7 and division 68. tor shows changes over a base year in the level of The summary measures in Table 15 are weighted export prices as a percentage of import prices. The by total merchandise imports of individual coun- terms of trade index numbers are shown for 1985 tries in current dollars; those in Table 16, by total and 1987, where 1980 = 100. The price indexes are merchandise exports of individual countries in cur- from the source cited above for the growth rates of rent dollars. (See the note to Table 14.) exports and imports. The summary measures for the growth rates are Table 17. OECD imports of manufactured goods: calculated by aggregating the 1980 constant U.S. origin and composition dollar price series for each year and then applying the least-squares growth rate procedure for the pe- The data is from the U.N., reported by high- riods shown. Note again that these values do not income OECD countries, which are the OECD include trade in services. members excluding Greece, Portugal, and Turkey. 239 The table reports the value of manufactured im- Net workers' remittances cover payments and re- ports of high-income OECD countries by the econ- ceipts of income by migrants who are employed or omy of origin, and the composition of such im- expect to be employed for more than a year in their ports by major manufactured product groups. new economy, where they are considered resi- It replaces an earlier one on the origin and desti- dents. These remittances are classified as private nation of manufactured exports, which was based unrequited transfers, and are included in the bal- on exports reported by individual economies. As ance of payments current account balance, while there was a lag of several years in reporting by those derived from shorter-term stays are included many developing economies, estimates based on in services, as labor income. The distinction ac- various sources were used to fill the gaps. Until cords with internationally agreed guidelines, but these estimates can be improved, this present ta- many developing countries classify workers' re- ble, based on up-to-date and consistent but less mittances as a factor income receipt (and hence a comprehensive data, is included instead. Manu- component of GNP). The World Bank adheres to factured imports of the predominant markets from international guidelines in defining GNP and, individual economies are the best available proxy therefore, may differ from national practices. of the magnitude and composition of the manufac- Net direct private investment is the net amount in- tured exports of these economies to all destina- vested or reinvested by nonresidents in enter- tions taken together. prises in which they or other nonresidents exercise Manufactured goods are the commodities in SITC, significant managerial control, including equity revision 1, sections 5 through 9 (chemical and re- capital, reinvested earnings, and other capital. The lated products, basic manufactures, manufactured net figures are obtained by subtracting the value of articles, machinery and transport equipment, and direct investment abroad by residents of the re- other manufactured articles and goods not else- porting country. where classified) excluding division 68 (nonferrous Gross international reserves comprise holdings of metals). This definition is somewhat broader than monetary gold, special drawing rights (SDRs), the the one used to define exporters of manufactures. reserve position of members in the IMF, and hold- The major manufactured product groups re- ings of foreign exchange under the control of mon- ported are defined as the following: textiles and etary authorities. The data on holdings of interna- clothing (SITC 65 and 84), chemicals (SITC 5), elec- tional reserves are from IMF data files. The gold trical machinery and electronics (SITC 72), trans- component of these reserves is valued throughout port equipment (SITC 73), and others, defined as at year-end (December 31) London prices: that is, the residual. $37.37 an ounce in 1970 and $484.10 an ounce in 1987. The reserve levels for 1970 and 1987 refer to Table 18. Balance of payments and reserves the end of the year indicated and are in current The statistics for this table are mostly as reported dollars at prevailing exchange rates. Because of dif- by the IMF but do include recent estimates by ferences in the definition of international reserves, World Bank staff and, in rare instances, the Bank's in the valuation of gold, and in reserve manage- own coverage or classification adjustments to en- ment practices, the levels of reserve holdings pub- hance international comparability. Values in this lished in national sources do not have strictly com- table are in current U.S. dollars. parable significance. Reserve holdings at the end The current account balance after official transfers is of 1987 are also expressed in terms of the number the difference between exports of goods and ser- of months of imports of goods and services they vices (factor and nonfactor) as well as inflows of could pay for, with total imports level for 1987. unrequited transfers (private and official), and im- The summary measures are computed from group ports of goods and services as well as unrequited aggregates for gross international reserves and to- transfers to the rest of the world. tal imports of goods and services, in current dol- The current account balance before official transfers is lars. the current account balance that treats net official Table 19. Official development assistance from unrequited transfers as akin to official capital OECD and OPEC members movements. The difference between the two bal- ance of payment measures is essentially foreign Official development assistance (ODA) consists of net aid in the form of grants, technical assistance, and disbursements of loans and grants made on con- food aid, which, for most developing countries, cessional financial terms by official agencies of the tends to make current account deficits smaller than members of the Development Assistance Commit- the financing requirement. tee (DAC) of the Organisation for Economic Co- 240 operation and Development (OECD) and members disbursements of ODA are shown per capita and of the Organization of Petroleum Exporting Coun- as a percentage of GNE tries (OPEC), to promote economic development The summary measures of per capita ODA are and