Gender Norms in Flux Bride Kidnapping and Women’s Civic Participation in the Kyrgyz Republic GENDER NORMS IN FLUX  n  iii Credit: Nick van Praag/The World Bank Gender Norms in Flux Bride Kidnapping and Women’s Civic Participation in the Kyrgyz Republic Ryan Muldoon and Ursula Casabonne © 2017 International Bank for Reconstruction and Development / The World Bank 1818 H Street NW Washington, D.C. 20433 Telephone: 202-473-1000 Internet: www.worldbank.org This work is a product of the staff of The World Bank with external contributions. The findings, interpretations, and conclusions expressed in this work do not necessarily reflect the views of The World Bank, its Board of Executive Directors, or the govern- ments they represent. The World Bank does not guarantee the accuracy of the data included in this work. 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Cover design and text layout: Shepherd Incorporated Contents Executive Summary. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . v Acknowledgments. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . ix I. Introduction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1 II. Literature Review and the Broader Context. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3 Broader Context . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3 Bride Kidnapping . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 6 Political and Civic Participation . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 10 III. Conceptual Framework . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 13 Social Norms Framework . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 13 Building Blocks of Choices. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 13 Independent and Interdependent Choices . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 14 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 14 Mental Models, Schemas, and Scripts Social Norms as Constraints and Enablers. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 15 IV. Research Methodology. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 17 Research Questions . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 17 Research Instruments . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 18 Community and Participant Selection. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 18 Data Analysis . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 19 Ethical Considerations . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 19 Limitations of the Study . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 20 V. Findings . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 23 Beneath the Surface: Social Support Structures . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 23 Consistent Support for Quasi-equality for Women . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 23 Strong Gendered Conceptions of Appropriate Roles for Women and Men . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 24 Women’s Economic Opportunities Constrained by Their Lesser Status. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 26 Material Constraints. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 27 Above the Surface: Observable Expressions of Women’s Agency: Bride Kidnapping and Women’s Civic Participation . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 28 Bride Kidnapping: A Declining, Broadly Unacceptable Practice . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 28 Broad Acceptance of the Legitimacy of New Laws That Criminalize Bride Kidnapping . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 30 Conditional Attitudes about Consent . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 30 GENDER NORMS IN FLUX  n  iii Women’s Civic Participation. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 31 Civic Participation Is Perceived to Be More Significant in Urban Areas. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 31 Social Norms Constrain Women’s Civic and Political Participation. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 33 Lack of Support for Participation from Husbands . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 34 Civic Participation Is Strongly Gendered . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 34 VI. Policy Implications . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 37 Policy Implications for Eliminating Bride Kidnapping . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 37 Policy Implications for Increasing Women’s Civic Participation. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 40 VII. Conclusion . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 43 References. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 44 Annex 1. Guide to Individual Interviews and Focus Group Discussions . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 47 Annex 2. IDI Participant Profiles . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 57 Annex 3. Key Poverty and Gender-Disaggregated Data for the Kyrgyz Republic. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 58 List of Figures and Tables Figures Figure 1. GDP growth and GDP per capita, 1990–2014. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3 Figure 2. Labor force participation (% of female/male population aged 15+) (modeled ILO estimate). . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3 Figure 3. Employment rate by education level (percent), 2013. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4 Figure 4. Regional poverty rates, 2015 (poverty line of $2.5/day in 2005 ppp terms). . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4 Figure 5. Net migration in the Kyrgyz Republic, 1992–2012 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4 Figure 6. Proportion of women aged 15 and above married by abduction, by area . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 8 Proportion of seats held by women in national parliament and women in ministerial-level positions, Figure 7.  2000–2016. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 11 Figure 8. Proportion of women deputies (%), December 2016 elections. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 11 Figure 9. Map of Kyrgyz Republic and key study sites. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 19 Figure 10. Iceberg model of behavior. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 23 Figure 11. Would you say that most women in your community work outside the home? . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 26 Figure 12. Responses of vignette questions on bride kidnapping by gender, location, and age group . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 29 Figure 13. Women’s civic participation and leadership. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 32 Tables Proportion of women and men who agree with the proposed stereotypical statements Table 1.  characterizing their adherence to religion, by type of settlement and region . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5 Table 2. Individual interviews and focus groups. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 19 Table 3. Characteristics of a good wife and good husband . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 24 Table 4. Policy implications for eliminating bride kidnapping and increasing women’s civic participation . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 38 iv  n  GENDER NORMS IN FLUX Executive Summary Motivation and Focus of the Study gender norms, and reveal features of local community factors that affect how gender norms manifest themselves in concrete behaviors. This exploratory small-scale, qualitative study examines the current state of gender norms in the Kyrgyz Republic by focusing on two concrete sets of observable behav- Social Norms Framework iors: bride kidnapping and women’s low civic participa- tion. These capture different aspects of life, but both are The study employed a social norms framework, devel- deeply shaped by the relative status of women in society, oped by Bicchieri (2006), which offers a nuanced under- how people perceive women’s roles, and what roles men standing of the forces that sustain harmful practices, hold in society. Each is a reflection of women’s agency in and helps identify opportunities for intervention. Social both their private and public lives. Each has also been norms are rules of behavior that people follow because impacted by legal changes including a reservation sys- they believe others in their community also follow them, tem in national politics and a criminal ban on bride kid- and because they believe those other people think they napping. While the study focuses on bride kidnapping should follow them. In studying gender-oriented norms and women’s local civic participation, the analysis is it is important to consider specific social norms as well enriched by a set of questions designed to better under- as mental models about gender. Mental models provide stand how people perceive girls and women in education, generalizations and archetypes to help people evaluate the labor market, and in the home. what to do in new situations. Social norms can be held in place by, and help to reinforce, mental models. How Research Methodology people envision a “good wife” or a “good husband” will shape what sorts of behaviors are expected of people, and what their reactions are when those expectations are The study involved developing a social norms-oriented met or violated. survey instrument to obtain a more detailed understand- ing of individual and community behaviors. A total of 180 in-depth individual interviews were conducted (equal Findings number of men and women, stratified by age group). Two sets of focus group discussions were held with commu- 1. Gender norms in flux. The study reveals that polit- nity participants and key informants (including commu- ical and legal changes, increased access to the Inter- nity leaders, government officials, teachers, healthcare net, negative economic conditions, and significant workers, etc.) in seven communities in three geographic out migration have thrown a number of gender norms regions—Chui, Osh, and Naryn—covering a mix of urban and gender-related social practices into flux. Since and rural locations. Individual interviews revealed indi- more traditional norms have lost some sources of viduals’ perceptions and experiences regarding the support, there may be opportunities to help encour- areas of study, and captured sensitive and salient aspects age more egalitarian gender norms. of women’s status in society that participants may not 2. Quasi-equality for women. Several female partici- have felt comfortable discussing in the presence of other pants from both rural and urban locations said that people. Focus group discussions with community par- women should have a robust set of rights and that ticipants provided insights into social norms and mental women can achieve anything they set their mind to. models that shape behaviors and beliefs related to mar- At the same time, however, consistently across gen- riage, bride kidnapping, women’s participation in local der, age group, and location, respondents said men affairs, and women’s overall status in society. Focus group were “one step higher” than women. This quasi- discussions with key informants helped identify stress- equality relegates women to second-tier status, and ors and forces that are producing perceived changes in affects their exercise of agency in their private life, GENDER NORMS IN FLUX  n  v as explored through the lens of marriage, and their half of the respondents predicted that he would have public life, as explored through the lens of civic the support of his family and friends. participation. 6. Evidence that legal changes have some author- 3. Strong gendered conceptions of appropriate ity. When participants were asked what factors roles for women and men. The study revealed brought about changes in marriage practices in their fairly consistent perceptions of ideals of a “good communities, a plurality responded that the crimi- wife” and “good husband” across respondents’ gen- nal law banning kidnapping was a significant factor. der, age group, and location. Ideals of the good wife Some described the law as changing the bargain- include one who sticks close to the home, takes care ing position of women’s families. That is, they could of the family and all household chores, respects and threaten to ruin a kidnapper’s family unless agree- obeys her husband and in-laws, and who is patient, ments could be made. While using the law to lever- compliant, and obedient to the husband and his fam- age a significant dowry does not directly protect ily. Ideals of the good husband mostly stress their role women from kidnapping, it does deter the practice. as head of the household and economic provider, An important implication of the discussion of the being a caring and considerate father and husband, law is that people treated it as a given that the law and performing male responsibilities around the had authority, and that it would be enforced if the household. In urban areas, a greater share of respon- police were involved. While the law may not be the dents said a good wife also contributes to the family only causal factor, it has sufficient power to motivate income and is able to combine work and household different behaviors. This was true in both rural and chores. A greater share of respondents in urban areas urban communities. This appears to be an instance mentioned that a good husband helped his wife with in which a legal change can help shift a community’s household chores. These mental models related to normative expectations. Because the law introduces gender help shape the options available to both men a sanction against kidnapping, even if cases are not and women. brought to court, people are aware that kidnapping is 4. Women’s economic opportunities are shaped a behavior that is justifiably punished. by their lesser status. A significant share of 7. Conditional attitudes about consent for mar- respondents said it was easier for women than men riage. While all study participants said that marriage to find a job because women are more willing to take should be based on mutual consent, opinions differed any job, whereas men are more “picky.” While this on what should be done after a young woman has willingness creates more opportunities for lower- been kidnapped. Much weaker support was found paid and lower-status work for women, there was also for the importance of consent once that value has evidence suggesting that higher-end jobs, such as already been violated. This is likely because other managerial positions, tend to be reserved for men. values quickly come into play once a young woman Men’s concerns over their social standing can pre- has been kidnapped such as familial honor, embar- vent them from taking jobs at certain pay rates, or rassment, and women’s virginity. There is broad jobs that are perceived as too feminine. Since women agreement that if a woman escapes, the kidnapper are perceived as “one step below” men, they do not and his family would be humiliated. However, many have such social restrictions that can inhibit their job participants also expressed that the woman and her choices. family would also face significant embarrassment 5. Bride kidnapping is broadly unacceptable, due to speculation about whether she lost her vir- but there remains support for a potential kid- ginity while kidnapped. Because of this, conditional napper. The large majority of survey participants consent may be given because the value of consent believed that the way people get married has may be overridden by more socially valued consid- changed, and that the reduction in bride kidnap- erations of honor and embarrassment. pings is the primary source of positive change. Bride 8. Social norms restrict women’s civic participa- kidnapping is also perceived as broadly unaccept- tion. The interviews revealed that patriarchal and able, but for those who might perpetrate a kidnap- religious norms prescribe a separate and unequal ping, boys and their families, the results are much role for women in the community, and that civic and more mixed. There remain significant expectations of political activity fall outside the domain of women. social support for a potential kidnapper. When pre- It was often mentioned that religious communities sented with a vignette of a young man kidnapping a and sharia law hamper women’s participation in girl for marriage without her prior consent, roughly the public domain, and that women are confined to vi  n  GENDER NORMS IN FLUX the private domain by taking care of the family and not benefit from educating a daughter, since the girl households. becomes a member of her husband’s family when 9. An important barrier to women’s civic partici- she marries, and they will reap the benefits. Further, pation is their husband’s prohibition. Reasons parents often marry their daughters early to relieve that husbands object include that the women should their burden on the household, and to receive cattle focus on the family and that “family comes first,” and and cash dowries from the groom’s family. There- the shame and gossip that would bring to the family of fore, families under economic pressure may opt to women who participate. Women were also perceived support a boy in school over a girl, simply because as less decisive and having fewer leadership qualities he represents a better long-term investment. The than men, and there was a common perception that it study also revealed that out-migration is affecting would be easier for men to solve public policy issues gender norms in multiple and conflicting ways. Out-­ with other men than with women. These responses migration of their parents is contributing to teenage again demonstrate how mental models help shape girls dropping out of school as their grandparents or and reinforce social norms against women’s exer- other family members are not able to exert control cise of agency in civic life. Quasi-equality dictates over them. Out-migration may also encourage early that women can seek out public office only if their marriages of girls to relieve parents of their respon- husbands are sufficiently prosperous and respected sibilities and ensure the protection of the girls’ vir- on their own. A wife outshining her husband would tue. Respondents also mentioned that migration is be humiliating for him and shameful for her. This is exposing the ­ Kyrgyz population to Western values both because there is the perception that civic life and social norms. In addition, women left behind are is a men’s realm, and because of the perception that assuming male responsibilities, such as departed women should be less powerful than men within the men’s farm work, handling finances, and making pur- household. These features of mental models provide chases that usually would fall under men’s purview, reasons for normative expectations against women’s on top of s ­ ingle-handedly caring for their children. civic participation; it is considered inappropriate for The interviews also revealed that left-behind hus- women to be involved, and takes time away from a bands are taking on child care duties that have tradi- woman’s obligations to the household. tionally been ascribed to women, while at the same 10. Civic participation is strongly gendered. time being under considerable pressure to live up to Women generally participate in areas of community locally accepted masculine ideals. life that are tied to women’s traditional roles. So, while women are more able to exercise their agency in urban environments, they are largely restricted to the Policy Implications domains that people deem to be appropriately femi- The study suggests several policy areas that are worth nine. These include parents’ meetings and commit- investigating as a means of eliminating nonconsensual tees at school, training provided by international and bride kidnapping and increasing women’s civic partici- local organizations for self-employment (bakery, sew- pation, listed in the following table. In the case of bride ing, needlework) or on healthcare and crop farming kidnapping, there are a variety of points of intervention (in rural areas), and events tied to religious activities. that are worth further study. After all, in order to sustain Participants in rural areas mentioned women’s par- this practice a young man has to decide that this is a good ticipation in public works, clean-up campaigns, and idea, get social support from friends and family, and then drinking water committees. A few respondents men- kidnap the woman, who has to be kept from escaping, or tioned women’s participation in Aiyl Okmotu (munici- if she does, her family must turn her away. Finally, there palities), Women’s Council, Youth Council, Court of has to be some expectation that the marriage will not end Elders, and Local Councils. quickly in divorce. In the case of fostering women’s civic 11. Material constraints are key in explaining participation, the focus should be on getting women out behaviors and norms. While in the Kyrgyz Repub- of the household context and into the public sphere, while lic it is mandatory for young girls and boys to com- working on changing the mental models that define wom- plete 9th grade, the main reason for not continuing en’s roles within the household. to upper secondary school is parents’ lack of finan- cial resources. The study revealed that this economic constraint can have gendered consequences. There is a common belief that the biological family does GENDER NORMS IN FLUX  n  vii Eliminating bride kidnapping Increasing women’s civic participation • Edutainment interventions using a positive deviance approach to • Establishing quotas for women’s representation at the local model positive behaviors and change mental models on gender government level and for local self-governing authorities. Likewise, norms. for public administration, rather than defining a fixed percentage of women across all public jobs, adjustments could be made to ensure • Targeting young men as a prevention strategy by exposing them that women hold positions of decision-making authority. At present, to new norms through structured conversations and a peer group. women tend to hold lower-level positions with little authority. A local These types of programs could be directly incorporated into school reservation system may provide a training ground for women to hold curricula. office at the national level. This might be