welfare. While this definition aims at exclud- computed from group aggregates for population ing purely military assistance, the borderline is and for ODA. Summary measures for ODA as a per- sometimes blurred; the definition used by the centage of GNP are computed from group totals country of origin usually prevails. ODA also in- for ODA and for GNP in current U.S. dollars. cludes the value of technical cooperation and assis- tance. All data shown are supplied by the OECD, Table 21. Total external debt and all U.S. dollar values are converted at official exchange rates. The data on debt in this and successive tables are Amounts shown are net disbursements to devel- from the World Bank Debtor Reporting System, oping countries and multilateral institutions. The supplemented by World Bank estimates. That sys- disbursements to multilateral institutions are now tem is concerned solely with developing econo- reported for all DAC members on the basis of the mies and does not collect data on external debt for date of issue of notes; some DAC members pre- other groups of borrowers, nor from economies viously reported on the basis of the date of en- that are not members of the World Bank. The dol- cashment. Net bilateral flows to low-income economies lar figures on debt shown in Tables 21 through 25 exclude unallocated bilateral flows and all are in U.S. dollars converted at official exchange disbursements to multilateral institutions. rates. The nominal values shown in the summary for The data on debt include private nonguaranteed ODA from high-income OECD countries were debt reported by twenty-four developing countries converted at 1980 prices using the dollar GDP de- and complete or partial estimates for an additional flator. This deflator is based on price increases in twenty-five countries. OECD countries (excluding Greece, Portugal, and Public loans are external obligations of public Turkey) measured in dollars. It takes into account debtors, including the national government, its the parity changes between the dollar and national agencies, and autonomous public bodies. Publicly currencies. For example, when the dollar depreci- guaranteed loans are external obligations of private ates, price changes measured in national curren- debtors that are guaranteed for repayment by a cies have to be adjusted upward by the amount of public entity. These two categories are aggregated the depreciation to obtain price changes in dollars. in the tables. Private nonguaranteed loans are exter- The table, in addition to showing totals for nal obligations of private debtors that are not guar- OPEC, shows totals for the Organization of Arab anteed for repayment by a public entity. Petroleum Exporting Countries (OAPEC). The do- Use of IMF credit denotes repurchase obligations nor members of OAPEC are Algeria, Iraq, Kuwait, to the IMF for all uses of IMF resources, excluding Libya, Qatar, Saudi Arabia, and United Arab Emir- those resulting from drawings in the reserve ates. ODA data for OPEC and OAPEC are also tranche and on the IMF Trust Fund and the Struc- obtained from the OECD. tural Adjustment Facility. It is shown for the end of the year specified. It comprises purchases out- Table 20. Official development assistance: standing under the credit tranches, including en- receipts larged access resources, and all of the special facili- ties (the buffer stock, compensatory financing, and Net disbursements of ODA from all sources consist of Extended Fund Facility). Trust Fund and Structural loans and grants made on concessional financial Adjustment Facility loans are included individu- terms by all bilateral official agencies and multilat- ally in the Debtor Reporting System and are thus eral sources to promote economic development shown within the total of public long-term debt. and welfare. They include the value of technical Use of IMF credit outstanding at year-end (a stock) cooperation and assistance. The disbursements is converted to U.S. dollars at the dollar-SDR ex- shown in this table are not strictly comparable with change rate in effect at year-end. those shown in Table 19 since the receipts are from Short-term external debt is debt with an original all sources; disbursements in Table 19 refer only to maturity of one year or less. Available data permit those made by high-income members of the OECD no distinctions between public and private non- and members of OPEC. Net disbursements equal guaranteed short-term debt. gross disbursements less payments to the origina- Total external debt is defined for the purpose of tors of aid for amortization of past aid receipts. Net this report as the sum of public, publicly guaran- 241 teed, and private nonguaranteed long-term debt, The summary measures are computed from group use of IMF credit, and short-term debt. aggregates of debt service and GNP in current dol- lars. Table 22. Flow of public and private external capital Table 25. Terms of external public borrowing Data on disbursements and repayment of principal Commitments refer to the public and publicly (amortization) are for public, publicly guaranteed, guaranteed loans for which contracts were signed and private nonguaranteed long-term loans. The in the year specified. They are reported in curren- net flow estimates are disbursements less the repay- cies of repayment and converted into U.S. dollars ment of principal. at average annual official exchange rates. Figures for interest rates, maturities, and grace pe- Table 23. Total external public and private debt riods are averages weighted by the amounts of the and debt service ratios loans. Interest is the major charge levied on a loan and is usually computed on the amount of princi- Total long-term debt data in this table cover public pal drawn and outstanding. The maturity of a loan and publicly guaranteed debt and private non- is the interval between the agreement date, when a guaranteed debt. The ratio of debt service to ex- loan agreement is signed or bonds are issued, and ports of goods and services is one of several con- the date of final repayment of principal. The grace ventional measures used to assess the ability to period is the interval between the agreement date service debt. The average ratios of debt service to and the date of the first repayment of principal. GNP for the economy groups are weighted by Public loans with variable interest rates, as a percent- GNP in current dollars. The average ratios of debt age of public debt, refer to interest rates that float service to exports of goods and services are with movements in a key market rate; for example, weighted by exports of goods and services in cur- the London interbank offered rate (LIBOR) or the rent dollars. U.S. prime rate. This column shows the borrow- er's exposure to changes in international interest Table 24. External public debt and debt service rates. ratios The summary measures in this table are weighted by the amounts of the loans. External public debt outstanding and disbursed repre- sents public and publicly guaranteed loans drawn Table 26. Population growth at year-end, net of repayments of principal and and projections write-offs. For estimating external public debt as a percentage of GNP, the debt figures are converted Population growth rates are period averages calcu- into U.S. dollars from currencies of repayment at lated from midyear populations. end-of-year official exchange rates. GNP is con- Population estimates for mid-1987 are based on of- verted from national currencies to U.S. dollars by ficial estimates made by country statistical offices, applying the conversion procedure described in the U.N. Population Division, and the World the technical note to Tables 2 and 3. Bank. They take into account the results of recent Interest payments are actual payments made on population censuses, which, in some cases, are the outstanding and disbursed public and publicly neither recent nor accurate. Note that refugees not guaranteed debt in foreign currencies, goods, or permanently settled in the country of asylum are services; they include commitment charges on Un- generally considered to be part of the population disbursed debt if information on those charges is of their country of origin. available. The projections of population for 2000, 2025, and Debt service is the sum of actual repayments of the year in which the population will eventually principal (amortization) and actual payments of in- become stationary (see definition below) are made terest made in foreign currencies, goods, or ser- for each economy separately. Information on total vices on external public and publicly guaranteed population by age and sex, fertility, mortality, and debt. Procedures for estimating total long-term international migration is projected on the basis of debt as a percentage of GNP, average ratios of debt generalized assumptions until the population be- service to GNP, and average ratios of debt service comes stationary. The base-year estimates are from to exports of goods and services are the same as updated printouts of the U.N. World Population those described in the note to Table 23. Prospects: 1988, recent issues of the U.N. Population 242 and Vital Statistics Report, World Bank country data, started to decline (fertility transition), this trend is and national censuses and surveys. assumed to continue. It has been observed that no The net reproduction rate (NRR), which measures country with a life expectancy of less than 50 years the number of daughters a newborn girl will bear experienced a fertility decline; for these countries during her lifetime, assuming fixed age-specific the average decline of the group of countries in fertility and mortality rates, reflects the extent to fertility transition is applied. Countries with which a cohort of newborn girls will reproduce below-replacement fertility are assumed to have themselves. An NRR of 1 indicates that fertility is constant total fertility rates until 1995-2000 and at replacement level: at this rate women will bear, then to regain replacement level by 2030. on average, only enough daughters to replace International migration rates are based on past themselves in the population. and present trends in migration flows and migra- A stationary population is one in which age- and tion policy. Among the sources consulted are esti- sex-specific mortality rates have not changed over mates and projections made by national statistical a long period, while age-specific fertility rates have offices, international agencies, and research insti- simultaneously remained at replacement level tutions. Because of the uncertainty of future migra- (NRR = 1). In such a population, the birth rate is tion trends, it is assumed in the projections that constant and equal to the death rate, the age struc- net migration rates will reach zero by 2025. ture is constant, and the growth rate is zero. The estimates of the size of the stationary popu- Population momentum is the tendency for popula- lation and the assumed year of reaching tion growth to continue beyond the time that replacement-level fertility are speculative. They replacement-level fertility has been achieved; that should not be regarded as predictions. They are in- is, even after the NRR has reached 1. The momen- cluded to show the implications of recent fertility tum of a population in any given year is measured and mortality trends on the basis of generalized as a ratio of the ultimate stationary population to assumptions. A fuller description of the methods the population of that year, given the assumption and assumptions used to calculate the estimates that fertility drops to replacement level by that will be available from the World Bank's forthcom- year and remains there. For example, the 1990 ing World Population Projections, 1989-90 edition. population of India is projected to be 848 million. If the NRR were to drop to 1 by 1990, the projected Table 27. Demography and fertility stationary population would be 1,448 million reached in the middle of the twenty-second The crude birth and death rates indicate respectively centuryand the population momentum would be the number of live births and deaths occurring per 1.7. thousand population in a year. They come from A population tends to grow even after fertility the sources mentioned in the note to Table 26. has declined to replacement level because past The percentage of women of childbearing age pro- high growth rates will have produced an age distri- vides a more complete picture of fertility patterns. bution with a relatively high proportion of women Comparison of 1965 and 1987 data adds an inter- in, or still to enter, the reproductive ages. Conse- esting aspect to the pattern of reproduction during quently, the birth rate will remain higher than the