paired with a temporary • Working with community leaders to promote the idea that kidnapping fund that helps women campaign for office, as they may not have is not the girl’s fault and that there is no shame in leaving, could help equal access to resources. remove barriers to escaping. Communities might consider a two- • Community outreach and sensitization campaigns to reduce part pledge: that they do not support kidnapping, but that they do husbands’ resistance to women’s civic engagement. It is important support girls who escape their kidnappers. to obtain the commitment of community and organization leaders • Promoting a messaging campaign that changes the perception of to involve and increase women’s participation in community decision bride kidnappers from manly and toward ‘pathetic’ may help remove making. Training programs should target community and religious some social support for the behavior among potential perpetrators. leaders to expose them to the complexities of gender discrimination and the necessity of (and mechanisms for) fostering women’s civic • Reducing wedding expenses through joint wedding ceremonies/ engagement. parties paired with incentives that address status competition, for example: mandating that prime locations for parties could only be • Collaboration with media outlets to promote the presence of used for joint parties, rather than individual celebrations, community spokeswomen and break gender stereotypes. Fostering women’s pledges to hold more frugal celebrations, and introducing a spending presence in the media, including the number of female journalists, cap. would increase media coverage of women’s issues and build the capacity of media to report on current events with a gender-sensitive • Phone apps to report bride kidnapping incidents that would allow lens. women to report them without having to speak on the phone or find someone to help in person. This can simplify the process of initiating • Increasing employment opportunities for women not only helps a report, and help bring the legal authorities in before a marriage is families in significant financial need, but can help raise the status of initiated. women in ways that likely promote their participation in local politics. • Easing requirements and fast-tracking the process to obtain a divorce might serve as a deterrent to bride kidnapping. At present, there is a mandatory waiting period for divorce, which can be a significant deterrent for women who might seek a divorce after having been abducted or abused. viii  n  GENDER NORMS IN FLUX Acknowledgments This report and the qualitative research methodology and Political Economy Analyst, GSU03), who provided was prepared and developed by Ryan Muldoon (Assis- extensive comments on the Concept Note, to Warren Van tant Professor, University at Buffalo) and Ursula Casab- Wicklin (Consultant, GSU03), who provided comments onne (World Bank Consultant, ECA Social Development on the draft report, and to Kelley Friel who edited the Unit, GSU03) under the supervision of Emcet Tas (Young final report. The team is thankful for the valuable feed- Professional and Social Scientist, GSU03 and TTL). The back and comments from the peer reviewers: Benedicte fieldwork was carried out by M-Vector, by a team led by Leroy De La Briere (Lead Economist, GTGDR), Ana Maria Nail Haybulin that included Ainura Esengulova, Aysuluu Munoz Boudet (Senior Social Scientist, GPV03), Anna Tursunalieva, Sergey Kuklin, Nurlan Choibekov, and Olga Fruttero (Senior Economist, GPV04), and Elena Kim (Pro- Studenko. The research was funded by the Umbrella fessor, American University of Central Asia). The opin- Facility for Gender Equality. The team is grateful to Janelle ions, interpretations, and conclusions expressed herein Plummer (Senior Social Development Specialist, GSU03), do not necessarily reflect the views of the World Bank, David Malcolm Lord (Senior Water Supply & Sanitation its Board of Executive Directors, or the governments they Specialist, GWA09), and Alisher Khamidov (Consultant represent. GENDER NORMS IN FLUX  n  ix I Introduction The Kyrgyz Republic has undergone a significant social focuses on bride kidnapping and women’s civic par- transformation since independence. It has suffered a ticipation as key windows into how gender norms mani- large economic shock as it has transitioned out of the fest themselves in society. Both practices are extremely post-Soviet economy. This has led to significant job important in their own spheres, and together they help losses, and high levels of economic out-migration that define the contours of women’s autonomy and relative sta- have fueled a very high rate of remittances, upon which tus. Both have been impacted by legal changes—a res- the economy depends. It has experienced several con- ervation system in national politics, and a criminal ban stitutional changes, two revolutions, and interethnic vio- on bride kidnapping—but legal changes are insufficient lence. This background of significant social and political to change broad patterns of behavior. Social norms are unrest, paired with economic deprivation, has created often resistant to such change because they are interde- the conditions for a variety of social changes. While there pendent behaviors. have been notable formal efforts to secure gender equal- ity through legal changes, these changes have coincided Behavior change cannot be accomplished by chang- with a rising level of troubling social practices, such as ing minds one at a time, but instead by broader shifts in bride kidnapping. individuals’ expectations of each other. Just as a single person cannot successfully choose to change which side The Kyrgyz Republic is ranked 90 out of 188 countries by of the road he drives on, an individual cannot decide to the United Nations 2016 Gender Inequality Index (GII),1 stop adhering to a social norm without facing significant which benchmarks country-level gender-based inequali- social consequences. Because of this interdependence, ties in three dimensions—reproductive health, empower- understanding (or changing) social norms requires look- ment, and economic activity.2 The country’s overall score ing beyond aggregate individual preferences to investi- is 0.394, putting it above Morocco, Tajikistan, and India gate communities’ systems of mutually reinforced social and slightly below Argentina, Moldova, South Africa, and beliefs and expectations. This equilibrium of expecta- Uzbekistan. This ranking is higher than those of countries tions prevents individuals from unilaterally changing their with similar levels of GDP per capita due to the Kyrgyz behavior. For this reason, this study adopts Bicchieri’s Republic’s relatively high level of educational attainment (2006) toolkit for exploring social norms. and gender parity. This study explores the micro-level beliefs and support- Gender norms have been undergoing significant changes ing environments that have contributed to changes in in the Kyrgyz Republic, which has helped to undergird gender roles. While it focuses on bride kidnapping and changes in a number of social practices. This report women’s local civic participation, the analysis is enriched by the results of a social norms-oriented survey aimed at better understanding how individuals and communities perceive girls and women in education, the labor market, 1  See: http://hdr.undp.org/en/content/gender-inequality-index-gii 2  Reproductive health is measured by maternal mortality and adolescent and in the home. The results of the survey, developed for birth rates; empowerment is measured by the share of parliamentary seats this project, are combined with previous findings to offer held by women and attainment in secondary and higher education by each gender; and economic activity is measured by the labor market participa- a more complete picture of what helps sustain unequal tion rates for women and men. gender norms. GENDER NORMS IN FLUX  n  1 Credit: Aigul Eshtaeva/World Bank Literature Review II and the Broader Context The literature on postindependence gender relations in recession (Figure 1), massive increases in unemployment Central Asia has emphasized a revival of pre-Soviet tradi- and poverty, and the erosion of social welfare provision tions and norms, especially those rooted in Islam, and a and services that had been enjoyed under Soviet rule, concomitant re-traditionalization of many aspects of soci- particularly healthcare and childcare (Bauer et al. 1997; etal life (Akiner 1977; Phillips and James 2001; Tazmini Kuehnast 1997; Anderson 1999; Heyat 2004). 2001; Louw 2013; Commercio 2014). Scholars have argued that this traditionalism has made gender rela- These developments had a particularly strong impact on tions a fundamental element of identity (Günes ¸-Ayata and women due to their earlier professional predominance Ergun 2009). In this context, the literature review focuses in teaching, healthcare, and local administration, as well on the broader context of deteriorating economic condi- as in research roles in the state armaments industry that tions, migration, rising religiosity, political instability, the collapsed after 1991, and their reliance on state-provided rise of the practice of bride kidnapping, and the changing childcare (Bauer et al. 1997; Heyat 2004; Corcoran- character of women’s participation in public affairs. Nantes 2005; Asian Development Bank 2005; Ikramova and McConnell 1999). Women’s labor force participation Broader Context decreased from 58 percent in 1990 to 50 percent in 2017 (Figure 2). The impact of education on employment is greatest among women; employment rates for men differ After the Kyrgyz Republic declared its independence little by education level (Figure 3). following the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991, a period of rapid reform followed, which had long-lasting social and economic implications. The Kyrgyz Republic The economic transition also impacted men who lost their was one of the first countries in the region to introduce jobs and economic status, which affected their role as fam- macro­ economic reforms to open up its economy to for- ily providers and protectors. A qualitative study in rural eign trade, privatize state assets and industries, and over- areas in the Kyrgyz Republic found that unemployed men haul its financial sector and monetary policy framework reported feelings of humiliation as their spouses began (Anderson 1999). These reforms, combined with the end to engage in shuttle trading (i.e., the import and export of subsidies from Moscow and the sudden loss of the of small quantities of goods for sale across regional bor- intra-USSR export market, precipitated deep economic ders) other income-generating activities. Respondents of Figure 2. Labor force participation (% of female/male Figure 1. GDP growth and GDP per capita, 1990–2014 population aged 15+) (modeled ILO estimate) 15 1400 80 78 74 10 1200 70 5 1000 0 60 58 800 1990 1992 1994 1996 1998 2000 2002 2004 2006 2008 2010 2012 2014 –5 50 600 50 –10 400 –15 40 –20 200 –25 0 30 Male Female GDP growth (annual %)—left axis GDP per capita (current US$)—right axis 1990 2017 Source: World Development Indicators, World Bank Source: World Development Indicators, World Bank GENDER NORMS IN FLUX  n  3 Figure 3. Employment rate by education level (percent), 2013 100 92 92 90 80 75 72 60 58 40 Men Women Secondary general Secondary technical/special Tertiary Source: Ajwad et al. 2014. the study reported an increase in alcohol abuse and sui- in Russia3—some 39 percent of migrants are female—but cides among young men (Narayan et al. 2000). experts suggest the true number is closer to one million (International Crisis Group 2016). The economic life- Today, poverty is high, social services are in decline, and line provided by migration is vital. In 2014, remittances the economy depends heavily on remittances from labor comprised 30 percent of the country’s GDP (World Bank migrants. The average monthly salary is 13,649 soms 2016). This has led to a number of negative social conse- (roughly US$190), and almost one-third of the country’s quences. Families have been burdened as children are six million citizens live below the poverty line (Figure 4). left behind, often in the care of one parent or their grand- The official unemployment rate, masked by seasonal parents (International Crisis Group 2016). Migration has (often agricultural) jobs and migration to Russia, is 8 per- also increased women’s burden of work within the house- cent, but the actual rate is thought to be much higher hold, especially in rural communities. Women are gen- (International Crisis Group 2016). Poverty and the loss of erally fulfilling their traditional role as carers for family employment have led an increasing number of people, primarily men, to migrate especially to Russia to diversify Figure 5. Net migration in the Kyrgyz Republic, their sources of income (Figure 5). Officially, 458,660 work 1992–2012 1992 1997 2002 2007 2012 – 0% (50,000) (32,705) –1% Figure 4. Regional poverty rates, 2015 (poverty line –2% (100,000) (76,604) of $2.5/day in 2005 ppp terms) (113,963) –3% (150,000) 45 –4% (172,911) 40 (200,000) –5% 35 31 30 (250,000) –6% 25 (300,000) –7% 20 (271,590) 15 10 Net migration 5 Net migration as % of total population 0 Source: World Development Indicators, World Bank Slovenia Czech Republic Ukraine Russia Poland Kazakhstan Montenegro Hungary Estonia Lithuania Latvia Moldova Turkey Albania Serbia Macedonia, FYR Armenia Kyrgyz Republic Georgia Tajikistan 3  Federal Migration Service, Russia, “Factsheet, foreign nationals in Rus- sia by gender (by nationality),” 5 April 2016 [in Russian]. Some 39 percent of migrants are female. Crisis Group interview, Osh, March 2016. Cited in Source: World Bank ECAPOV database International Crisis Group (2016). 4  n  GENDER NORMS IN FLUX members and the household, while also taking on roles views leads to changing attitudes toward many issues in usually performed by men, such as tending livestock and society, including gender and family roles. Table 1 shows carrying out physically heavy agricultural work. Children that compared to other regions of the country, both men in migrant families also work alongside the adults. One and women in the city and region of Osh and in the Jalal- study indicates that the children of migrants who stay Abad and Naryn regions more often believe that religious behind spend more time in agricultural work and animal values are more important than secular ones. The table husbandry (and have less free time) than children in non- also shows that men in all regions agree with almost all migrant families (Nasritdinov and Schenkkan 2012). the statements in Table 1 more often than women. After almost seven decades of official atheism, during The Kyrgyz Republic experienced significant political which the Soviet ideological and political system pushed and social instability during its second decade of inde- the Islamic faith out of social and political life, there has pendence. In April 2005, after nearly 15 years in power, been a religious revival in the Kyrgyz Republic over the its first president was forcibly removed from office follow- past 25 years. Its roots stretch back to the days after the fall ing his disputed re-election. In April 2010, his successor of the USSR, when a number of former communist lead- was overthrown following widespread public demonstra- ers (including Kyrgyzstan’s first president, Askar Akayev, tions against corruption, nepotism, and the misuse of and its subsequent leaders) gravitated to Muslim theol- public assets. A resulting power vacuum in the south of ogy and Islamic discourse as a pragmatic way of staying the ­ country—a mosaic of diverse ethnicities, languages, in power. Kyrgyzstan’s religious revival attracted inter- and traditions—aggravated long-standing economic and national attention. Missionaries from Muslim countries social tensions that, in June 2010, exploded into three became involved in local religious activities, and a great days of violence and clashes between ethnic Kyrgyz and deal of religious Islamic literature was published and Uzbeks in southern Kyrgyzstan, primarily in the cities of imported. Clergy and internationally known theologians Osh and Jalal-Abad. The clashes killed nearly 420 people, began to educate local communities on religious matters, mostly Uzbeks, and displaced another 80,000 and resulted tailoring their messages to the historical traditions and in the extensive destruction of public infrastructure and mentality of the local people. Most mosques are in south- private property.4 An interim administration headed by a ern Kyrgyzstan, where religious traditions run deeper. As coalition of opposition leaders drafted a new constitution of 2013 there were approximately 2,200 mosques open that shifted the balance of executive power from the presi- in the Kyrgyz Republic, including 601 in the Osh region dency to the prime minister, who is chosen by and respon- (49 in the city of Osh alone), 450 in the Jalal-Abad region, sible to the legislature. Parliamentary elections under the and 247 in the Batken region (Foreign Policy Council 2013). The number of young people studying in religious 4 Wikipedia 2010 South Kyrgyzstan ethnic clashes https://en.wikipedia schools is growing. The increasing influence of religious .org/wiki/2010_South_Kyrgyzstan_ethnic_clashes Table 1. Proportion of women and men who agree with the proposed stereotypical statements characterizing their adherence to religion, by type of settlement and region It is better to follow the advice of mullahs and Education for children in Laws of Islam from God are sharia than to appeal A true Muslim woman won’t madrassas is more useful more important than the to judicial and law forbid her husband from than studying at school (%) state legislation (%) enforcement authorities (%) taking other wives (%) Men Women Men Women Men Women Men Women Batken 11.2 5.6 31.4 32.2 23.9 19.3 24.7 13.3 Jalal-Abad 10.4 8.6 56.6 53.4 34.6 29 41.2 37.9 Issyk-Kul 13.5 7.5 16.5 12.7 7.5 6.9 26.5 15.6 Naryn 22.8 18.2 29.6 30.6 19.4 19.4 28.8 29.3 Osh 12.6 11.7 40.9 33.8 20.6 25.5 39.8 33.4 Talas 11.3 7.2 24.7 18.9 5.2 2.4 13.3 10.7 Chui 8.8 8.7 17.9 18.2 7 4.5 12.4 11.6 Bishkek city 12.8 7.9 5.2 6.6 14.1 7.8 21.1 13.2 Osh city 30.5 30.1 32.6 36.5 19.5 19.1 37.6 32.7 Source: UNFPA 2016. Gender in the Perception of Society: National Survey Results, Bishkek. GENDER NORMS IN FLUX  n  5 Credit: Abd Halim Hadi new constitution were held in October 2010, and a four- unfit for another marriage (Amsler and Kleinbach 1999). party coalition committed to macro­economic stability and The second event occurs when a member of the groom’s continued market-oriented reforms took office in Decem- household presents the girl with a marriage scarf (joo- ber 2010. A presidential election took place in October luk). This is the first opportunity for the girl to publicly 2011 and the new president was sworn in on December 1, acknowledge her willingness to marry the groom. Often 2011. Although the government collapsed in August 2012, she is physically and psychologically coerced to submit it was promptly replaced by a new three-party coalition, and marry her kidnapper. Placing the marriage scarf which has continued the policies initiated by its prede- over her hair indicates that she accepts the marriage. In cessor. While the Kyrgyz Republic has made significant the third event, the girl is asked to write a letter of con- strides, it is important to note the country’s still fragile sent to the marriage to her family. Similar to the marriage economic, political, and social environment. scarf, the writing of the letter theoretically gives the girl an opportunity to decline the marriage. However, there is extreme social pressure to stay, and most girls make Bride Kidnapping this choice even if it goes against their true wishes. The girl realizes that she and her family will be the subject of Bride kidnapping (ala kachuu) is the act of abducting a malicious gossip if she became a “girl who returns,” who woman to marry; there is a normative succession of events would thus be a less desirable marriage partner (Amsler that characterizes this practice (Becker, Mirkasimov, and and Kleinbach 1999; Werner 2009; Stross 1974). The let- Steiner 2017; Amsler and Kleinbach 1999; Werner 2009). ter is the precursor of the fourth event, when the groom’s The first event is the abduction, which involves a young relatives send an official apology; they traditionally bring man and his male friends taking a young woman (typi- their daughter’s letter of “consent,” sheep, and many cally by force or deception) into a car, and she is then other gifts. Such offers of bridal “gifts” are usually consid- taken to his parent’s house or the home of a close relative. ered the kalym (bride price). Some parents remain angry She might get kidnapped from home or another location and reluctant, but most parents accept the bride price. such as a school or a workplace. The event itself is usually It is shameful to have a daughter return, because she is a surprise because she is not aware of how or when she not a virgin anymore. After this, a moldo (an Islamic cler- is going to get kidnapped, if at all. Frequently, the girls gyman) is invited to conduct a nikah (Islamic marriage are raped immediately after the kidnapping, making it ceremony) despite knowledge of the bride kidnapping impossible for them to refuse marriage since their loss and the girl’s disagreement (Stakeeva, Kartanbaeva and of virginity would disgrace their family and render them Djanaeva 2011). 