the past two decades. Childbearing age is generally death rate, and the growth rate will remain posi- defined as 15 to 49. tive for several decades. The total fertility rate represents the number of Population projections are made component by children that would be born to a woman if she component. Mortality, fertility, and migration are were to live to the end of her childbearing years projected separately and the results are applied it- and bear children at each age in accordance with eratively to the 1985 base year age structure. For prevailing age-specific fertility rates. The rates the projection period 1985 to 2005, the changes in given are from the sources mentioned in Table 26. mortality are country specific: increments in life The percentage of married women of childbearing age expectancy and decrements in infant mortality are using contraception refers to women who are prac- based on previous trends for each country. When ticing, or whose husbands are practicing, any form female secondary school enrollment is high, mor- of contraception. Contraceptive usage is generally tality is assumed to decline more quickly. Infant measured for women age 15-49. A few countries mortality is projected separately from adult mortal- use measures relating to other age groups such as ity. 15 to 44, 18 to 44, and 19 to 49. Projected fertility rates are also based on pre- Data are mainly derived from the World Fertility vious trends. For countries in which fertility has Surveys, the Contraceptive Prevalence Surveys, 243 the Demographic and Health Surveys, World Bank dence of other forms of retarded development. country data, and the U.N. publication Recent Lev- The figures are derived from WHO and UNICEF els and Trends of Contraceptive Use as Assessed in 1983. sources and are based on national data. The data For a few countries for which no survey data are are not strictly comparable across countries, as available, program statistics are used; these in- they are compiled from a combination of surveys clude Bangladesh, India, and several African coun- and administrative records and other such tries. Program statistics may understate contracep- sources. tive prevalence because they do not measure use The summary measures in this table are country of methods such as rhythm, withdrawal, or absti- figures weighted by each country's share in the nence, or contraceptives not obtained through the aggregate population. official family planning program. The data refer to rates prevailing in a variety of years, generally not Table 29. Education more than three years prior to the year specified in the tables. The data in this table refer to a variety of years, All summary measures are country data weighted generally not more than two years distant from by each country's share in the aggregate popula- those specified, and are mostly from Unesco. tion. However, disaggregated figures for males and fe- males sometimes refer to a year earlier than that Table 28. Health and nutrition for overall totals. The data on primary school enrollments are esti- The estimates of population per physician and nursing mates of children of all ages enrolled in primary person are derived from World Health Organization school. Figures are expressed as the ratio of pupils (WHO) data. The data refer to a variety of years, to the population of school-age children. While generally no more than two years prior to the year many countries consider primary school age to be specified. The figure for physicians, in addition to 6 to 11 years, others do not. The differences in the total number of registered practitioners in the country practices in the ages and duration of country, includes medical assistants whose medi- schooling are reflected in the ratios given. For cal training is less than that of qualified physicians, some countries with universal primary education, but who nevertheless dispense similar medical the gross enrollment ratios may exceed 100 percent services, including simple operations. The num- because some pupils are younger or older than the bers include "barefoot doctors." Nursing persons country's standard primary school age. The data include graduate, practical, assistant, and auxiliary on secondary school enrollments are calculated in the nurses, as well as paraprofessional personnel such same manner, but again the definition of second- as health workers, first aid workers, traditional ary school age differs among countries. It is most birth attendants, etc. The inclusion of auxiliary and commonly considered 12 to 17 years. Late entry of paraprofessional personnel provides more realistic more mature students, as well as repetition and estimates of available nursing care. Because defini- the phenomenon of bunching in final grades, can tions of doctors and nursing personnel varyand influence these ratios. because the data shown are for a variety of years The tertiary enrollment ratio is calculated by divid- the data for these two indicators are not strictly ing the number of pupils enrolled in all post- comparable across countries. secondary schools and universities by the popula- The daily calorie supply per capita is calculated by tion in the 20-24 age group. Pupils attending dividing the calorie equivalent of the food supplies vocational schools, adult education programs, two- in an economy by the population. Food supplies year community colleges, and distance education comprise domestic production, imports less ex- centers (primarily correspondence courses) are in- ports, and changes in stocks; they exclude animal cluded. The distribution of pupils across these dif- feed, seeds for use in agriculture, and food lost in ferent types of institutions varies among countries. processing and distribution. These estimates are The youth population, that is 20 to 24 years, is used from the FAO. as the denominator since it represents an average The percentage of babies with low birth weights tertiary level cohort. Although in higher-income relates to children born weighing less than 2,500 countries, youths age 18 to 19 may be enrolled in a grams. Low birth weight is frequently associated tertiary institution (and are included in the numera- with maternal malnutrition, and tends to raise the tor), in both low- and middle-income and high- risk of infant mortality and to lead to poor growth income economies, many people older than 25 in infancy and childhood, thus increasing the mci- years are also enrolled in such institutions. 