6  n  GENDER NORMS IN FLUX Some scholars have contested the common perception Kleinbach and Salimjanova 2007; Werner 2009; Handra- that nonconsensual bride kidnapping came from a long- han 2004). Bride kidnapping has thus become understood standing Kyrgyz tradition (Kleinbach and Salimjanova as a Kyrgyz tradition. Kyrgyz women are expected to sub- 2007).5 Most Kyrgyz originally lived as nomadic herds- mit to this practice if they are “real Kyrgyz women” and men grouped together in clans. Parents and extended want to take part in building their nation. Other revived family members typically arranged the marriages, yet practices include kalym (bride price, money, property or some courting took place and the wishes of the potential livestock) and jenesin aluu (in which a widow must marry bride and groom were often taken into consideration. The the next of kin in her dead husband’s family). Legalizing groom’s family paid a bride price and the marriage was polygamy has been debated in Parliament on the basis sanctified in a betrothal ceremony (nikka), which was pre- that it is a Muslim tradition that the Russians prohibited. sided over by a mullah. Men traditionally married young, and girls were expected to remain virgins until they were The literature also highlights that the post-Soviet era married. In this context, some accounts suggest that has been marked by a “celebration of masculinity.” Kir- bride kidnapping was practiced as a form of elopement mse (2016) notes that various conservative gender to escape the opposition of a young couple’s families to ideologies—capitalism, local nationalism, and Islamism— the marriage (Karimova and Kasybekov 2003). Noncon- encourage boys to be tough. A local jigit (boy, lad) is sup- sensual bride kidnapping, however, was extremely rare posed to display “laddish” behavior. By adopting certain as it caused serious conflicts between families or clans, cultural practices, from “national” sports such as kurosh and forced marriage is forbidden in Islam (Kleinbach (wrestling) to forced bride kidnapping, young Kyrgyz and Salimjanova 2007). Toursunof and Abdyldaeva (2003) can affirm their identities as both “Kyrgyz” and as “men” theorize that nonconsensual bride kidnapping may have (Kirmse 2016). Handrahan (2004) depicts kidnapping occurred when Kyrgyz males kidnapped marriageable for marriage as a “method for Kyrgyz men to mark their young women from neighboring tribes in order to wipe ethnic coming of age—hunting, capturing and physically out enemies and augment their own clans. forcing Kyrgyz women to marry them.” On the emergence of the practice of veiling, McBrien (2009) demonstrates In the Soviet era, family gatherings from weddings to the complex reasoning and navigation between differ- funerals were required to conform to Soviet ideology, ent normative systems involved in decisions to wear the which forbade traditional practices such as arranged hijab and other religious garments, considered by many marriages and the payment of a bride price. Sons and as symbols of female subjugation and alien to the Kyrgyz daughters were to be entitled to equal treatment and had way of practicing Islam. the right to choose their partner of their own free will. These restrictions significantly challenged Kyrgyz tradi- Other scholars attribute the return to traditionalism and tions, which highly value family ties and the transfer of patriarchy to the decline in social safety net systems, lack goods and social relationships, as well as the accom- of economic opportunity, and increased income inequal- panying festivities that are celebrated at great expense ity brought about by the transition to the market economy (Fenzel 2009). With arranged marriages banned under and political dissatisfaction (International Crisis Group Soviet rule, many young Kyrgyz exercised their right to 2009; Akiner 1997: 284; Blackburn 2011). The fall of the free choice of a partner. Scholars who studied the sta- Soviet Union created difficulties for almost all citizens of tus of women in Central Asia during Soviet times provide post-Soviet Central Asia, but the economic problems that accounts of nonconsensual bride kidnapping, but referred developed disproportionately affected women (Black- to it as a “residual patriarchal and feudal practice” (Halle burn 2011). After the collapse, women were the first to 1938; Massel 1974). lose employment, and the social programs that had assisted them, such as childcare facilities and universal The increased prevalence of nonconsensual bride kid- child allowances, could no longer be funded. napping in the post-Soviet era has been explained as the reinterpretation of a tradition from a rare consensual elope- Successive governments of post-independence Kyrgyz- ment to a primarily nonconsensual arranged marriage in stan have passed laws to criminalize the practice of bride the context of the re-emergence of patriarchal practices kidnapping and toughening penalties. In 1994, it was and values by a portion of the population (Holzchen 2010; made illegal in the Criminal Code (Articles 154 and 155). In January 2013, President Almazbek Atambaev signed a new law that increased the maximum prison sentence 5  Kleinbach and Salimjanova (2007) came to this conclusion after exten- for bride kidnapping to 7 years, and 10 years if the bride sive interviews with librarians, heads of university history and ethnology departments, museum directors, and Manaschis (tellers of the Manas epic). is a minor. These legal changes came in the wake of a GENDER NORMS IN FLUX  n  7 mobilization of grassroots and civil society organiza- has consented to the abduction, but without her parent’s tions that picked up momentum in 2012 and coalesced agreement. This was experienced mostly in the context into Campaign 155, a national campaign to eradicate the of arranged marriages. Consent can also occur when the practice of bride kidnapping in the Kyrgyz Republic. In parents of both sides agree to the wedding, but the young November 2016, President Atambaev signed a new law to man kidnaps his future wife to keep the wedding costs protect adolescent girls from early and forced marriages. down (Karataev and Eraliev 2000). Even if the girl wants The law stipulates a penalty of up to five years in prison to marry the boy, she is expected to feign some reluc- for the participation of individuals in the organization of tance and resistance to the marriage, and thus most girls a marriage, or for those who perform the religious rites do not want to appear too eager to put on the marriage between intending spouses under 18 years of age, and is scarf. Older women may gossip about young brides who applicable to members of the clergy and to the parents of are ‘laughing or smiling’ on the day they are kidnapped the bride and groom. (Werner 2009). Consent becomes murkier when the bride agrees to the marriage as a result of pressure from Nationwide representative data on the prevalence the female relatives of the kidnapper, and often pressure of bride kidnapping were rare until recently.6 UNFPA from her own family to accept the proposal for the sake commissioned a nationwide survey in 2016 of nearly of the family’s reputation. After the woman agrees, it is 5,000 households, and found that one-fifth of marriages unlikely that she will report the kidnapping, as that would in Kyrgyzstan originated in the abduction of a bride (with require her to press charges against her husband and in- or without her consent). Marriages through the abduc- laws, with whom she often, by this point, lives. Unfortu- tion of women without their consent, to a greater or lesser nately, both types of consent look the same. It can be hard extent, are observed all over the country: from 2 percent to tell if a girl who is crying for her mother and clawing in Bishkek to 21 percent in the Naryn region (Figure 6) at the faces of her abductors is merely acting out her part (UNFPA 2016). According to the study, most abducted for her boyfriend and his family’s sake, or is on her way to women are from the poorest households and have only being married against her will. primary education or no education. Bride kidnapping is a complex social and cultural phe- It is difficult to define a bride’s consent in the case of bride nomenon, with varying motives and levels of consent. kidnapping. The practice can be considered consensual One of the most cited reasons for continuing the prac- when it involves the groom abducting his girlfriend, who tice is the high bride cost (dowry) and cost of marriage. The bride price is elevated when she is a virgin and the bride’s productivity in the home or on the farm is 6 Prior attempts to estimate the incidence of bride kidnapping in post- high (Anderson 2007). If she is kidnapped, her “purity” independence Kyrgyz Republic were not based on nationwide representa- value immediately falls and she is more likely to stay tive samples: Amsler and Kleinbach 1999; Kleinbach 2003; Kleinbach et al. 2005; Nedoluzhko and Agadjanian 2015; Za Reformy i Rezul’tat 2015. with the kidnapper because her market value is lower. Figure 6. Proportion of women aged 15 and above married by abduction, by area 60 50 45 31 28 27 26 26 22 21 20 19 18 16 15 15 14 14 13 11 11 10 10 10 10 8 7 6 6 5 4 4 3 3 3 2 Urban Rural Bakten Jalal- Issyk-Kul Naryn Osh Talas Chui Bishkek Osh city Abad city Total Type of settlement Region The woman was abducted for marriage Abducted with her consent Abducted without her consent Source: UNFPA 2016. Gender in the Perception of Society: National Survey Results, Bishkek. Note: The survey question was framed as follows: “How did you get married? A) The bride has been kidnapped upon her prior consent. B) Bride was kidnapped without her consent. C) The bride was not kidnapped.” The survey relied on self-reported answers and thus there are methodological issues with regards to defining the bride’s consent. The percent of nonconsensual bride kidnapping is therefore likely to be underestimated. 8  n  GENDER NORMS IN FLUX Credit: Altynai Osmoeva The groom’s family enjoys a better negotiating position, denunciation of a common practice, especially where kid- as the dowry becomes “usually around a third lower” napping is very prevalent (Handrahan 2004). The lack of after the kidnapping (Wilson Center 2011). Wedding law enforcement also contributes to its continued preva- gifts and wedding-related expenses, a big financial bur- lence, and in part is caused by the pluralistic legal sys- den for poor households, can be reduced if the bride is tem in the Kyrgyz Republic where many villages are de kidnapped. The practice is also perceived to speed up facto  ruled by councils of elders and aqsaqal courts fol- the process and simplify the complex and burdensome lowing customary law, separately from the state legal wedding customs. Borbieva (2012) noted that women system (Beyer 2006; Handrahan 2004). Aqsaqal courts— and men in Kyrgyzstan were expected to marry young tasked with adjudicating family law, property, and torts— and without long courtships for a number of reasons: the often fail to take bride kidnapping seriously. In many lack of social acceptance of premarital sexual activity, the cases, aqsaqal members are invited to the kidnapped expectation for women to have many children, but most bride’s wedding and encourage her family to accept the importantly, the function of marriage as a transition to full marriage (Human Rights Watch 2006). adult status. Families of women with relatively poor pros- pects on the marriage market might thus be particularly Bride kidnapping has a myriad of negative impacts on inclined to give in to kidnapping. Furthermore, higher women, children, and families. These marriages often “search costs” also influence the probability of marrying leave women and girls isolated and vulnerable to domes- through kidnapping, particularly in rural areas with scat- tic violence, and prevent them from seeking help. Qualita- tered settlements (Becker, Mirkasimov, and Steiner 2017. tive studies find that women are often raped while being Handrahan (2004) suggests that a more potent motivation kidnapped and before they were considered married may be the way Kyrgyz males define their masculinity (Amsler and Kleinbach 1999; Human Rights Watch 2006). and as a rite of passage to manhood. Another explanation Further, girls are typically wed in religious ceremonies, for the high prevalence of bride kidnapping is that it is and their marriages remain unregistered because bride seen as an act of ethnic definition. A woman who rejects kidnapping is illegal. Often the man does not register kidnapping is seen to be rejecting not only a Kyrgyz tradi- the marriage because initially he is not sure whether (or tion but also her Kyrgyz ethnicity. Rejection, in turn, might how long) she will stay (UNFPA 2014; Stakeeva, Kartan- create conflict within the community since it implies the baeva and Djanaeva 2011). Under national law, women in GENDER NORMS IN FLUX  n  9 unregistered marriages are not entitled to marital property women’ (Massell 1974; Warshofsky 1978; Northrop 2004; or other rights afforded a registered spouse, like alimony Ashwin and Bowers 1997; Corcoran-Nantes 2005; Kueh­ nast and child support, making it all the more difficult to escape 1997, 1998). The period was also marked by the success- abusive relationships. Further, the psycholog ical stress ful introduction of universal mass education and the provi- involved in forced marriages also affects children. Becker, sion of a sophisticated and comprehensive (in principle) Mirkasimov, and Steiner (2017) find that children born to system of social welfare—from free or heavily subsidized kidnapped mothers have a substantially lower birth weight healthcare, childcare, housing, and public utilities to gener- than those born to mothers who were not kidnapped. ous maternity and sickness benefits and pensions—partly funded by subsidies from Moscow (Hoare 2009). This Bride kidnapping is often associated with underage helped to ensure that, despite being the second-­ poorest marriages, as many victims are 17 or 18 years old, or republic within the USSR, standards of living (in urban younger. The links between the two, however, have not areas at least) were equivalent to those in other Soviet been empirically established due to the lack of reliable regions (Bauer et al. 1997; Kuehnast 1997; Heyat 2004). data, as the marriages are not registered with the state. As was the case throughout the Soviet Union, women and The 2003 Family Code of the Kyrgyz Republic establishes girls were entitled to equal access to education as men that the minimum marriage age is 18 for both men and and boys, and women entered the paid workforce in large women. According to the National Statistical Committee numbers. In addition, quotas ensured the representation of the Kyrgyz Republic and UNICEF (2014), 0.4 percent of women at the senior management level in workplaces, of women aged 15–49 were married before the age of and in regional and local governments (Hoare 2009). How- 15, and 12.7 percent aged 20–49 years old were mar- ever, women remained consistently excluded from higher ried before the age of 18. Nearly one in seven women levels of power and, mirroring patterns throughout the aged 15–19 (13.9 percent) are currently officially or USSR’s Asian republics, Slavic women were more likely informally married. The growing number of early mar- than Kyrgyz women to hold positions of power and author- riages is suggested by the increasing number of children ity (Corcoran-Nantes 2005; Anderson 1999). born to minors. According to official data, there has been a steady growth in births among women aged 15–17, Post-independence, the literature describes the diminish- from 4.4 children per 1,000 women of this age group in ing participation of women in decision making at both the 2006 to 7.4 in 2014. In addition, the birth rate is increas- national and local levels. By 2005, the Kyrgyz Parliament ing among women aged 18–19—from 62.7 children per was solely composed of men. The adoption of a 30 per- 1,000 women of this age in 2008 to 92.7 in 2014 (National cent parliamentary quota made it possible to change the Statistical Committee of the Kyrgyz Republic 2016). situation, albeit slightly. By 2015, 19.2 percent of seats in the national parliament were held by women (Figure 7). The same picture was reflected at the local level with some regional variation. The share of women deputies in Political and Civic Participation rural government councils was 10 percent as of Decem- ber 2016, and around one-fifth of rural government coun- From a historical perspective, the literature emphasizes cils have no women deputies (Figure 8). In urban areas, the changing experiences and attitudes toward women’s women’s representation in city/town kenesh is on average participation in the public sphere in Kyrgyzstan. Dur- 21 percent, with some regional variation (Figure 8). ing the Soviet era, women were encouraged (or in many cases, coerced) to abandon the veil and other markers of The literature highlights that patriarchal norms pre- their Islamic and cultural identity and become ‘new Soviet vent women from participating in politics. Central Asian 10  n  GENDER NORMS IN FLUX Figure 7. Proportion of seats held by women in national parliament and women in ministerial-level positions, 2000–2016 30 25.6 25.6 23.3 23.3 23.3 25 19.2 19.2 20 14.3 15 12.5 18.8 10 15 10 14.3 10 10.5 5 0 2.3 0 2000 2001 2005 2007 2008 2010 2012 2014 2015 2016 Proportion of seats held by women in national parliaments (%) Proportion of women in ministerial level positions (%) Source: World Development Indicators, World Bank Figure 8. Proportion of women deputies (%), December 2016 elections 29 28 23 22 21 20 19 15 15 12 12 10 10 9 9 8 8 Batken Jalal-Abad Issyk-Kul Naryn Osh Talas Chui Bishkek city Total Rural kenesh (aiyl aimaks) City kenesh Source: Kyrgyz Republic Central Elections Committee. See: http://www.awli.kg/images/mk/sta_mk2012_2016.pdf women are expected to be submissive and reticent and While women’s participation in formal political institutions confine themselves to the domestic domain (Constan- has declined, the literature describes greater female tine 2007; Handrahan 2002; Werner 2009; Borbieva 2012; involvement in civil society and religious organizations Commercio 2014). UNFPA’s nationwide survey found that (Hoare 2009; Blackburn 2011; Commercio 2014; Bor- the key obstacle to women’s political participation is the bieva 2012; International Crisis Group 2009). Commercio lack of support from their spouse and family (50 percent (2014) argues that in the context of economic uncertaintly, of both women and men respondents) (UNFPA 2016). The women have joined religious organizations as a coping proportion of those who reported that the most important strategy because they benefit economically. Similarly, reason was a lack of support from their spouse and family Borbieva (2012) notes that informal Islamic groups pro- was 1.5 times higher in rural than in urban areas (57 and vide moral guidance and spiritial fulfillment for women 38 percent, respectively). impacted by economic insecurity. GENDER NORMS IN FLUX  n  11 Credit: Nick van Praag/World Bank III Conceptual Framework Social Norms Framework social practices and sustainably promote healthier social practices. This framework has been used in a number of policy areas in the development context, such as the The framework of analysis is based on Cristina Bicchieri’s case of foot binding in China (Mackie 1996; UNICEF (2006, 2014, 2016) account of social norms. She defines 2010). Mackie’s analysis showed the importance of mov- social norms as behavioral rules in a given population in ing beyond a focus on individual behaviors to consider- a particular cultural context. An individual within this con- ing the interdependence of decision-making processes. text prefers to follow these rules if and only if two kinds of It highlights that when a social convention or social norm expectations are met: empirical expectations (she expects is in place, decision making is an interdependent process that a sufficient subset of the population will also comply in which a choice made by one family is affected by (and with the rules) and normative expectations (she expects affects) the choices made by other families; it is the result that a sufficient subset of the population believes that she of reciprocal expectations. The theory offers an explana- should follow the rules). Failure to comply with these rules tion of the reasons daughters and their families continue to may result in sanctions from other members of the com- choose foot binding and female genital mutilation (FGM), munity, while compliance may bring positive rewards. Bic- and why it is so difficult for individual girls or families to chieri defines a descriptive norm in the same way, except abandon FGM on their own. The social norms framework that there are no normative expectations and no concerns has also been usefully deployed in the areas of child pro- about sanctions. tection, sanitation, and domestic violence reduction. To illustrate how this framework operates, the components of According to Bicchieri’s account, social norms are not choices are described in more detail below. merely behaviors that most people in a group engage in. Instead, identifying a collective behavior is only the first step in identifying a social norm. Social norms can Building Blocks of Choices be distinguished from other collective behaviors by rely- ing on differences in expectations and the motivation of In the Bicchieri model, conscious and unconscious the individuals engaged in the behaviors in question. The choices rely on a set of beliefs, expectations, and con- biggest differentiator between categories of behaviors is straints. Normative and empirical beliefs provide one’s whether or not those behaviors are independent or inter- personal basis for making choices, while normative and dependent. That is, does Alice’s behavior depend on Bob empirical expectations provide the social basis for choice and Carol’s behavior, or is Alice free to do as she pleases? making. Lastly, material constraints provide an account of Social norms are an important class of interdependent objective constraints, such as budget constraints or insti- behaviors: our actions depend both on what individu- tutional constraints. Better understanding these building als believe other people to be doing and what they think blocks allows behaviors to be categorized, which can others expect of them. This interdependence can make inform the structure of important behavioral regularities, social norms remarkably resistant to change, as behav- and the available policy options to confront or reinforce iors are not merely based on individual preferences, but them. are mutually reinforced by a web of social expectations. ■■ Personal normative beliefs: Individual values that ema- nate from religious and moral convictions—what they Bichieri’s social norms framework allows a more precise think should or should not happen, e.g., “I think girls description of norms, which is crucial for designing effec- should go to school,” “I believe domestic violence is tive policy interventions. Since the definition allows for wrong.” measurement, it is used here to detect the presence or ■■ Personal empirical beliefs: Beliefs about the world, absence of a social norm, and help determine the nec- e.g., “It rains a lot in the Spring” or “I get sick because essary components of interventions to eliminate harmful witches cast spells.” GENDER NORMS IN FLUX  n  13 ■■ Empirical expectations: What individuals think others personally against a dowry system, but also love his chil- are doing in a particular context, e.g., “no one in my dren and want them to marry well. If others in his commu- village uses a toilet” or “in my village girls are mar- nity engage in the dowry system, he will likely be forced ried by age 19.” to participate also. Here, his personal beliefs are over- ■■ Normative expectations: What people think other whelmed by his social expectations. Marriage practices people want them to do, e.g., “a good husband earns are fundamentally interdependent. Indeed, these are typi- money for the family” or “my parents-in-law expect cally social norms—people see that everyone engages me to have a baby soon.” in the practice, and they believe others expect them to ■■ Material constraints: Economic and institutional chal- engage in the practice as well. So even those who do not lenges such as budget constraints, lack of infrastruc- personally approve of a practice will engage in it because ture, and lack of state capacity, e.g., “The school is of their empirical and normative expectations. 