244 The summary measures in this table are country implicit quantities from national accounts expendi- enrollment rates weighted by each country's share ture data and specially collected price data, and in the aggregate population. revaluing the implicit quantities in each country at a single set of average prices. The PPP rate thus Table 30. Income distribution and ICP estimates equalizes dollar prices in every country, and inter- of GDP country comparisons of GDP based on them reflect differences in quantities of goods and services free The data in this table refer to the distribution of of any price level differentials. This procedure is total disposable household income accruing to per- designed to bring intercountry comparisons in line centile groups of households ranked by total with intertemporal real value comparisons that are household income, and ICP estimates for GDP. based on constant price series. The first column presents preliminary results of The figures presented here are the results of a the U.N. International Comparison Program (ICP), two-step exercise. Countries within a region or Phase V, for 1985. ICP recasts traditional national group such as the OECD are first compared using accounts through special price collections and dis- their own group average prices. Next, since group aggregation of GDP by expenditure components. average prices may differ from each other, making Reviewed ICP results are expected to be available the countries belonging to different groups not by the end of 1989. The figures given here are sub- comparable, the group prices are adjusted to make ject to change and should be regarded as indicative them comparable at the world level. The adjust- only. ICP Phase V details are prepared by national ments, done by UNSO, are based on price differ- statistical offices and coordinated by the U.N. Sta- entials observed in a network of "link" countries tistical Office (UNSO) with support from other in- representing each group. However, the linking is ternational agencies, particularly the Statistical Of- done in a manner that retains in the world compar- fice of the European Communities (EUROSTAT) ison the relative levels of GDP observed in the and the Organisation for Economic Co-operation group comparisons. and Development (OECD). The World Bank, the The two-step process was adopted because the Economic Commission for Europe (ECE), and the relative GDP levels and ranking of two countries Economic and Social Commission for Asia and the may change when more countries are brought into Pacific (ESCAP) also contribute to this exercise. the comparison. It was felt that this should not be A total of 64 countries participated in the ICP allowed to happen within geographic regions; that Phase V exercise but preliminary results are avail- is, that the relationship of, say, Ghana and Senegal able for only 57. For four of these countries should not be affected by the prices prevailing in (Bangladesh, Nepal, Pakistan, and the Philip- the United States. Thus overall GDP per capita pines), total GDP data were not available, and levels are calculated at regional prices and then comparisons were made for consumption only; linked together. The linking is done by revaluing two countries with populations of less than 1 GDPs of all the countries at average "world" millionLuxembourg, with 81.3 as its estimated prices and allocating the new regional totals on the index of GDP per capita; and Swaziland, with basis of each country's share in the original re- 13.6have been omitted from this table. Data for gional total that was based on regional prices. the remaining seven countries, all Caribbean, are expected later in the year. Such a method does not permit the comparison Although the GDP per capita figures are pre- of more detailed quantities (for example, food con- sented as indexes to the U.S. value, the underlying sumption). Thus these subaggregates and more data are expressed in U.S. dollars. However, these detailed categories are calculated by the world dollar values, which are different from those prices. Therefore these quantities are indeed com- shown in Tables 1 and 3 (see the technical notes for parable internationally, but they do not add up to these tables), are obtained by special conversion the indicated GDPs, because they are calculated at factors designed to equalize purchasing powers of a different set of prices. currencies in the respective countries. This conver- Some countries belong to several regional sion factor, commonly known as the purchasing groups. Some groups have priority; others are power parity (PPP), is defined as the number of equal. Thus fixity is always maintained between units of a country's currency required to buy the members of the European Communities, even same amounts of goods and services in the domes- within the OECD and world comparison. For Fin- tic market as one dollar would buy in the United land and Austria, however, the bilateral relation- States. The computation of PPP involves obtaining ship that prevails within the OECD comparison is 245 also the one used within the global comparison. Table 31. Urbanization However, a significantly different relationship (based on Central European prices) prevails in the The data on urban population as a percentage of total comparison within that group, and this is the rela- population are from the forthcoming U.N. publica- tionship presented in the separate publication of tion, The Prospects of World Urbanization, supple- the European comparison. mented by data from the World Bank. For further details on the ICP procedures, read- The growth rates of urban population are calcu- ers may consult the ICP Phase IV report: World lated from the World Bank's population estimates; Comparisons of Purchasing Power and Real Product for the estimates of urban population shares are calcu- 1980 (New York: United Nations, 1986). lated from the sources cited above. Data on urban The income distribution data cover rural and urban agglomeration in large cities are from the U.N. Pat- areas and refer to different years between 1970 and terns of Urban and Rural Population Growth, 1980. 