10 miles from where I live, and there is no bus,” “There are no employment opportunities here.” Mental Models, Schemas, and Scripts Independent and Interdependent Choices Gender-oriented norms should consider specific social norms as well as “mental models” about gender. A mental The survey constructed for this study was designed to model, as the name suggests, is the framework individu- help determine whether the practices under consider- als use to help make sense of the world. Mental models ation are independent or interdependent. Independent provide generalizations and archetypes that help evalu- choices are socially unconditional: individuals choose ate what to do in novel situations. As Muldoon (2017) has regardless of what anyone else does. These individu- argued, social norms can be held in place by, and help als rely on personal normative and/or empirical beliefs, reinforce, mental models. This is precisely what makes as constrained by material constraints. Interdependent behaviors related to gender so resistant to change. The choices are socially conditional: an individual’s choice sets of behaviors, attitudes, and schemas that people depends on what they think everyone else chooses; this use to understand the world around them are often inter- perception is in turn influenced by their empirical expec- linked. How people envision a “good wife” or a “good tations and possibly also their normative expectations. husband” shapes the types of expected behaviors, as well as individuals’ reactions when those expectations are To see why interdependence of behavior matters, con- met or violated. sider two different cases. The first is a farmer who learns (either on his own or by talking to others in his commu- Two core types of mental models are schemas and nity) that a particular kind of fertilizer greatly enhances scripts. Schemas are mental models about things in the the productivity of his crops. This farmer has new empiri- world, which provide archetypes for understanding that cal beliefs that will likely encourage him to buy some of represent the essential features of the object or person that fertilizer (provided it is in his budget). This farmer in question. Schemas therefore provide a basic model of does not have to care about whether other farmers are a woman or man, a mother or husband, or a teacher or also using this fertilizer: regardless of what anyone else child. For each, they provide a set of beliefs, a set of val- does, it is still a good idea for him to use it. In this case, ues, and emotional resonances. For instance, it is common his behavior is independent of what others do. However, to think of mothers as loving nurturers who devote much not all choices are like this. In the second case, the same of their time to raising their children; this schema creates farmer may think that driving on the left-hand side of the a set of behavioral expectations for mothers that can sus- road is more fun than driving on the right. But if every- tain a variety of social norms, such as mothers staying at one else drives on the right, then if he has any interest home to raise their children, mothers preparing meals in avoiding a crash, he too will drive on the right. In this for their family, and so on. Scripts provide a structure to case, the behavior is interdependent—indeed, this is an common interactions. These help coordinate behavioral example of what Bicchieri would call a convention, a kind expectations and provide grounding for different emo- of descriptive norm. Likewise, that same farmer may be tional responses to expected or unexpected behaviors. 14  n  GENDER NORMS IN FLUX For instance, consider the set of scripts involved for a hus- Social Norms as Constraints band coming home from work. Does he make dinner? Is his wife already home, or is she also coming home from and Enablers work? Does the husband play with his kids, or go relax after a long day? All of these questions are answered by a The Bicchieri norms framework helps identify where indi- common script of expected behaviors. vidual preferences are constrained or enabled by broader mental and social structures. Shared mental models and Scripts and schemas both represent parts of the broader social norms shape social practices, and can thus dramat- apparatus that can support existing norms, and hinder the ically limit individuals’ abilities to behave in new ways. adoption of new norms. Mental models provide a sense of Likewise, they enable behaviors that are broadly consis- what is “natural” and reduce individuals’ perceptions that tent with existing practice. Utilizing a norms framework their social behaviors are contingent on others’ actions. helps identify new ways of productively engaging with these constraints. GENDER NORMS IN FLUX  n  15 IV Research Methodology This study uses qualitative research methodologies to Your ability to take action, be effective, influence your provide rich textual descriptions of the complex relation- own life, and assume responsibility for your behavior are ships between gender, social roles, and important social important elements in what you bring to a relationship. behaviors. The use of open-ended questions and probing This sense of agency is essential for you to feel in control gives participants the opportunity to respond in their own of your life: to believe in your capacity to influence your words, rather than forcing them to choose from among own thoughts and behavior, and have faith in your ability. fixed responses, as quantitative methods do. In addi- tion, open-ended questions can evoke responses that are The survey was designed to explore these support struc- meaningful and culturally salient to the participant, unan- tures. The questions focused on the degree to which ticipated by the researcher, and rich and explanatory girls had fair access to schooling, compared to boys, and in nature. Qualitative analysis attempts to identify trends whether women had fair access to the labor market, or and statements that are similar across different research whether their participation was limited to gendered roles. participants. These are questions that are interesting in their own right, but combined, they provide a broader understanding The qualitative research focused on two aspects of gen- of the relative status of women in the different surveyed der norms. First, it analyzed women’s voice and commu- communities. Less access to education, and a limited role nity participation at the local level to gain insights into for women in the workforce, indicate a substantial social barriers and mechanisms to facilitate women’s partici- commitment to gender inequality. Likewise, gender par- pation in citizen engagement efforts, including holding ity in schooling and a more open labor market suggest positions on local councils. Second, it explored attitudes a greater background commitment to gender equality. toward (and the risks of) gender violence as they relate to Since both bride kidnapping and low female participa- the reappearance of practices such as bride kidnapping tion in civic life reflect a lower social standing for women, or early marriage, and how these behaviors are related to these questions provided a baseline for gender parity other normative constructs of masculinity, honor, tradition, that informs the rest of the survey. and national identity. This section summarizes the study methodology, sampling method, and fieldwork. The survey was geared to examine the study’s two main interests—women’s civic participation and bride kid- Research Questions napping. For each, the questions were designed to test for the presence or absence of social norms related to the behaviors of interest. Questions examining women’s This study examines the informal enablers and impedi- participation in local civic life addressed two main ele- ments to women who wish to participate in local civic life, ments: women’s willingness to participate, and the com- and to women and girls who wish to consent to their mar- munity’s willingness to support women’s participation. riages. These are important components of women’s exer- This part of the survey entailed a series of questions cise of agency. While these two sets of behaviors operate aimed at determining whether there were women par- in different spheres of life, they both hinge on whether ticipating (empirical expectations), whether they should women are able to make their own decisions, believe (normative beliefs), and what were the impediments to in their own capacity to handle a wide range of tasks or women’s efforts to participate (normative expectations). situations, and take action. The Bicchieri framework facili- To obtain a richer perspective on these issues, the sur- tates the examination of the broader support structure of vey also included probing questions asking for causal these observable behaviors and practices, and how these explanations. Finally, short vignettes presented concrete social supports for behavior evolved in response to exog- examples of women or men considering running for local enous factors. GENDER NORMS IN FLUX  n  17 office to explore people’s beliefs about what would hap- interviews were conducted in the three different age pen next. groups: 15–25, 26–39, and 40–60. Annex 2 shows the participants’ profiles. Pairing questions with vignettes enabled participants to ■■ Focus group discussions with community participants engage with the subject both by asking about their real that allowed insights into general group norms on communities as they are, and by using imagined stories marriage, or ‘collective’ views, beliefs, and discourses about fictional people in their communities. The more related to marriage, bride kidnapping, women’s par- abstract questions allow people to express their view of ticipation in local affairs, and women’s overall status in what is typical in their communities, whereas the vignettes society. The use of both tools helped to cross-check offer participants an opportunity to think through the indi- information. vidual behaviors that help create that broader picture. ■■ Focus group discussions with key informants (i.e., community leaders, government officials, elected Questions on marriage practice were similarly designed. officials, lawyers, judges, important local employers, Vignettes were designed to carefully explore norma- business or financial leaders, teachers, healthcare tive expectations regarding both bride kidnapping and workers) sought to understand the stressors/forces its rejection, and non-vignette questions were used to that are leading to changes (or at least perceived investigate personal normative beliefs and empirical changes) in gender norms, and seek information expectations. about the local context to understand the community factors that affect gender norms. Since mental models can support social norms, the sur- vey also explores mental models relevant to work and Community and Participant marriage—what constitutes a “good husband” or a “good wife.” These questions explore the roles that hus- Selection bands and wives are expected to fill in a marriage, and by extension, what kinds of qualities men and women ought The communities were selected in order to be geo- to have more broadly. graphically inclusive and, to the extent possible, provide an urban/rural dimension. The study conducted research in seven communities in three geographic regions: Chui, Lastly, to gauge whether the country’s recent social and Osh, and Naryn, covering a mix of urban and rural loca- political changes were reflected in gender norms, the tions (Figure 9, Table 2). The individual interviews (n = survey asked participants to judge whether gender 180) were stratified by age group and included equal norms have changed, whether those changes have been numbers of women and men (see Table 2). positive or negative, and what might have caused the changes. The study used the snowball sampling method instead of random route sampling,7 as the participant recruitment Research Instruments strategy was not working as well as anticipated because people were not opening their doors and were refusing A guiding principle of this research was to learn from to be interviewed. Snowball sampling is a nonprobabil- individuals’ perceptions, experiences, and interpreta- ity sampling technique in which existing study subjects tions of their situation. Thus, the study relied on qualitative recruit future subjects from among their acquaintances. data collection to capture individual perceptions of social Thus the sample group is said to grow like a rolling snow- norms, beliefs, behaviors, opinions, intra-­ household ball. This technique allows surveyors to include people community-level dynamics, and contextual factors. ­ in the survey who may have more to say and can help uncover common practices and views from within a social The following instruments were used in this study (see network. While snowball sampling lacks the statistical Table 2): representativeness associated with random route sam- ■■ In-depth interviews to uncover individuals’ per- pling, it is arguably a better approach to exploring social ceptions and experiences regarding marriage norms, as it allows researchers to look at subcommunities ­ practices—bride kidnapping in particular—and in more detail. Since social norms rely on sets of mutual women’s participation in local affairs, in order to cap- ture overall sensitive and salient aspects of women’s status in society that individuals may not feel com- 7  In random route sampling, interviewers are assigned a starting location and provided instructions on the random walking rules—e.g., which direc- fortable discussing in the presence of other people. tion to start, on which side of the street to walk, and which crossroads to In each community, between 24 and 36 in-depth take. Households are selected by interviewers following the instructions. 18  n  GENDER NORMS IN FLUX Figure 9. Map of Kyrgyz Republic and key study sites Chui Oblast Panfilov Telman Bishkek Tokmok Kum-Aryk Talas Oblast Issyk Kul Oblast Jalal-Abad Oblast Naryn Otuz-Adyr Naryn Oblast Ak-Jar Osh Batken Oblast Osh Oblast Table 2. Individual interviews and focus groups Key informant Focus group focus group of people in Total and network communities in Interviews and participant observation number of mapping different age individual Community exercise groups Ages 15–25 Ages 26–39 Ages 40–60 interviews 1. Tokmok (city), Chui Oblast 5 6 8(4 W; 4 m) 8(4 W; 4 M) 8(4 W; 4 M) 24 2. Panfilov (village), Chui Oblast 5 6 5(3 W; 2 m) 3(3 W; 0 M) 7(3 W; 4 M) 36 3. villages Kum-Aryk, Telman 5 6 7(3 W; 4 m) 9(3 W; 6 M) 5(3 W; 2 M) (village), Chui Oblast 4. Osh (city), Osh Oblast 5 6 8(4 W; 4 m) 8(4 W; 4 M) 8(4 W; 4 M) 24 5. Otuz-Adyr (village), Osh Oblast 5 6 12(6 W; 6 M) 12(6 W; 6 M) 12(6 W; 6 M) 36 6. Naryn (city), Naryn Oblast 5 6 8(4 W; 4 M) 8(4 W; 4 M) 8(4 W; 4 M) 24 7. Ak-Jar (village), Naryn Oblast 5 6 12(6 W; 6 M) 12(6 W; 6M) 12(6 W; 6 M) 36 Total 35 42 60 60 60 180 expectations, snowball sampling better enables the Russian and Kyrgyz languages, and relevant quotes were exploration of shared expectations within a community. translated into English. Data Analysis Ethical Considerations The interviews were recorded and transcribed verba- The qualitative study embedded a number of ethical tim for analysis. Patterns in attitudes and responses were protection measures. Research team members followed identified and coded. Inductive and deductive codes World Health Organization guidelines for conducting enhanced the analytical meaning of the themes that sensitive research on vulnerable populations (WHO emerged. Themes were compared between men and 2001). Data collection proceeded with subjects’ informed women in the different age groups, and among different consent. Data was collected and stored with no personally locations and urban and rural settings. Tentative themes identifying information. All computer files were password developed from the analytical process were compared protected to ensure confidentiality. with others to check for validity. All data were analyzed in GENDER NORMS IN FLUX  n  19 Limitations of the Study insights into perceived and actual gender and social norms. Qualitative analysis allows the identification of key issues, but the extent to which any of the identi- The methodology used in the study has the following fied issues applies to the larger population cannot be main limitations that should be accounted for when inter- quantified. preting the findings: ■■ Overlapping norms: The study was designed to ■■ Potential selection bias: Participants selected for the uncover the presence or absence of consistent social interviews and focus group discussions were not norms. It cannot differentiate between some norms randomly assigned. Furthermore, as the interviews that would be behaviorally consistent with each other. required considerable time to conduct, the number of This would require follow-up work that investigates participants was necessarily smaller than what could the full structure of those norms. be incorporated into a quantitative study. ■■ Quantification of findings is not the scope of this study: The study used qualitative methods to obtain in-depth 20  n  GENDER NORMS IN FLUX Credit: Nick van Praag/The World Bank GENDER NORMS IN FLUX  n  21 Credit: Nick van Praag © The World Bank 22  n  GENDER NORMS IN FLUX V Findings The survey respondents consistently described their that cause the social support structures sustaining the two society as undergoing a number of significant changes in sets of observable expressions of women’s agency dis- a fairly short period of time. Changes to the relative status cussed here (bride kidnapping and low levels of women’s of men and women have had significant consequences civic participation) to shift. Following this model, the key for women’s exercise of agency in their private lives as findings of the social support structures that lie below explored through the lens of marriage, and their public the surface are described, followed by the findings on lives as explored through the lens of civic participation. respondents’ perceptions of the two observable behav- While women’s agency has increased in all areas of life, iors of interest (above the surface). it has not achieved parity with men’s agency. Indeed, it appears that at present, the sampled population’s prefer- ence is for women to have significantly higher status than Beneath the Surface: Social a decade or so ago but not necessarily on a par with men. Support Structures This basic view helps shape a number of social norms that govern behaviors linked to women’s ability to exer- Consistent Support for Quasi-equality cise their own agency in private and public life. for Women The interviews reveal consistent support for what The findings are presented using an iceberg model of is termed here “quasi-equality” for women. Several behavior (Figure 10). The iceberg model is a systems female participants from both rural and urban areas said thinking tool that describes social support structures, pat- that women should have a robust set of rights and that terns of behavior, mental models, and exogenous factors women can achieve anything they set their minds to. At Figure 10. Iceberg model of behavior Observable behaviors Bride Low level of kidnapping women’s civic participation Social Support Structures Legal Socio, economic, changes Patterns of behaviors regarding household’s political investment on girls’ schooling compared to changes boy’s Beliefs about women’s work outside the home & Religiosity Material women and men’s caregiving roles. constraints Notions of family honor, women’s virtue, virginity before marriage, marriage, etc. ICT, media Migration Mental models of “good wife” and “good husband” Note: Adapted from Goodman 2002. GENDER NORMS IN FLUX  n  23 [. . .] a woman must respect a man, regardless if he is good or bad; he has a higher status. He is one step higher. —A male respondent, 41 years old, Tokmok city, Chui Oblast They used to say “No, she is simply a woman!” Now they listen to what women say—[. . .] gender equality. —A female respondent, 29 years old, Ak-Jar village, Naryn Oblast Men will do what women do now. And women will do what men do. I think it is good for men and women to have equal rights. At the same time, we should preserve our Kyrgyz mentality. And everyone must seek this. —A female respondent, 21 years old, Osh city, Osh Oblast the same time, however, consistently across genders and strongly influence women’s behaviors and gender roles location, respondents said men were “one step higher” and expectations in marriage. The study revealed slight than women. While some of this can be explained by a differences between women’s and men’s perceptions of simple heterogeneity of views within the ­ population— the ideals of a “good wife” and “good husband.” Ideals of where some believe a larger gender imbalance is the good wife include one who sticks close to home, takes appropriate—a large portion of respondents believed ­ care of the family, and respects and obeys her husband both that women should have significant social standing and in-laws. Ideals of a “good husband” mostly stress their and that men should have slightly higher status. Accord- role