1986. The data are drawn from a variety of sources, Because the estimates in this table are based on including the Economic Commission for Latin different national definitions of what is urban, America and the Caribbean (ECLAC), Economic cross-country comparisons should be interpreted and Social Commission for Asia and the Pacific with caution. Data on urban agglomeration in (ESCAP), International Labour Office (ILO), the large cities are from population censuses, which Organisation for Economic Co-operation and De- are conducted at five- or even ten-year intervals. velopment (OECD), the U.N. National Account Sta- The summary measures for urban population as a tistics: Compendium of Income Distribution Statistics, percentage of total population are calculated from 1985, the World Bank, and national sources. country percentages weighted by each country's In many countries the collection of income distri- share in the aggregate population; the other sum- bution data is not systematically organized or inte- mary measures in this table are weighted in the grated with the official statistical system. The data same fashion, using urban population. are derived from surveys designed for other pur- poses, most often consumer expenditure surveys, Table 32. Women in development that also collect some information on income. These surveys use a variety of income concepts This table provides some basic indicators disaggre- and sample designs, and in many cases their geo- gated to show differences between the sexes to il- graphic coverage is too limited to provide reliable lustrate the condition of women in society. It re- nationwide estimates of income distribution. flects their demographic status and their access to Therefore, while the estimates shown are consid- some health and education services. Statistical ered the best available, they do not avoid all these anomalies become even more apparent when so- problems and should be interpreted with extreme cial indicators are analyzed by gender, because re- caution. porting systems are often weak in areas related The scope of the indicator is similarly limited. specifically to women. Indicators drawn from cen- Because households vary in size, a distribution in suses and surveys, such as those on population, which households are ranked according to per cap- tend to be about as reliable for women as for men; ita household income, rather than according to to- but indicators based largely on administrative tal household income, is superior for many pur- records, such as maternal and infant mortality, are poses. The distinction is important because less reliable. Currently more resources are being households with low per capita incomes fre- devoted to developing better statistics on this quently are large households, whose total income topic, but the reliability of data, even in the series may be high, while conversely many households shown, still varies significantly. with low household incomes may be small house- The first four columns show the ratios of females holds with high per capita incomes. Information to males for the total population and for the under- on the distribution of per capita household income five age group. In general, throughout the world, exists for only a few countries and is infrequently more males are born than females. Under good updated; for this reason this table is unchanged nutritional and health conditions and in times of from last year's version. The World Bank's Living peace, male children have a higher death rate than Standards Measurement Study and the Social Di- females, and females tend to live longer. In the mensions of Adjustment project, covering Sub- industrial market economies, these factors have re- Saharan African countries, are assisting a few se- sulted in ratios of about 103 to 105 females per 100 lected countries to improve their collection and males in the general population. The figures in analysis of data on income distribution. these columns reveal that there are cases where 246 the number of females is much smaller than what rived mostly from official community reports and would be a normal demographic pattern. In some hospital records, and some reflect only deaths in countries, the apparent imbalance may be the hospitals and other medical institutions. Some- result of migration (for example, Kuwait and times smaller private and rural hospitals are ex- United Arab Emirates), where males enter the cluded, and sometimes even relatively primitive country to work on contracts. In others, male out- local facilities are included. The coverage is there- migration or the disproportionate effect of war cre- fore not always comprehensive, and the figures ates a reverse imbalance of fewer than expected should be treated with extreme caution. males and may partly hide, or compensate for, the Clearly, many maternal deaths go unrecorded, excessive female mortality. particularly in countries with remote rural popula- Typically, however, in the absence of such fac- tions; this accounts for some of the very low num- tors, a female-to-male ratio significantly below 100 bers shown in the table, especially for several Afri- in the general population of a country reflects the can countries. Moreover, it is not clear whether an effects of discrimination against women. Such dis- increase in the number of mothers in hospitals crimination affects mostly three age groups: very reflects more extensive medical care for women or young girls, who may get a smaller share of scarce more complications in pregnancy and childbirth food or receive less prompt costly medical atten- because of poor nutrition, for instance. (See Table tion; childbearing women; and to a lesser extent 28 for low birth weight data.) the resourceless elderly. This pattern of discrimina- These time series attempt to bring together read- tion is not uniformly associated with development. ily available information not always presented in There are low- and middle-income countries (and international publications. WHO warns that there within countries, regions) where the composition are "inevitably gaps" in the series, and it has in- of the population is quite "normal." In many oth- vited countries to provide more comprehensive fig- ers, however, the numbers starkly demonstrate the ures. They are reproduced here, from the 1986 need to associate women more closely with devel- WHO publication Maternal Mortality Rates, supple- opment. mented by the UNICEF publication The State of the The health and welfare indicators in the next five World's Children 1989, as part of the international columns draw attention, in particular, to the condi- effort to highlight data in this field. The data refer tions associated with childbearing. This activity to any year from 1977 to 1984. still carries the highest risk of death for women of The infant mortality rate is the number of infants reproductive age in developing countries. The in- who die before reaching one year of age, per thou- dicators reflect, but do not measure, both the avail- sand live births in a given year. The data are from ability of health services for women and the gene- the U.N. publication Mortality of Children under Age ral welfare and nutritional status of mothers. 