as head of the household and economic provider, ing to the framework used in this study, such views do not performing male responsibilities around the household, constitute a social norm, as they are not tied to a particu- and—in some cases—refraining from bad behaviors such lar set of behaviors, but rather represent one element of as drinking, gambling, or beating their wife (Table 3). In the mental model of “what it means to be a woman” in urban areas, a greater share of respondents said a good Kyrgyz society. This view of women as “one step below” wife also contributes to the family income and is able to men informs a wide variety of behaviors and shapes how combine work and household chores, and that a good people conceive which roles women ought to play in civic husband helps his wife with household chores. These and family life. This mental model of quasi-equality influ- mental models of the roles of women and men dramati- ences a number of behaviors relevant to the study’s other cally shape the kinds of behaviors that people consider findings. appropriate for both themselves and others, and so can be held in place both through internalization and external reinforcement in the form of social expectations regard- Strong Gendered Conceptions of ing particular behaviors. Appropriate Roles for Women and Men The ideals of a good wife and a good husband, as The interviews also reveal husbands’ controlling behav- expressed by study participants, underscore the many ior and restrictions on women’s mobility, as reported by ways in which strongly held normative values related to men. Male participants in Osh city—an area with stron- gender determine individual attitudes and behaviors. As ger religious and conservative beliefs, as indicated in such, they reflect both the actual social relations and divi- Table 1—said that wives should obey their husbands and sion of labor within a household as well as the expectations report to them if they go out of the house. Men reported about what men and women should bring to a marriage that wives should be under the control of their husbands, and the family. These ideals are often internalized and but that wives should not limit their husbands. Further, Table 3. Characteristics of a good wife and good husband Ideals of a good wife Ideals of a good husband • To take good care of the household and family • To fully provide for the family • To respect/esteem/obey/take care of her husband and his family • To be a caring husband and father and dedicate time to his family • To give birth to and bring up children • To be respectful of his wife and her family; avoid conflicts with his wife • To be compliant, patient, mild, always stay in a good mood, be pretty • To stay away from bad habits and not to raise his hand to his wife and neat • To perform male duties around the house • To combine work outside the home with household chores • To help his wife with household duties (a few mentions, especially in urban areas) 24  n  GENDER NORMS IN FLUX She should respect her husband and family, follow our traditions and obey our mentality, be a decent and conscientious daughter-in-law. —A male respondent, 27 years old, Ak-Jar village, Naryn Oblast You have to become the head of household, you must stand at the helm of the ship, you are the defender of your wife; the responsibility of providing for the family rests with you, whereas everything that concerns the issues within the family is your wife’s business. Therefore, every family member should know his role. —A female respondent, 57 years old, Osh city, Osh Oblast women often said that wives should put their husbands’ because they display more care toward their children wishes and needs first in order to have a better relation- and give more freedom to their wives. They are also more ship. While the study did not focus on domestic violence, likely to consult their wives about household decisions. the interviews reveal that this controlling behavior may Negative qualities of today’s husbands, as expressed by be associated with a higher likelihood of abuse. On one both men and women, include that they are unprincipled, occasion, a man justified beating his wife to control and abuse alcohol, and do not take care of their health. Labor discipline her. Studies have shown that controlling behav- migration of men without their families was mentioned as ior among men is significantly associated with a higher a negative aspect of today’s husbands. These responses likelihood of domestic violence (Heise et al. 1999; John- suggest that there has been significant progress toward son 2001; Gage and Hutchinson 2006; Sugarman 1996). greater gender equality, but this transition has not been As some of the quotes below illustrate, mental models viewed as unambiguously positive. Importantly, the men- regarding the appropriate roles of men and women, and tal models of what women and men are like, and how that men’s superiority to women, help justify these behaviors. translates into their roles as husbands and wives, have required a number of changes. As women gain in status, Discussion groups also compared current conceptions and men have lost some economic status, there has been of a good wife and husband with those of the previous a change in how people perceive the behaviors and vir- generation. Many recalled that women used to stay home tues associated with different social roles. Most clearly, and that they would be more respectful, submissive, and women’s increase in self-assertion is perceived as both a a “model to follow.” Participants observed that women positive move for equality and a loss in terms of respect- now work outside the home more often, dedicate less fulness. This is likely an ongoing period of change for time to children’s upbringing, are more disrespectful, and these mental models. It suggests that people recognize even “want their husband’s place.” Many respondents that these roles are malleable, but are uncertain how they expressed that men have become lazier and less hard- will evolve going forward. working. Respondents noted that men used to take care of their wives and now they only care about themselves, Mental models related to gender help shape the options and so they have become more selfish, more indecisive, available to both men and women. As described in and have lost their manhood. However, some female more detail below, changes in these mental models have respondents reported that men have become “softer” resulted in changes in labor market opportunities for Women have assumed many responsibilities—providing for their families, working. Women have become providers, mothers, and housewives. I think the roles have changed. Men, on the contrary, stay home with children. —A female respondent, 40 years old, Tokmok city, Chui Oblast Women used to be more respectful, which is a good thing; but were unable to stand up for their rights, which is not good. Now they are not very respectful, which is bad, but know how to stand for their rights, and this is good. —A male respondent, 27 years old, Naryn city, Naryn Oblast Men have become indecisive, losing their manly core. They say one thing, and do another. — A female respondent, 22 years old, Osh city, Osh Oblast For equality, men have to have a job so that they do not feel low and dependent on working women. —A female participant, 37 years old, Otuz-Adyr village, Osh Oblast GENDER NORMS IN FLUX  n  25 women and altered social norms regarding marriage institutions, healthcare facilities, banks, government and civic participation. While labor market participation, institutions, catering and retail establishments, the sew- marriage, and civic participation may appear to repre- ing industry, as cleaners/janitors, hairdressers, seasonal sent diverse areas of life, they are all fundamental areas work, factories, and as entrepreneurs, especially in urban in which women may or may not be able to exercise their areas. There was a strong consensus among respondents own agency. The basic quasi-equality finding is consis- that women should not be engaged in work that is physi- tently replicated in behavior: while women’s agency has cally demanding and that is harmful to their health, such increased, it matters less than men’s. This concept is rein- as mining, construction, or jobs involving the operation forced by social norms that help to police this hierarchy. of equipment and vehicles. The study also revealed that there is a perception that more women are now working outside the house to supplement family income than in Women’s Economic Opportunities the past. Constrained by Their Lesser Status The choices that women and men make about work The study found that, counterintuitively, women’s eco- are informed as much by their definitions of masculin- nomic opportunities are enhanced by their lesser status. ity and femininity and their views of care responsibili- Asked if it was easier for men to find a job than women, ties at home, as by market opportunities. In rural areas, a significant share of respondents said that it was easier a greater share of respondents said that most women do for women because they are more willing to take any job, not work outside the home, primarily due to their house- whereas men are more “picky.” This is an interesting find- hold responsibilities (looking after their children, house- ing in part because it suggests that unequal roles for men hold chores, working on family livestock and farms), and women can damage men’s economic opportunities. prohibition by their husband, lack of education, and lack Men’s concerns about their social standing can prevent of employment opportunities. In urban areas, a greater them from taking jobs at certain pay rates, or jobs that are share of respondents said that women often work out- perceived as too feminine. Since women are perceived side the home (Figure 11), and the main reasons cited as “one step below” men, they do not have social restric- for women not working include a lack of jobs suitable for tions that can inhibit their job choices. Since the par- women, no vacant spaces in kindergartens, and the need ticipants were mostly at or near the poverty level, these to take care of their children. Women work in educational restrictions on labor opportunities can make a large dif- ference in household income. This certainly creates more opportunities for work at the lower end for women, but Figure 11. Would you say that most women in your community work outside the home? there was also evidence suggesting that higher end jobs, such as managerial positions, are more often reserved for men. Other respondents said that there was a greater 71% demand for labor associated with work that requires 44% 47% physical effort (construction, fieldwork, grazing), espe- 21% cially in rural areas, and thus more job opportunities for 5% 8% men. Several study participants said that women were migrating to Russia to work as nannies and send money to Rural Urban their families. In urban areas, some respondents said that Yes No Half of women I believe that women should not work in managerial positions. They should be ordinary workers. They must make way for men. — A female respondent, 26 years old, Otuz-Adyr village, Osh Oblast Intellectual labor, more logical work where she needs her femininity, her intellectual development, jobs requiring logic, thinking. Leave the manual labor for men—let them work with a shovel. — A male respondent, 52 years old, Tokmok city We should not separate women from other people, we do not have the right to do so; of course, they should not do work requir- ing physical strength—I mean laying asphalt or carrying cement. — A male respondent, 47 years old, Osh city, Osh Oblast 26  n  GENDER NORMS IN FLUX Because women are not picky, they can work in any position, while men are, so to speak, more self-respecting. — A female respondent, 31 years old, Otuz-Adyr village, Osh Oblast employers avoid hiring young women because they think prerequisites for school attendance can be embarrassing they will quit after having children. for families and illustrates the very real economic chal- lenges experienced by many families. Girls drop out of Indeed, social restrictions can help explain the signifi- school to work in order to contribute financially to their cant difference in women’s labor market participation families. While the girls—and their communities—would between rural and urban environments. Cities provide eventually be made better off with higher levels of educa- more opportunities for work other than physical labor, tional attainment, families need to respond to immediate and have broadly more equality-oriented mental models. needs. However, this economic constraint can have gen- Cities have a much higher rate of women in the workforce. dered consequences. There is a belief that the biological In rural environments, there are stronger expectations for family does not benefit from educating a daughter since women to remain in the household, paired with fewer jobs she becomes a member of her husband’s family when that do not require physical effort. This provides a use- she marries, and they will reap the benefits. Further, par- ful case of background mental models shaping expecta- ents often marry their daughters early to relieve their tions over particular behaviors—namely, whether women burden on the household, and to receive cattle and cash work outside the home, and what kinds of jobs they are dowries from the groom’s family. So, families under eco- eligible for. nomic pressure may opt to support a boy in school over a girl, simply because he represents a better long-term investment. Since the girl will eventually go to another Material Constraints family, the priority is to help make her an appealing bride. Material constraints shape behaviors and norms. Inter- views and focus group discussions revealed that a loss Social and religious norms also explain girls’ dropout of economic power, underlying poverty and economic rates as they are expected to take care of the family. Par- necessity, and a lack of job opportunities are forcing ents also withdraw girls from school after the 9th grade some parents to withdraw girls from schooling after the to protect their virtue and prevent them from engaging 9th grade and marry them off at an early age. While in in premarital sex. In Osh city, some respondents said the Kyrgyz Republic it is mandatory for young girls and that parents do not allow girls to attend upper second- boys to complete the 9th grade, the main reason for youth ary school due to fears that she would be kidnapped for not continuing their upper secondary schooling is par- marriage. ents’ lack of financial resources. Respondents said that some families even lack the resources to pay for school Respondents repeatedly mentioned that out-migration is uniforms and clothes for their daughters. Not having the affecting gender norms in multiple and conflicting ways. Many girls are forced to get married after completing the 9th grade, as their families are unable to provide for them. —A male respondent, 17 years old, Otuz-Adyr village, Osh Oblast Many people are unemployed; they have no job. Out of despair, they leave their children with their parents or parents-in-law. —A male respondent, 50 years old, Osh city, Osh Oblast Some parents believe that it is sufficient if their daughter completes 5–6 grades, so that she knows how to read and write, all other things are not important . . . why spend money on her studies if she gets married anyways; let her husband take care of her education. —A female respondent, 33 years old, Osh city, Osh Oblast [They do not allow them to study after 13 years old] to keep girl’s face. —A female respondent, 33 years old, Osh city, Osh Oblast Some parents are too religious; they believe that upon completion of the 9th grade girls [. . .] must stay home. —A female respondent, 54 years old, Otuz-Adyr village, Osh Oblast GENDER NORMS IN FLUX  n  27 [factors that constrain teenage girls going to school] Some parents, mostly women, leave abroad to earn money and no one looks after their children, that is why they may go or may not go to school. [. . .] For the most part it is our fault as parents. —A male respondent, 41 years old, Tokmok city, Chui Oblast Yes, the roles of men and women have changed . . . Most of our women have migrated abroad. And men sit at home and raise children, many of them drink alcohol. —A female respondent, 25 years old, Osh city, Osh Oblast Women have to participate in all spheres of public life, because many men migrate to work. —A male respondent, 25 years old, Osh city, Osh Oblast [factors that explain changes in gender norms] Migration has increased, not only in Russia, but also in Turkey, Dubai, and other countries where women perform men’s duties. —A male respondent, 26 years, Otuz-Adyr village, Osh Oblast On the one hand, respondents said that out-migration to Above the Surface: Observable Russia is contributing to teenage girls dropping out of school, as their grandparents or other family members are Expressions of Women’s Agency: not able to exert control over them. Girls also are taken to Bride Kidnapping and Women’s Russia to work, many as babysitters. Out-migration may also be encouraging early marriages of girls to relieve Civic Participation parents of their responsibilities and to protect the girls’ Bride Kidnapping: A Declining, Broadly virtue. On the other hand, respondents also mentioned Unacceptable Practice that migration is exposing the Kyrgyz population to West- ern values and social norms. In addition, the women left One of the most blatant ways a society can fail to respect behind are assuming male responsibilities, such as the women’s agency is by denying them the right to consent to departed men’s farmwork, handling of finances, and mak- marriage and sexual encounters. The practice of noncon- ing purchases that usually would fall under men’s pur- sensual bride kidnapping, and social norms that support view, on top of single-handedly caring for their children. it, are fundamentally at odds with any respect for women’s The interviews also revealed that left-behind husbands agency. To kidnap a bride is to deny a woman the oppor- are taking on childcare duties that have traditionally been tunity to choose her own future. While Kyrgyz kidnapping ascribed to women, while at the same time being under rates used to be quite high, interviews reveal a percep- considerable pressure to live up to locally accepted mas- tion that bride kidnapping is on the decline: 87 percent culine ideals. of interviewees reported that the most common way of getting married was by mutual consent, while 8 percent While out-migration has not generated a consistent direc- reported that consensual kidnapping was the most com- tion of change, it is clear that out-migration generates social mon. Only 0.1 percent of the population reported noncon- change. For better or worse, out-migration is a destabiliz- sensual kidnapping as the most common way of getting ing phenomenon. Brought on by serious economic chal- married. When presented with a vignette of a young man lenges, out-migration is a very reasonable individual kidnapping a girl for marriage without her prior consent, response. Going to areas with work available allows peo- 57 percent of respondents reported that this never hap- ple to provide for themselves and their families. But this pens in their community. Another 27 percent reported large social disruption makes previous social norms and that kidnapping was rare. However, about 13 percent of mental models untenable. Men may take on more child- respondents reported that this was a common behav- care responsibilities, women may seek more work out- ior. Half of those who reported that this was a common side the home, and children may be left with less parental behavior came from the same village: Otuz-Adyr village time to absorb previous gender roles. Out-migration has (Osh Oblast), though only one-third of the respondents likely led to some improvements in women’s status, but in that village said that kidnapping was common. Simi- it has also worsened other problems. For the purposes larly, 91 percent of the survey participants believed that of this report, it is notable because it represents a large the way people get married has changed, and 72 per- shock to communities, which may undermine the social cent reported that this change has been positive. Respon- expectations that sustain social norms. dents cited a reduction in bride kidnappings as a primary source of this positive change. 28  n  GENDER NORMS IN FLUX Kidnapping is also perceived as broadly unacceptable. kidnapping a girl for marriage without her consent shows After respondents were presented with the vignette about a slightly higher share of women (47 percent) than men Ruslan kidnapping Anara without her consent, they were (38 percent) expressing that his parents would sup- asked to predict the responses of various members of port him (Figure 12a). There were minor differences in Ruslan and Anara’s community. The study found that: responses between respondents in rural and urban loca- ■■ 50 percent of participants thought that Ruslan’s par- tions. Interestingly, a greater share (50 percent) of younger ents would not support his actions respondents—aged 15–25—said that Ruslan’s parents ■■ 82 percent of participants thought that Anara’s par- would support their son, in contrast to respondents aged ents would be upset 40–60 (30 percent). This may indicate that young people ■■ 81 percent of participants thought that Anara would are mistaken about how parents would react. It is possible be upset that the younger generation believes that the older gen- ■■ 62 percent of participants thought that Anara’s friends eration is more interested in maintaining the practice of would be upset bride kidnapping than it actually is. With regards to the vignette question about Anara’s parents’ support for her This demonstrates a broad rejection of the practice of escape (Figure 12b), a greater share of women said her kidnapping. However, that does not mean that there is no parents would support her (70 percent) compared to men support for kidnapping. Indeed, the study found: (63 percent), and a greater share of urban respondents ■■ 42 percent of participants thought that Ruslan’s par- (71 percent) than rural respondents (64 percent). Further, ents would support him a greater share of respondents aged 26–39 (77 percent) ■■ 51 percent of participants thought that Ruslan’s friends said that Anara’s parents would support their daughter in would support him contrast to the younger age group (15–25, 63 percent) and ■■ 8 percent of participants thought that Anara’s parents the older age group (40–60, 60 percent). Similar to before, would be happy, with an additional 5 percent expect- this may indicate that different generations misperceive ing that Anara’s parents would negotiate with Ruslan’s each other. As this is not associated with underlying sup- parents to arrive at an agreement in support of the port for kidnapping, this may provide evidence that there marriage is enough intergenerational discussion of these issues for ■■ 17 percent of participants thought that Anara’s friends people’s expectations to match. would be happy for her Applying the norms framework more systematically, there The interviews revealed some differences in attitudes are consistently strong empirical expectations in favor of toward bride kidnapping by gender, location, and age marriage by mutual consent, and virtually nonexistent group of the respondent. The vignette question about empirical expectations of nonconsensual bride kidnap- whether Ruslan’s parents would support their son’s ping. People are individually against bride kidnapping. Figure 12. Responses of vignette questions on bride kidnapping by gender, location, and age group a. Ruslan decided to kidnap Anara and marry b. Anara does not like Ruslan and is sad that her without her approval. What would she has been kidnapped. She decided to Ruslan’s parents think? escape. What would Anara’s parents say to Anara? 57% 56% 54% 52% 60% 100% 51% 50% 47% 77% 46% 46% 43% 71% 43% 42% 70% 42% 42% 67% 80% 63% 64% 63% 38% 60% 35% 40% 60% 32% 30% 29% 29% 27% 40% 24% 24% 20% 18% 20% 0% 0% men women rural urban 15–25 26–39 40–60 men women rural urban 15–25 26–39 40–60 by gender by location by age group Total by gender by location by age group Total Will be positive/support Will be upset/will not support Will support her Will not support her GENDER NORMS IN FLUX  n  29 [. . .] I am against this. If my boy kidnaps a girl and I learn she does not like him, I will be very upset! As you cannot force anyone to like you. —A male respondent, 52 years old, Tokmok city, Chui Oblast Educated friends would say this is not the right thing to do; street friends would say “good job, you are a real man.” —A male respondent, 36 years old, Otuz-Adyr village, Osh Oblast These two findings together are quite positive: most peo- state has insufficient capacity to enforce the law, agents ple surveyed reject bride kidnapping and think that their of the state charged with enforcing the law do not agree communities have also rejected kidnapping. However, with it and disregard it, or citizens simply continue follow- this story is made more complex when normative expec- ing an established social norm rather than a legal norm, tations are considered. It appears as if there is ample evi- and do not report legal infractions to the police. However, dence of a social norm against bride kidnapping among when participants were asked what factors brought about girls and their families, but for those who might perpe- changes in marriage practices in their communities, a trate a kidnapping, boys and their families, the results plurality responded that the criminal law banning kid- are much more mixed. There remain significant expecta- napping was a significant factor. Other significant factors tions of social support for a potential kidnapper. And in described were economic changes, bad experiences Otuz-Adyr village (Osh Oblast), there are rather robust with kidnapping, democratization, access to the Internet expectations of social support for kidnapping, even if it is and media, and education—but the law was widely cited a minority practice. as a causal factor. No one who mentioned the law sug- gested it was illegitimate or should be ignored. Some The survey revealed that while people generally perceive described the law as changing the bargaining position kidnapping as unacceptable, the participants believed of women’s families. That is, they could threaten to ruin that a kidnapper would benefit from a fair amount of a kidnapper’s family unless agreements could be made. social support. They predicted that Ruslan would have the While using the law to leverage a significant dowry does support of his family and friends about half of the time. So, not directly protect women from kidnapping, it does deter while kidnapping is viewed as no longer a common prac- the practice. An important implication of the discussion tice, and is counter to people’s beliefs about how mar- of the law is that people treated it as a given that the law riages should be initiated, there are not strong universal had authority, and that it would be enforced if police were norms against kidnapping. The study cannot fully explain involved. While the law may not be the only causal fac- whether this is because people believe that the sorts of tor, it has sufficient power to motivate different behaviors. men who kidnap are likely to have families and friends This was true in both rural and urban communities. This who support them because they come from a subgroup appears to be an instance in which a legal change can that is more willing to do so, or whether there is a broad- help shift a community’s normative expectations. Because based weak level of support for kidnapping within the the law introduces a sanction against kidnapping, even if population. Participants suggested that more educated, cases are not brought to court, people are aware that kid- more secular people have very low levels of support napping is a behavior that is justifiably punished. for kidnapping, whereas people with less education are more inclined to kidnap and find support for kidnapping. While not strictly a legal change, there appears to be This is worrying in part because it suggests that progress greater use of pre-existing legal pathways—namely, made against bride kidnapping has not been universal. divorce. Divorce rates have been on the rise, and partici- Subcommunities can provide ample social support for pants have noted that divorce has lost much of its previous the practice even if it has been broadly rejected by the stigma. They point out that nonconsensual kidnappings wider population. become pointless if the woman can then initiate divorce proceedings. This is seen as humiliating for the kidnapper. Broad Acceptance of the Legitimacy of New Laws That Criminalize Conditional Attitudes about Consent Bride Kidnapping One of the most striking features of the data gathered Quite frequently, legal changes do little to alter underlying was an apparent conditional commitment to mutual con- behaviors. This can be true for a variety of reasons: the sent for marriage for a subset of the population. While 30  n  GENDER NORMS IN FLUX [factors that have contributed to a decline in the bride kidnapping] The law and the opportunity for a woman to escape the kid- napper. In the past, parents could make their daughter stay with the kidnapper. —A male respondent, 31 years old, Kum Aryk village, Chui region Compared to the past, in the last 2–3 years, big changes have occurred. In the old times, if a girl was kidnapped, people said that a stone should be left where it dropped, so the girls stayed with their kidnappers. Currently, when parents learn that their daughter is kidnapped, they send their daughters-in-law to learn if the daughter would stay with the kidnapper or not. If she doesn’t agree to stay, they will take her away, there’s nothing to be ashamed of. Here in Otuz-Adyr girls have become smarter, they don’t agree anymore. It’s been 2 years since the bride kidnapping law has been adopted, so the term of imprisonment is more than 5 years. And girls here are not kidnapped any more. They make a deal, with their parents’ consent, give earrings to a girl and parents let her go. —A female respondent, 38 years old, Otuz-Adyr village, Osh Oblast all participants said that marriage should be based on if they do not take her autonomy seriously. The first set of mutual consent, opinions differed about what should be concerns demonstrates that she would face a serious loss done after a young woman has been kidnapped. Two- of status if she escaped a kidnapping, and therefore she thirds of participants believed that a girl’s parents would may be better off as a married woman. The second set support a decision to escape a kidnapping. The remain- suggests that women without social status ought to prefer ing third thought that the parents would expect her to marriage regardless of how it came to be. stay. Only 55 percent of participants thought that Anara’s friends would support her decision to leave. Slightly While the study design does not permit a full assessment under half of the participants thought that Ruslan’s friends of the relative strengths of these two sets of consider- would not blame Anara for leaving. So, there was much ations, it finds evidence of both. Combined, this suggests weaker support for the importance of consent once that that while consent and respect for everyone’s right to value has already been violated. choose their spouse is a value, it is not universally seen as a right—a value that can trump other considerations. This is likely because other values—primarily famil- Instead, consent is one value among many that are worthy ial honor—are at stake once a young woman has been of consideration. kidnapped. There is broad agreement that if a woman escapes, the kidnapper and his family would be humili- Notably, this conditional commitment to mutual consent ated. However, many participants also expressed that the is an important example of the complex interplay among woman and her family would also face significant embar- multiple norms and mental models in social institutions. It rassment due to speculation about whether she lost her is only because there is a strong set of beliefs that unwed virginity while kidnapped. She may also be blamed for women should be virgins, and that their virginity reflects the kidnapping itself. Because of this, conditional consent their family’s honor, that the first set of considerations can may be given because the value of consent may be over- even enter into discussion. Likewise, there is a sense that ridden by more socially valued considerations of honor a woman who is perceived as less desirable should be and embarrassment. grateful that anyone would want her as a wife, and that being a wife—no matter the circumstances—is better While this certainly appears to be a factor, another social than being single. These are not descriptions of the natu- consideration appears to be the woman’s prior prospects ral state of the world, but rather a set of social values that for a marriage based on consent. A number of respon- is structured in a way that disadvantages women to such a dents noted that if the man came from a good family, or degree that it can create social justifications for remaining was seen as a good person, she should consider the mar- in a marriage initiated by violence. riage regardless of how it started. Likewise, if she is per- ceived to be less likely to find a husband due to age or some other factor, participants offered prudential reasons Women’s Civic Participation for her to remain after being kidnapped. Civic Participation Is Perceived to Be These two explanations share a form of social paternal- More Significant in Urban Areas ism. Both ways that conditionally waive an interest in a Consent is central not only to entering into a marriage in woman’s consent to marriage involve her welfare, even one’s private life, but also to authorizing the civic rules GENDER NORMS IN FLUX  n  31 People are judgmental. They will discuss her virginity, marriage. Everyone knows about everything. It would be hard for her to gain her face back, to recover. —A male respondent, 52 years old, Tokmok city, Chui Oblast Men are not condemned. It’s girls who are condemned. —A female respondent, 46 years old, Otuz-Adyr village, Osh Oblast If she is 30 years old and she is still single, they would be happy for her. If she is still young, they would say “We feel sorry for the girl, she is so young.” —A female respondent, 21 years old, Osh city, Osh Oblast They would support Ruslan saying that he did a manly act and that it is the girl’s fault. —A female respondent, 57 years old, Osh city, Osh Oblast I think they would tell her to stay to not make them feel embarrassed. Any parent would say so. —A female respondent, 41 years old, Ak-Jar village, Naryn Oblast that one is subject to. Participation in local governance While attitudes about bride kidnapping did not show a is the best way to offer that consent. This has two impor- significant urban/rural divide, women’s civic participation tant components: first, women need to be able to see is perceived to be more than twice as frequent in urban themselves in public roles and try and seek them out, than in rural areas (Figures 13a, 13b). This finding is con- and second, their communities need to recognize the sistent with those for labor market participation: women contributions that women can make, and offer at least are much more likely to work outside the home in urban nominal support for their participation. However, while areas. Interestingly, despite strong religious and social the Kyrgyz Republic has mechanisms for boosting wom- norms that could prevent women from engaging in civic en’s participation at the national level, the survey found and political activities, a large majority of respondents in fewer such mechanisms at the local level, particularly in Osh city said that it was common for women to take on rural areas. leadership roles in their community (Figure 13c). Figure 13. Women’s civic participation and leadership a. Would you say that many women in your community b. Do you see the women taking leadership participate in community projects or councils? roles in the community? 57% 47% 62% 40% 50% 32% 43% 12% 8% 19% 18% 6% Many Few Do not participate Yes, it is common Yes, but it is rare No, there are no women leaders Rural Urban Rural Urban c. Do you see women taking leadership roles in the community? 71% 71% 67% 58% 58% 61% 33% 33% 31% 21% 22% 25% 8% 11% 8% 4% 6% 4% Tokmok city, Chui villages (Panfilov, Naryn city, Ak-Zhar village, Osh city, Otuz-Adyr village, Chui Oblast Telman, Kum-AryK), Naryn Oblast Naryn Oblast Osh Oblast Osh Oblast Chui Oblast Yes, it is common Yes, but it is rare No, there are no women leaders 32  n  GENDER NORMS IN FLUX Yes. We had elections this year, and many women got rather many votes. —A female respondent, 40 years old, Tokmok city, Chui Oblast [. . .] Women are very active in this sphere. Women participate in meetings. We even noticed that there are some women in soci- ety who participate in rallies on purpose, the so-called OBON [special women force]. It’s already part of their mentality—if you go somewhere and shout loudly, you will achieve some results. For example, in most cases, it is women now who speak in the meet- ings, put forward conditions, and voice some negative aspects. —A female respondent, 57 years old, Osh city, Osh Oblast Social Norms Constrain Women’s Civic life. However, some respondents said that women’s par- ticipation in civic and political life would enrich the policy- and Political Participation making process and help better address various societal Social norms against women’s civic and political activity needs from a women’s perspective, and that women would were the most cited constraint for women’s participation make good political actors because they are more caring across locations. The interviews revealed that patriarchal and just. and religious norms prescribe a separate and unequal role for women in the community, and that civic and politi- As in the findings related to labor market participation, cal activity fall outside the domain of women. It was often while women are perceived to be quasi-equal to men, mentioned that religious communities and sharia law there remain sharply gendered roles in public life. Man- hamper women’s participation in the public domain, and aging the household is for women, and managing the that women are confined to the private domain by tak- community is more for men. These roles, in turn, struc- ing care of the family and household. Other constraints ture the normative expectations for each gender. Men, to mentioned by respondents included time constraints fully inhabit their roles, are to participate in civil society. due to household work, women’s lack of self-confidence, Yet women who participate in local civic life are consid- unawareness of community events, and lack of financial ered to be distracted from their core task—maintaining resources. the household. Women can be easily rebuked on these grounds, as there is wide agreement that women ought to The responses suggest a robust norm against women’s maintain the home and children. participation. Participants pointed out that it is men who go to public gatherings, and that husbands do not let Where more women work outside the home, this may women participate, which forms an empirical expecta- generate greater enthusiasm for women’s participation tion that women will be left out. Normative expectations in civic life by altering the mental model that women’s include women’s obligations to their household, and a place is in the home. Once this connection is severed and sense of shame for those who attempt to participate. women are taking on roles beyond the home, it is much These combine to restrict women’s participation in civic They have things to do around the house, it is primarily men who participate; maybe their husbands do not allow them to partici- pate, saying they will themselves go [to a community event]. —A male respondent, 43 years old, Ak-Jar village, Naryn Oblast It is part of our mentality that all public gatherings are attended by men. —A female respondent, 25 years old, Ak-Jar village, Naryn Oblast This is our practice. It is shameful for women to participate in such matters [. . .] they feel embarrassed, or their husbands do not allow them to participate. — A male respondent, 38 years old, Chui rural villages, Chui Oblast Sometimes, women themselves are afraid to be leaders. Most often they are afraid of responsibility. —A male respondent, 52 years old, Tokmok city, Chui Oblast Since most of the population is Muslims, we have community life areas reserved for men. — A female respondent, 22 years old, Osh city, Osh Oblast GENDER NORMS IN FLUX  n  33 harder to rebuke those who participate in local civic likely because divorced women do not have husbands to life. It is also possible that women who work outside the answer to, and older women are less likely to have young home take more of an interest in public life, as they have children to care for. These are then cases where the men- more exposure to it. As such, labor market participation tal models of women as caregiver can no longer generate might increase individuals’ motivation to participate and the same normative expectations against participation in decrease social resistance to female participation. While civic life, as they simply do not apply. this study was not designed to investigate this causal pathway, there is enough evidence to suggest that this These responses again demonstrate how mental models would be a fruitful area for future research. help shape and reinforce social norms against women’s exercise of agency in civic life. Quasi-equality dictates Lack of Support for Participation that women can seek out public office only if their hus- bands are sufficiently prosperous and respected on their from Husbands own. A wife outshining her husband would be humiliat- The study revealed that an important barrier to women’s ing for him and shameful for her. This is both because civic and political participation is their husband’s prohi- there is a perception that civic life is the realm of men, bition. When asked a vignette question of a hypothetical and because of the perception that women should be less situation in which a civically motivated woman wants to powerful than men within the household. These features run for the local council, consistently across urban and of mental models provide reasons for normative expecta- rural locations, 9 percent of respondents said the hus- tions against women’s civic participation; it is considered band would likely not support his wife and another 7 per- inappropriate for women to be involved, and takes time cent suggested that her decision to run meant that she away from household obligations. would have already obtained her husband’s approval. Many respondents suggested that husbands who are Civic Participation Is Strongly Gendered more educated, tolerant, and are not jealous would more likely support their wives. Reasons cited for a husband Civic participation is strongly gendered; women gener- to object include that women should focus on the family ally participate in areas of community life that are tied to and that “family comes first,” and the shame and gossip women’s traditional roles. So, while women are more able it would bring to the family of women who participate. to exercise their agency in urban environments, they are Women were also perceived as less decisive and hav- largely restricted to the domains that people deem to be ing fewer leadership qualities than men, and some par- appropriately feminine. These include parents’ meetings ticipants noted that it would be easier for men to solve and committees at school, training provided by interna- public policy issues with other men than with women. tional and local organizations for self-employment (bak- Interestingly, a few respondents mentioned that older and ery, sewing, needlework) on healthcare and crop farming divorced women are more likely to run for office. This is (in rural areas), and events tied to religious activities. If her husband has a job, he will support her; otherwise he will be against it as he will not look good in society: he stays home, and his wife is a local council deputy. —A male respondent, 27 years old, Naryn city, Naryn Oblast If she has an understanding husband who knows she is faithful, capable, and strives for truth, if she takes good care of the house and the family, and if she achieved all she has herself, he would support her. He might also lay down a condition that she has to do all the work around the household despite running for the post. —A male respondent, 55 years old, Osh city, Osh