5: Projections, 1950-2025 as well as from the World Life expectancy at birth is defined in the note to Bank. Table 1. The education indicators, based on Unesco Births attended by health staff show the percentage sources, show the extent to which females are en- of births recorded where a recognized health ser- rolled at school at both primary and secondary lev- vice worker was in attendance. The data are from els, compared with males. All things being equal, the World Health Organization (WHO) and sup- and opportunities being the same, the ratios for plemented by UNICEF data. Maternal mortality females should be close to 100. However, inequali- usually refers to the number of female deaths that ties may cause the ratios to move in different direc- occur during childbirth, per 100,000 live births. Be- tions. For example, the number of females per 100 cause "childbirth" is defined more widely in some males will rise at secondary school level if male countries, to include complications of pregnancy attendance declines more rapidly in the final or of abortion, and since many pregnant women grades because of males' greater job opportunities, die because of lack of suitable health care, maternal conscription irto the army, or migration in search mortality is difficult to measure consistently and of work. In addition, since the numbers in these reliably across countries. The data in these two se- columns refer mainly to general secondary educa- ries are drawn from diverse national sources and tion, they do not capture those (mostly males) en- collected by WHO, although many national ad- rolled in technical and vocational schools or in full- ministrative systems are weak and do not record time apprenticeships, as in Eastern Europe. vital events in a systematic way. The data are de- 247 7 Bibliography Production U.N. Department of International Economic and Social Affairs. Various years. Statistical and domestic Yearbook. New York. absorption U.N. Department of International Economic and Social Affairs. Various years. World Energy Supplies. Statistical Papers, series J. New York. FAO, IMF, UNIDO, and World Bank data; and national sources. Fiscal and International Monetary Fund. 1988. Government Finance Statistics Yearbook. Vol. XII. monetary . Various years. International Finance Statistics. Washington, D.C. accounts U.N. Department of International Economic and Social Affairs. Various Years. World Energy Supplies. Statistical Papers, series J. New York. IMF data. Trade and International Monetary Fund. Various years. International Financial Statistics. Washington, balance of D.C. payments U.N. Conference on Trade and Development. Various years. Handbook of International Trade and Development Statistics. Geneva. U.N. Department of International Economic and Social Affairs. Various years. Monthly Bulletin of Statistics. New York. Various years. Yearbook of International Trade Statistics. New York. FAO, IMF, U.N., and World Bank data. External Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development. Various years. Development finance Co-operation. Paris. 1987. Geographical Distribution of Financial Flows to Developing Countries. Paris. IMF, OECD, and World Bank data; and the World Bank Debtor Reporting System. 248 Human U.N. Department of International Economic and Social Affairs. Various years. Population resources and Vital Statistics Report. New York. 1980. Patterns of Urban and Rural Population Growth. New York. 1984. Recent Levels and Trends of Contraceptive Use as Assessed in 1983. New York. 1988. Mortality of Children under Age 5: Projections 1950-2025. New York. Forthcoming. The Prospects of World Urbanization. New York. Updated printouts. World Population Prospects: 1988. New York. Food and Agriculture Organization. 1981. Fertilizer Yearbook 1982. Rome. 1983. Food Aid in Figures (December). Rome. Institute for Resource Development/Westinghouse. 1987. Child Survival: Risks and the Road to Health. Columbia, Md. Sivard, Ruth. 1985. WomenA World Survey. Washington, D.C.: World Priorities. U.N. Department of International Economic and Social Affairs. Various years. Demographic Yearbook. New York. Various years. Statistical Yearbook. New York. U.N. Educational, Scientific, and Cultural Organization. Various years. Statistical Yearbook. Paris. UNICEF. 1989. The State of the World's Children 1989. Oxford: Oxford University Press. World Health Organization. Various years. World Health Statistics Annual. Geneva. 1986. Maternal Mortality Rates: A Tabulation of Available Information, 2d edition. Geneva. Various years. World Health Statistics Report. Geneva. FAO and World Bank data. 249 Country classifications: World Development Report 1988 and selected international organizations World Development Report International Monetary United Nations Conference General Agreement on United Nations b 1988 Fund on Trade and Development Tariffs and Trade Industrial market economies Industrial countries Developed market economies Developed market economies Developed countries OECD (excluding Greece, North America Northern America North America North America Portugal, and Turkey) Canada Canada Canada Canada USA USA USA USA Europe Europe Europe Western Europe EC (excluding Greece EC EC EC and Portugal) EFTA EFTA EFTA EFTA Other Europe Other Europe Other Western Europe Faeroe Islands Faeroe Islands Gibraltar Gibraltar Malta Africa Africa Africa South Africa South Africa South Africa Asia Asia Asia Asia Japan Israel Israel Australia Japan Japan Japan New Zealand Oceania Oceania Oceania Australia Australia Australia New Zealand New Zealand New Zealand Developing economies Developing countries Developing market economies Developing market economies Developing