Oblast Her husband would be against it; most husbands do not want their wives to work at a high post. There are very few understanding men. They think that if she works at such a position, she would not notice and obey them. —A female respondent, 29 years old, Osh city, Osh Oblast If her husband is a simple person, he will be disappointed. If his job position is higher than hers, he will support her. — Male respondent, 31 years old, Otuz-Adyr village, Osh Oblast I think that they will discourage her, as they themselves like to be leaders; it will not be to their liking if a wife becomes a leader. —A female respondent, 41 years old, Tokmok city, Chui Oblast 34  n  GENDER NORMS IN FLUX It would be right if men solved the community problems, and women solved family-related issues. —A male respondent, 25 years old, Osh city, Osh Oblast They will agree with me. Women may participate in meetings at school and in clean-up campaigns, but they should not run for political posts. —A male respondent, 44 years old, Chui rural villages, Chui Oblast Yes, there are more community areas reserved for men. Women only participate in parents’ meetings at school. — A male respondent, 17 years old, Chui rural villages, Chui Oblast Participants in rural areas mentioned women’s participa- in different contexts: the perception of women as nurtur- tion in public works, clean-up campaigns, and drinking ers and caregivers can be seen as an asset in public life, water committees. A few respondents mentioned wom- but only if that caregiving can extend beyond the home. en’s participation in Aiyl Okmotu (municipalities), Wom- Where women are most likely to be found in public life, en’s Council, Youth Council, and Court of Elders. In urban mostly urban communities, they are still doing “feminine” areas, respondents more frequently mentioned women’s work. participation in Women’s Councils, municipalities, and Local Councils. Overall, women’s agency across several areas of life remains gendered. While they have gained consider- The perception that women are more caring and just is a ably, quasi-equality can keep women from positions of double-edged sword. On the one hand, it lends credence authority, and where they do have more authority, it is to the idea that women have the capacity to be leaders who more likely to be in areas considered to be traditionally care about their communities. On the other hand, how- feminine. Spouses are more expected to deliberate, but ever, it suggests that women’s real role is in the household husbands continue to have a veto over wives’ choices, caring for children. This is an interesting instance of how while wives do not have the same kind of veto over hus- changing gender perceptions can manifest themselves bands’ choices. GENDER NORMS IN FLUX  n  35 Credit: Justin Ames VI Policy Implications These findings have a number of interesting implications This sequence of events suggests a number of possible that merit further investigation. The findings illustrate that policy approaches to eliminating nonconsensual bride Kyrgyz society is experiencing a considerable amount kidnapping. Educational initiatives may do the most to of social change in a fairly short period of time. These help change the mental models that support the idea of changes are caused by a number of factors, including the kidnapping, and develop normative expectations against 2005 and 2010 revolutions, significant changes in political kidnapping. rights and other changes to the legal system, increased Internet access, negative economic conditions, and sig- Edutainment. There is a growing evidence base regard- nificant out-migration. This change has thrown a num- ing the effectiveness of “edutainment” interventions ber of gender-related social practices into flux. As such, using a positive deviance approach to model positive there may be opportunities to encourage more egalitar- behaviors and change mental models on gender norms. ian gender norms, since some traditional norms have lost Characters in television soap operas can inspire audi- support. ences to engage in new thinking about “what is possi- ble” and change the perception of what is “normal” and One of the most important findings is that “quasi-­equality” socially acceptable behavior. In Brazil, access to the TV for women has relegated them to second-tier status, and Globo network—which was dominated by soap operas that this has affected women’s ability to exercise their with independent female characters with few, or even no agency in core areas of their life: their private life through children—has been linked to the country’s rapid drop in their ability to choose their spouse, their economic fertility (La Ferrara, Chong, and Duryea 2012). A radio life, and their civic life. Promisingly, bride kidnappings program in Tanzania was linked to a significant increase appear to be on the decline, but women’s consent in mar- in condom use and a reduction in the number of sexual riage remains undervalued. Labor market participation partners (Vaughan et al. 2000). In the United States, a real- and civic participation are both positively associated ity TV show was linked to a significant drop in teen preg- with urban environments, which would be a fruitful area nancy8 (Kearney and Levine 2014). Rather than engaging for further investigation. These behaviors appear to be in a full mini-series production, a more cost-effective evolving. As such, it is worth thinking carefully about how model could be to incorporate messages in support of best to help women obtain greater agency over their lives consensual marriages and against bride kidnapping during this time of transition. This section offers some pol- within a nationally televised soap opera, similar to what icy implications that aim to reduce bride kidnapping and was done in South Africa, where television programming increase women’s civic participation, which are summa- was harnessed to improve financial decisions9 (Berg and rized in Table 4. Zia 2013). To enhance impact, the Population Foundation of India recently adopted a multichannel behavior change communication approach—including social media and Policy Implications for Eliminating mobile applications, audience feedback, and an intensive Bride Kidnapping outreach program through NGO partners—to reinforce the messages of a soap opera called ‘Main Kuch Bhi Kar In considering a complex behavior like bride kidnap- Sakti Hoon’ (‘I, A Woman, Can Achieve Anything’), which ping, there are multiple potential interventions worthy of include gender equality and women’s empowerment.10 further study. After all, a young man has to decide that this is a good idea, get social support from friends and family, 8  “16 and Pregnant”: http://www.mtv.com/shows/16_and_ pregnant/ then kidnap the woman, who has to be prevented from 9  candal!, a South African soap opera with financial messages, including escaping, or if she does, she must be turned away from ones related to gambling: https://www .youtube.com/watch?v=ys5eSxTet F4&noredirect=1 her family. Finally, there has to be some expectation that 10 http://www.girlsnotbrides.org/theory-of-change/html/casestudies/ the marriage will not end quickly in divorce. multi-media-edutainment-initiative.html GENDER NORMS IN FLUX  n  37 Table 4. Policy implications for eliminating bride kidnapping and increasing women’s civic participation Eliminating bride kidnapping Increasing women’s civic participation • Edutainment interventions using a positive deviance approach to • Establishing quotas for women’s representation at the local model positive behaviors and change mental models on gender government level and for local self-governing authorities. Likewise, norms. for public administration, rather than defining a fixed percentage of women across all public jobs, adjustments could be made to ensure • Targeting young men as a prevention strategy by exposing them that women hold positions of decision-making authority. At present, to new norms through structured conversations and a peer group. women tend to hold lower-level positions with little authority. A local These types of programs could be directly incorporated into school reservation system may provide a training ground for women to hold curricula. office at the national level. This might be paired with a temporary • Working with community leaders to promote the idea that kidnapping fund that helps women campaign for office, as they may not have is not the girl’s fault and that there is no shame in leaving, could help equal access to resources. remove barriers to escaping. Communities might consider a two- • Community outreach and sensitization campaigns to reduce part pledge: that they do not support kidnapping, but that they do husbands’ resistance to women’s civic engagement. It is important support girls who escape their kidnappers. to obtain the commitment of community and organization leaders • Promoting a messaging campaign that changes the perception of to involve and increase women’s participation in community decision bride kidnappers from manly and toward ‘pathetic’ may help remove making. Training programs should target community and religious some social support for the behavior among potential perpetrators. leaders to expose them to the complexities of gender discrimination and the necessity of (and mechanisms for) fostering women’s civic • Reducing wedding expenses through joint wedding ceremonies/ engagement. parties paired with incentives that address status competition, for example: mandating that prime locations for parties could only be • Collaboration with media outlets to promote the presence of used for joint parties, rather than individual celebrations, community spokeswomen and break gender stereotypes. Fostering women’s pledges to hold more frugal celebrations, and introducing a spending presence in the media, including the number of female journalists, cap. would increase media coverage of women’s issues and build the capacity of media to report on current events with a gender-sensitive • Phone apps to report bride kidnapping incidents that would allow lens. women to report them without having to speak on the phone or find someone to help in person. This can simplify the process of initiating • Increasing employment opportunities for women not only helps a report, and help bring the legal authorities in before a marriage is families in significant financial need, but can help raise the status of initiated. women in ways that likely promote their participation in local politics. • Easing requirements and fast-tracking the process to obtain a divorce might serve as a deterrent to bride kidnapping. At present, there is a mandatory waiting period for divorce, which can be a significant deterrent for women who might seek a divorce after having been abducted or abused. Targeting young men as a prevention strategy. While These types of programs could be directly incorporated mass media has been shown to influence men’s and wom- into school curricula. en’s perceptions of appropriate behavior, small groups have also been proven to change young men’s prefer- Shame and social standing. The survey results reveal ences and behavior. In Brazil, India, and various coun- that multiple norms are shaping behaviors relevant to kid- tries in Africa, small groups have been an effective way napping. The shame associated with escaping a kidnap- to change young men’s perceptions of the acceptability ping, combined with the fear of gossip, serve as powerful of domestic violence and their conception of manliness.11 motivations for girls and their families to ultimately accept Young men participating in structured conversations in a kidnapping. However, this represents a potential area these small groups on what it means to be a man, such of intervention. Working with community leaders to pro- as the role of economic provider and men’s relationship mote the idea that kidnapping is not the girl’s fault, and vis-à-vis women, adopted more progressive norms. The that there is no shame in leaving, could help remove bar- discussions exposed young men to new norms and gave riers to escaping. Indeed, communities might consider a them a peer group in which they could find support for two-part pledge: that they do not support kidnapping, but practicing progressive rather than regressive behavior. that they do support girls who escape their kidnappers. They should also include a discussion among men on how Pledges have been successfully used in female genital men should invest in their daughters and support wom- mutilation, domestic violence, and water, sanitation, and en’s economic advancement and general empowerment. hygiene settings, and could be deployed in this context as well. As discussed earlier, it is important to make these 11  Organizations that work with men and boys to change harmful gender pledges more inclusive. As part of this, communities can norms include: Emerge (http://menandboys.ids.ac.uk/emerge), Promundo work to create “safe spaces” for girls who escape kidnap- (http://promundoglobal.org/), Sonke Gender Justice (http://www.gender justice.org.za/), and MenEngage Alliance (http://menengage.org/). pers. More generally, finding ways to destigmatize girls 38  n  GENDER NORMS IN FLUX who are kidnapped or get divorced can help support competition motivating families to throw lavish weddings, women’s status. such an approach would likely have to be paired with an incentive that addresses this issue. For example, mandat- The survey found that the Kyrgyz people broadly reject ing that prime venues could only be used for joint parties, kidnapping, but some communities still support it. Only rather than individual celebrations. targeting those recalcitrant communities may encour- age a backlash, especially given that there appear to be socioeconomic differences between groups that still [asking God for one wish with regards to changing gender support kidnapping and those that reject it. By offering a roles] There are cases when people arrange weddings and two-part pledge, anti-kidnapping messages can be com- then cannot pay off debts. municated as part of a more universal commitment. While —A female respondent, 36 years old, Osh city, Osh region the first part of the pledge (against kidnapping) may only need to target a narrow segment of the population, the second part still needs much wider support. Another way of ending a costly status competition is for Another possibility is to depict kidnappers as shameful communities to impose spending limits on weddings by or pathetic. While it would be unwise to target individual making a common pledge to hold more frugal celebra- kidnappers in this way, promoting a messaging campaign tions. Families that violate this spending cap could face that aims to lower the status of kidnapping may prove some (minor) social sanction. Introducing a spending cap valuable. Participants reported that some boys view kid- can block status competition by removing the status gain napping as a ‘manly’ activity, and so changing this per- associated with spending more than one’s neighbors. A ception might decrease social support for the behavior minor social sanction can serve to reduce one’s status, among potential perpetrators. which would be counterproductive to the purpose of spending more. While educational and media initiatives can help address how people perceive kidnapping, there are also material Each approach would need to be tailored to local com- causes of bride kidnappings, both consensual and non- munities, but both have benefits beyond a reduction in consensual. In particular, wedding expenses can be bur- bride kidnapping. Both free families from unmanageable densome for many families. ­ wedding-related debts and allow them to spend their money on more productive investments. Wedding expenses. Another common challenge reported by study participants was that traditional wed- While these measures are aimed at preventing kidnap- dings have become too costly, as families often use wed- ping, improvements could also be made in dealing with dings as an opportunity to engage in status competition. kidnappings after they have occurred. For example, This encourages evermore lavish parties, even in eco- improvements in reporting kidnappings would help make nomically constrained communities. Some bride kidnap- the sanctions more certain, and women’s rights to divorces pings (whether or not they are consensual) occur to avoid should be strengthened, both by making it legally easier these expenses. and by further reducing the social stigma associated with divorce. In other parts of the world, joint wedding ceremonies have become a successful way to make wedding costs Reporting. Given that people generally viewed the laws more affordable.12 Under this scheme, communities can against bride kidnapping as reasons not to engage in have individual wedding ceremonies, but share a wed- the practice, there are opportunities to increase the law’s ding party either by all families contributing to a com- effectiveness by strengthening enforcement. Participants mon wedding fund or by particular families pooling reported that young women are very likely to have cell their resources. Given that there is an underlying status phones, and so these might be used to streamline report- ing of domestic violence more generally, and kidnapping in particular. Having a dedicated number to text, or a user 12 This has been increasingly common for foundations and local gov- in popular mobile apps such as WhatsApp, could allow ernments in India, for example. http://www.dnaindia.com/india/report- foundation-to-conduct-mass-marriage-for-poor-2401327, http://timesofindia women to report a kidnapping or a domestic violence .indiatimes.com/india/adityanath-govt-to-hold-mass-wedding-of-poor- incident without having to speak on the phone or find muslim-girls/articleshow/58167510.cms, http://www.thehindu.com/todays- paper/tp-national/tp-kerala/Two-day-mass-marriage-of-girls-from-poor- someone to help in person. This can simplify the process families/article15359011.ece of initiating a report, and help involve the legal authorities GENDER NORMS IN FLUX  n  39 before a marriage is initiated. Such a text-to-report sys- can be more easily seen as harmful, low civic participa- tem may help combat domestic violence more generally, tion can be readily explained away: people could sup- especially when paired with media campaigns. pose that women are simply not interested, or are too busy taking care of children, or are unsuited to civic life. Divorce. One of the study’s most intriguing findings is This can be a self-perpetuating cycle, as low participation that the availability of divorce is serving as a deterrent rates seem to justify these reasons. to bride kidnapping. This is quite an interesting devel- opment, as earlier studies suggest that a decade ago Therefore, the main areas of investigation should be ways divorce was rather stigmatized and thus difficult to obtain, to visibly get women out of the household context and even for victims of domestic abuse (Human Rights Watch into the public sphere, while working to change the men- 2006). In the survey conducted for the current study, par- tal models that reinforce the notion that a woman’s place ticipants spoke of divorce as a readily available option is at home. to kidnapped women, which suggests that it is much less stigmatized today. A follow-up study that focused on a Political reservation systems. The Kyrgyz Republic woman’s ability to initiate a divorce or end a relationship already has a national-level reservation system for both would be useful, as the current survey did not include public administration and elected officials, which con- questions on divorce. It is likely that more can be done sists of a 30 percent quota for each gender on the ballot. to make divorce more available to victims of abuse and Increasing this quota could help generate the neces- kidnapped women, thus furthering its deterrent effect for sary momentum to increase women’s civic participation. kidnapping. One option is to create a legal fast-track for Likewise, for public administration, rather than hiring a divorces sought by victims of kidnapping or domestic fixed percentage of women across all public jobs, it might abuse. At present, there is a mandatory waiting period, be more effective to encourage gender parity across which can be a significant deterrent to women who might ­ decision-making positions, as women currently tend to seek a divorce after having been abducted or abused. hold lower-level positions. Even without legal changes, more can be done to make A reservation system might be also deployed at the local divorce more salient, both for victimized women and level, for both kenesh and other special-purpose coun- for men and their families who might consider kidnap- cils. This system would likely help create opportunities ping. For example, a message campaign targeted at men for women in local communities, and encourage men to who might consider nonconsensual bride kidnapping sit on councils that are perceived as “for women.” This could emphasize the potential humiliation of kidnapping might be paired with a temporary fund that helps women a bride only to get divorced shortly thereafter. Since the campaign for office, as they likely have less access to survey respondents noted that bride kidnapping was resources than men. Reservation systems help provide more common among men who might otherwise have a examples of women in positions of authority, and a local hard time finding a spouse, this sort of messaging could reservation system may help to provide a training ground suggest to them that their actions would further reduce for women to secure national-level offices. their social standing, rather than improve it. While further legal changes are desirable, the deterrent effect of the Community outreach and sensitization campaigns existing legal framework can be amplified by making it to reduce husbands’ resistance to women’s civic more salient, and working with civil society groups that engagement. The study revealed a strong gender norm can facilitate the initiation of divorce proceedings. against female participation in the public sphere in the communities surveyed. Respondents repeatedly said that Policy Implications for Increasing husbands prohibited women’s civic and political engage- ment. Thus, program interventions to foster women’s Women’s Civic Participation civic engagement at the local level in the Kyrgyz Repub- lic should include community