economies Latin America and the Western Hemisphere Americas (excluding America Latin America Caribbean Northern America) CACM CARICOM LAIA Other Europe (including Cyprus, Europe Europe Europe Greece, Hungaiy, Malta, Yugoslavia Malta Poland, Portugal, Yugoslavia Romania, Turkey, and Yugoslavia) Middle East and North Middle East (including Middle East Africa Egypt) Sub-Saharan Africa Africa (including South Africa Africa Africa (excluding South Africa) Northern North Africa) Other Other CEUCA CEPGL ECOWAS CEUCA Rest of Africa (excluding ECO WAS South Africa) Other (excluding South Africa) South Asia Asia (excluding Middle East Asia Asia Asia (excluding Australia, East Asia but including Oceania) Western Asia West Japan, New Zealand, and Other Asia South and South-East China and other Asian Oceania Oceania centrally planned economies) High-income oil exporters Twelve major oil exportersc OPEC Major petroleum exporters'1 Nonreporting nonmembers USSR and other nonmembers Centrally planned economies Socialist countries Eastern trading area not included elsewhere 0 0 0 0 Asia (including China) Asia China and other Asian Europe and USSR (including Eastern Europe (including centrally planned Hungary, Poland, and Hungary, Poland, and economies Romania) Romania) Eastern Europe and USSR (including Hungary, Poland, and Romania) 250 Country classifications (continued) World Development Report International Monetary United Nations Conference General Agreement on United Nations b 1988 Fund on Trade and Development Tariffs and Trade Other analylical groups Developing economies Developing countries Developing countries Developing countries Developing economies Low-income Low-income countries, Least developed countries Least developed countries Least developed countries China and India excluding China and Other low-income Indiau Income groups based on 1980 Middle-income GDP per capita: Lower middle-income less than $500 Upper middle-income $500 to $1,500 more than $1,500 Oil exporterau Oil exporterss Major exporters of Fifteen highly indebted Exportera of manufacturesa Exporters of manufactures" manufactures countries Highly indebted countriesa Fifteen heavily indebted Sub-Saharan Africa' countries Sub-Saharan Afric&' Notes: CACM, Central American Common Market; CARICOM, Caribbean Community; CEPGL, Communauté &onomique des pays des Grands Lacs (Economic Community of the Great Lakes Countries); CEUCA, Customs and Economic Union of Central Africa; EC, European Communities; ECOWAS, Economic Community of West African States; EFTA, European Free Trade Association; LAtA, Latin American Integration Association; OECD, Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development; OPEC, Organization of Petroleum Exporting Countries. For details, see the IMF's Directory of Regional Economic Organizations and Intergovernmental Commodity and Development Organizations. See World Development Report 1988, page xi, for details. For this year's groupings, see the "Definitions and data notes" at the front of this volume. The United Nations uses the detailed groupings shown for presenting many types of economic statistics. It uses more general geographical groupings for other types of statisticsfor details, see the U. N. publication Standard Country or Area Codes for Statistical Use (series M, no. 49, rev. 2). Includes Algeria, Indonesia, Islamic Republic of Iran, Iraq, Kuwait, Libya, Nigeria, Oman, Qatar, Saudi Arabia, United Arab Emirates, and Venezuela. High-income and developing oil exporters (excluding Cameroon), Angola, and Egypt. IMF member countries whose per capita GDP, as estimated by the World Bank, did not exceed the equivalent of $425 in 1986. Includes Afghanistan, Bangladesh, Benin, Bhutan, Botswana, Burkina Faso, Burma, Burundi, Cape Verde, Central African Republic, Chad, Comoros, Democratic Yemen, Djibouti. Equatorial Guinea, Ethiopia, Gambia, Guinea, Guinea-Bissau, Haiti, Kiribati, Lao People's Democratic Republic, Lesotho, Malawi, Maldives, Mali, Mauritania, Mozambique, Nepal, Niger, Rwanda, Samoa, São Tome and Principe, Sierra Leone, Somalia, Sudan, Togo, Tuvalu, Uganda, United Republic of Tanzania, Vanuatu, and Yemen. Twelve major oil exporters plus Cameroon, Congo, Ecuador, Gabon, Mexico, and Trinidad and Tobago. Exporters of manufactures and Turkey. Includes Argentina, Brazil, Hong Kong, Korea, Singapore, Taiwan Province of China, Turkey, and Yugoslavia. Highly indebted countries, excluding Costa Rica and Jamaica. Sub-Saharan Africa excluding Nigeria. 251 I The World Bank Development strategies in the 1960s and 1970s influenced the shape of financial systems in developing countries. In many countries the growth of robust and efficient financial structures was retarded by government inter- vention that was designed to direct credit to priority sectors and to keep interest rates artificially low. Today, as many countries revise their ap- proach to development to rely more on the private sector and on market forces, the need for financial reform has become clear. The necessary changes in policies and in financial institutions, instruments, and marketschanges that offer countries an opportunity to fashion financial systems capable of providing the services their economies will need in the futureare the subject of this twelfth annual World Development Report. The Report reviews the financial history of both high-income and devel- oping countries, including the policies and events leading to the present distress of so many financial intermediaries. It then considers the prereq- uisites for the development of more efficient financial systems: [11 Restruc- turing troubled banks and the unprofitable firms that have borrowed from them Restoring macroeconomic stability Strengthening the legal, accounting, and regulatory frameworks of finance LI Improving the man- agement of institutions LII Developing a more diverse set of institutions and markets. The Report also reviews the attempts at financial liberaliza- tion made by some countries. Like its predecessors, the Report contains an overview of recent develop- ments in the world economy and a World Development Indicators annex with comprehensive, up-to-date data on social and economic development 1 in more than 120 countries. These data are also available on diskette for use with personal computers. ISBN 0-19-520788-2 (PB) d Cover design by Walt Rosen quist ISSN 0163-5085 1!