outreach, awareness, and Improving women’s civic participation may represent a sensitization campaigns directed toward men aimed to bigger challenge than reducing bride kidnapping, as low change gender norms regarding women’s civic and polit- civic participation is not a crime. While there was univer- ical participation. Furthermore, it is important to obtain sal agreement among survey participants that marriages the commitment of community and organization leaders should be based on mutual consent, there was no such to involve and increase women’s participation in commu- agreement that women should participate in politics or nity decision making. Training programs should expose civic life at a rate that is on par with men. While kidnapping community and religious leaders to the complexities of 40  n  GENDER NORMS IN FLUX gender discrimination and the necessity of (and mecha- and barriers to women in participating in public life. nisms for) fostering women’s civic engagement. Commu- Increasing women’s presence in the media, including the nity outreach activities encompass a range of interventions number of female journalists, would increase media cov- and approaches, including community meetings, training erage of women’s issues and build the media’s capacity or sensitization sessions with local authorities, street the- to report on current events with a gender-sensitive lens. ater, and other cultural activities and demonstrations. Increase women’s labor force participation. Urban A potential strategy, drawn from participant discussions, women are far more likely to work outside the home and is to demonstrate that women leaders will at the very participate in local civic life than rural women. There is least have a better sense of the needs of women in the likely a connection between labor force participation and community, who may be ill served by men. The challenge political participation, as a core barrier that participants with this strategy is that it must avoid ghettoizing women’s cited is perceptions that women’s role is in the home. civic participation into gendered committees on “wom- Increasing the number of women in the public sphere en’s issues.” weakens the salience of this home caretaker role. Increas- ing employment opportunities for women not only helps Collaboration with media outlets to promote cover- families in significant financial need, but can also help age of spokeswomen. The media should strive to amplify raise the status of women in ways that likely promote their female voices as a source of information. Collaboration participation in local politics. with media outlets would aim to break gender stereotypes GENDER NORMS IN FLUX  n  41 Credit: Justin Ames VII Conclusion This study examined the present state of gender norms because parents were less likely to be able to raise their in the Kyrgyz Republic by focusing on two concrete sets children. It is too early to tell whether this social upheaval of practices: bride kidnapping and women’s local civic has paved the way for positive norm changes, or has only participation. These capture different aspects of life, but been a source of community distress. Regardless, tar- both are deeply shaped by the relative status of women geted economic interventions could be helpful. If many in society, how people perceive women’s roles, and what women are leaving to work in other countries, creating roles men hold in society. Each is a reflection of women’s economic opportunities at home that are at least partly agency, in both their private and public lives. This study targeted to women may reduce community stress while examined these practices using a social norms framework raising women’s status in the home and the community. It in order to determine what sustains harmful practices and would be valuable to explore small-scale experiments in identify opportunities for intervention. However, just as this area, paired with an ongoing gender study. importantly, the study points to areas for future work on this important topic. While the study highlights a number of opportunities to change normative expectations and mental models, next One of the great challenges of promoting gender parity is steps include examining the role of potential influencers that practices that are related to gender norms are invari- and how they might be able to more effectively change ably held in place by a complex web of beliefs, expecta- expectations and shift mental models. For example, work- tions, and norms. This study identified three major areas ing with religious leaders who conduct marriage cere- in which further work could inform future policy efforts: monies could be helpful, as they could refuse to sanctify the apparent growing acceptance of divorce, the effects marriages from kidnappings and help spread the idea of economic out-migration, and the interplay of consent that kidnapping is wrong in a variety of contexts. with other social values. It is not clear how consent compares to other values in The study found evidence that divorce is becoming the Kyrgyz Republic. There is strong evidence that peo- somewhat more socially acceptable. Divorce has become ple consider consent for marriage from both parties to more common, and many divorces are instigated by kid- be important, but it appears that people do not inter- napped women. However, divorce still has a mandatory pret that to mean that people have a fundamental right cooling off period by law. It is not clear whether the loss to consent. Instead, the value of consent is weighed of stigma has driven the increase in divorce rates, or the against other values, and can be overridden by additional other way around. More importantly, little is known about ­ considerations—at least once consent has been violated. the perceived status of divorced women compared to Future studies could explore whether consent is seen to married women or those who never married, or whether be more important in other areas of life, or whether con- a more permissive environment for divorce would deter sent from men is seen as more important than consent bride kidnapping. It may be that a general increase in the from women in a variety of contexts. status of women drove both higher rates of divorce and lower rates of kidnapping. 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Frequency of non-­ consensual Handrahan, Lori. 2004. “Hunting for Women.” International bride kidnapping in the Kyrgyz Republic. Feminist Journal of Politics 6 (2): 207–33. International Journal of Central Asian Studies 8(8):108–128. Heise, Lori, Ellsberg, Mary Carroll, and M. Gottemoeller. 1999. “Ending Violence Against Women.” Balti- Kleinbach, Russell, Mehrigiul Ablezova, and Medina more, MD, Johns Hopkins University Press. Aitieva. 2005. “Kidnapping for Marriage (ala kachuu) in a Kyrgyz Village.” Central Asian Survey Heyat, Farideh, 2004. “Re-Islamisation in Kyrgyzstan: 24:191–202. Gender, New Poverty and the Moral Dimension.” Central Asian Survey 23 (3–4): 275–87. Kleinbach, Russ, and Salimjanova, Lilly. 2007. Kyz ala kachuu and adat: non-consensual bride kidnap- Hoare, Joanne. 2009. Development and Gender in Kyrgyz- ping and tradition in Kyrgyzstan. Central Asian stan. Bishkek: Social Research Center. Survey 26: 217–233. Holzchen,Y. 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The Surrogate Proletariat: Mos- UNFPA. 2014. “Child marriage in Kyrgyzstan” Fact lem Women and Revolutionary Strategies in Soviet Sheet (online): https://www.girlsnotbrides.org/ Central Asia, 1919–1929. Princeton, NJ: Princeton resource-centre/unfpa-child-marriage-country- University Press. profile-kyrgyz-republic/ McBrien, Julie. 2009. “Mukada’s Struggle: Veils and UNFPA. 2016. Kyrgyz Republic, Gender in Perception of Modernity in Kyrgyzstan.” Journal of the Royal Society, National Survey Results. Bishkek. Anthropological Institute 15 (s1): S127–S144. UNICEF. 2010. The Dynamics of Social Change: Towards Muldoon, Ryan. 2017. “Perspectives, Norms, and Agency.” the Abandonment of Female Genital Mutilation/ Social Philosophy and Policy 34 (1): 260–76. Cutting in Five African Countries. Innocenti Insight. Florence: UNICEF Innocenti Research Centre. Narayan, Deepa, Robert Chambers, Meera K. Shah, and Patti Petesch. 2000. Voices of the Poor: Crying Out Vaughan, Peter W., Everett M. 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Agadjanian. 2015. “Between Tradi- tion.” Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute tion and Modernity: Marriage Dynamics in Kyr- 15 (2): 314–31. gyzstan.” Demography 52: 861–82. Wilson Center. 2011. “The Rise of Non-Consensual Northrop, Douglas. 2004. Veiled Empire: Gender and Bride Kidnapping in Kazakhstan: Developing Power in Stalinist Central Asia. Ithaca, NY: Cornell a ­ Culturally-Informed and Gender-Sensitive University Press. Response.” [online] Available at: https://www Phillips, Andrew, and Paul James. 2001. “National Iden- .wilsoncenter.org/publication/the-r ise-non- tity Between Tradition and Reflexive Moderniza- consensual-br ide-kidnapping-kazakhstan- tion: The Contradictions of Central Asia.” National developing-culturally-informed-and [Accessed Identities 3 (1): 23–35. August 2017]. Stakeeva, Bermet, Chinara Kartanbaeva, and Nurgul World Bank. 2016. “Migration and Remittances: Recent Djanaeva. 2011. Access to Justice for Victims of Developments and Outlook.” Migration and Devel- Bride Kidnapping in Kyrgyzstan. Forum of Wom- opment Brief 26. Washington, DC: World Bank en’s NGOs of Kyrgyzstan. Group. Stross, Brian. 1974. “Tzeltal Marriage by Capture,” Anthro- World Health Organization (WHO). 2001. Putting Women pological Quarterly 47 (3) 328–346. First: Ethical and Safety Recommendations for Sugarman, David B., and Susan L. Frankel. 1996. “Patriar- Research on Domestic Violence Against Women. chal Ideology and Wife-assault: A Meta-analytic Geneva: WHO. Review. Journal of Family Violence 11: 13–40. Za Reformy i Rezul’tat. 2015. “Mezhdunarodnyi issle- Tazmini, Ghoncheh, 2001. “The Islamic Revival in Central dovanie obshchestvennoi bezopasnosti v Asia: A Potent Force or a Misconception?” Central ­ Kyrgyzstane—2015.” [International research Asian Survey 20 (1): 63–83. on social safety in Kyrgyzstan]. Bishkek, Kyrgyz Republic. Toursunof, Hamid, and Aigul Abdyldaeva. 2003. “Mar- riage of Inconvenience.” Transitions Online, 5 May. 46  n  GENDER NORMS IN FLUX Annex 1. Guide to Individual Interviews and Focus Group Discussions Guide to Individual Interviews 1. RESPONDENT AGREES TO BE INTERVIEWED → SIGN CONSENT FORM AND PROCEED WITH THE SURVEY GREETINGS (5 MINUTES): 2. RESPONDENT DOES NOT AGREE TO BE INTER- VIEWED → WRITE DOWN REASON OF REFUSAL AND «Hello! My name is ___________. I represent independent GO TO NEXT HOUSEHOLD research agency “M-Vector Kyrgyzstan,” which conducts a survey that aims to understand social roles of men and women in Kyrgyz Republic. (SHOW ID) If you agree to have This section is filled out by interviewer after a discussion, what you say to us today will help us learn the survey more about the social roles of men and women. There are Record number |___|___|___| no right or wrong answers, we do not know the situation and Cluster number |___|___|___| that is why we are interested in learning from your opinions Household number |___|___|___| and experiences. The questions usually take about 40 min- utes. All of the answers you give will be confidential and Oblast code will not be shared with anyone other than members of our Settlement code survey team. (SHOW SUPPORT LETTER) You don’t have to be in the survey, but we hope you will agree to answer the Date of fill out |___|___| |___|___| 2016 questions since your views are important. If I ask you any Time of interview’s beginning |___|___| hours |___|___| minutes question you don’t want to answer, just let me know and I Time of interview’s end |___|___| hours |___|___| minutes will go on to the next question or you can stop the interview at any time. Do you have any questions? May I begin the Name of the interviewer interview now?» Name of the respondent Telephone number of the respondent INSTRUCTIONS TO INTERVIEWER 4. Allow people to respond to the question in their own terms, expressing their own opinions, values, and 1. In the questionnaire, sentences written in capi- experiences. tal letters (e.g., INTERVIEWER!) are instructions to 5. Listen and express interest in what the participant/ interviewer. These sentences should not be read to informant is saying. respondents. 6. Do not move onto a new topic until you feel you have 2. Read questions exactly the way they are written in the explored the informant’s knowledge on the question questionnaire. at hand. 3. Establish ‘cultural ignorance,’ i.e., the interviewer is 7. Probe to encourage participants to expand on their the one learning; interviewees are the people that answers and give as many details as possible, but are knowledgeable. Let the person being inter- without the interviewer asking leading questions. viewed be the guide. The measurement of success Probing examples: is that 80% of the talking should be the words of the ■■ Silent Probe: just remain quiet and wait for infor- person interviewed. mant to continue GENDER NORMS IN FLUX  n  47 ■■ Echo Probe: repeat the last thing an informant 3. Have own business said and ask them to continue 4. Farmer ■■ The Uh-huh Probe: encourage participant to 5. Student continue with a narrative by making affirmative 6. Housewife noises: “Uh-huh,” “yes, I see,” “right, uh-huh” 7. Temporarily unemployed 8. Avoid the use of “why?” which implies that there is 8. Pensioner right and wrong. Instead, ask them to describe more: 9. Temporary wage employee e.g., “tell me about.” 10. Other 9. We are not trying to see whether they live up to our expectations, or whether they know what we want D6. Do you study? If yes, where? them to know, or do what we want them to do. We 1. No, I don’t study anywhere want to learn from them about their lives and the sit- 2. School (high, elementary, middle) uation they find themselves in. The key idea is that 3. University people are experts about their own lives, and they 4. Vocational college are experts about their communities. 5. Other_____________ 10. We want to ask questions in a way that makes people feel comfortable telling the truth. We want people to D7. What is your current marital status? If mar- feel like they are helping us learn about their com- ried, for how many years? If not, are you in a rela- munities. So the tone of questions should be friendly tionship (do you have boyfriend)? and inquisitive, not judgmental and leading. 1. Single, in a relationship/SKIP => D9/ SECTION 1: SOCIO-DEMOGRAPHIC PROFILE (5 minutes) 2. Single, not in a relationship/SKIP => D9/ 3. Married, husband/wife living at home |___|___| D1. Sex (MARK WITHOUT ASKING) years 4. Married, husband/wife living and working in a for- 1. Female  2. Male eign country |___|___| years 5. Separated/divorced D2. What is your age? |___|___| years 6. Widow CHECK QUOTAS. IF THE RESPONDENT DOESN’T MEET 7. Other (specify) ______________________________ REQUIREMENTS, APOLOGIZE AND FINISH THE INTER- 99. Refused to answer/SKIP => D9/ VIEW. GO TO THE NEXT HOUSEHOLD. D8. How was your marriage registered? D3. What is your nationality? 1. Registered in governmental bodies 1. Kyrgyz 2. Registered in accordance with religious custom—nikka 2. Uzbek 3. Concubinage without registration in governmental 3. Russian bodies and religious custom—nikka 4. Other (specify) ______________________________ 4. Both—registered in governmental bodies and in 99. Refused to answer accordance with religious custom—nikka 5. Other D4. What is the most advanced level of education 98. Don’t know that you’ve completed? 99. Refused to answer 1. Primary school (4 classes) D9. Currently, how many people, including you, 2. Secondary incomplete education school (9 years) live in your household? 3. Secondary education school (11 years) 4. Vocational education/incomplete university D9.1. Older 18 years |___|___| (people) 99. Refused to 5. Higher education answer 6. Other (specify)____________________ 99. Refused to answer D9.2. Younger 18 years |___|___| (people) 99. Refused to answer D5. What is your current occupation? 1. Employee of a private organization D10. Do you have kids? If yes, how many? |___|___| 2. Employee of a state budget-financed organization 99. Refused to answer 48  n  GENDER NORMS IN FLUX D11. What are 3 main sources of income for this household? Who earned this income? (SHOW CARD D11) 2. Earned by 3. Joint income of 4. Earned by 1. Earned by respondent’s respondent and other other household respondent spouse household members members   1. Raising and/or selling livestock 1 2 3 4   2. Raising and selling crops 1 2 3 4   3. Paid farm work or paid herder of livestock 1 2 3 4   4. Remittances 1 2 3 4   5. Salaried worker 1 2 3 4   6. Pension, allowance 1 2 3 4   7. Other (specify) _____________ 1 2 3 4 98. I don’t know 1 2 3 4 99. Refused to answer 1 2 3 4 D12. Over the last 12 months, what was the total D13. To what consumer group would you refer your household income? (including salary, pensions, family at the present time aids, alimony, income from agriculture, from run- 1. Sometimes we don’t have enough money even for food ning business) 2. We have enough money for food, but buying clothes 1. Less than 10 000 KGS is a real problem for us 2. 10 001–50 000 KGS 3. We have enough money for food and clothes, but it’d 3. 50 001–100 000 KGS be difficult now to buy home appliances (refrigerator, 4. 100 001–150 000 KGS washing machine, etc.) 5. 150 001–200 000 KGS 4. We have enough money to buy home appliances, but 6. 200 001–300 000 KGS we can’t afford to buy a new car 7. 300 001–500 000 KGS 5. We have enough money for everything, except for 8. More than 500 000 KGS buying such things as a country house or a flat 98. Don’t know 6. We don’t have any financial problems, if needed we 99. Refused to answer can buy a country house or a flat PART II WOMEN’S WORK OUTSIDE THE HOME YOUNG WOMEN GOING TO SCHOOL 2. Would you say that most women in your community work outside the home? 1. Would you say that most teenage (aged 13–18) girls ■■ If the answer is no, then why not? What are in your community (village/town) go to school? the reasons, in your view, that explain why ■■ If the answer is no, then why not? What are women do not work outside the home? factors that constrain teenage girls from a. What kinds of jobs do you see women in? going to school. b. Do you think there are certain jobs that only men a.  Do you think they are in school as much as boys should do? What types of jobs should women not after the 9th grade? be engaged in? ■■ If the answer is no, then why not? What are c. Do you think that it is easier for a man to get a job the factors, in your view, that influence teen- than a woman? If so, why? age girls in your community/village to drop 3. Would you say that many women in your community out of school? participate in community projects or councils? b.  Do you think that any adolescent girl who wants to go to school can go to school? How about a EXAMPLES OF PARTICIPATION IN COMMUNITY specialized lyceum, college, or university? LIFE CAN BE MEETINGS IN AIYL OKMOTY, PAR- ■■ If the answer is no, then why not? ENTS’ COMMITTEE, WOMEN COUNCIL. GENDER NORMS IN FLUX  n  49 ■■ If the answer is “no” then why not? → What ■■ If you were going to describe a good hus- do you think are some of the reasons women band from the time of your father’s genera- do not participate in community life? What tion, in what ways would he be different from are some of the constraints or obstacles for a good father today? women to participate in community life? a. What areas of community life do you see women WOMEN’S AND MEN’S PARTICIPATION participating in? COMMUNITY AFFAIRS: Part II IN ­ b. Do you see women taking leadership roles in the 6. Cholpon has been living in your village/town. She is 30 community? years old. She always has been interested in helping ■■ Is it common or rare? If yes, then in what others, and has always been very smart and capable. positions and what spheres? She decides that she will run for local kenesh, so she c. Do you think there are certain areas of commu- would be able to help more people than she could by nity life more reserved for men or for women? herself. ■■ If yes, then why, and in what areas? ■■ What would Cholpon’s friends say to her d. Would you say that anyone who wants to partici- when she told them of her plans? Would they pate in public life is able to? encourage her or try to change her mind? ■■ How about her parents, what would they think? MODEL OF A GOOD WIFE AND GOOD HUSBAND ■■ Her husband, what would he think of it? 4. Aimeerim recently got married to Nurlan. She wants to ■■ What would you say if you were to offer her be as good a wife as she can be. advice? a. If you were asked to give Aimeerim advice on ■■ In your view, what are some reasons why how to be a good wife here, what would it be? women do not run for local kenesh or other ■■ How does a good wife who lives here spend local decision-making bodies? her day? What are her main tasks? What 7. Taalay has been living in your village/town. He always household work should she do? has been interested in helping others, and has always ■■ Does a good wife contribute to the family been very smart and capable. He decides that she will income? If not, why not? If so, how does she run for a local kenesh, so he would be able to help balance work and family life? more people than he could by himself. ■■ Should she do everything Nurlan tells her a. What would Taalay’s friends say to him when he to do? told them of his plans? ■■ When it comes to making decisions, should b. What would you say if you offered him advice? she be advising, discussing, and deciding jointly with her husband? GENDER NORMS CHANGE OVER TIME ■■ If you were going to describe a good wife 8. Do you think men and women’s roles and responsi- from the time of your mother’s generation, bilities have changed over the past 20 years? (IF THE in what ways would she be different from a ANSWER IS “NO,” THEN PROCEED TO 8d.) good wife today? a.  Is this change more positive for women or for 5. Nurlan recently got married to Aimeerim. He wants to men? Please explain. be as good a husband as he can be. b.  What do you think are the biggest changes? (IF a. If you were asked to give Nurlan advice on how NO RESPONSE, ASK ABOUT working outside to be a good husband, what would it be? the home, participation in community life, and ■■ How does a good husband who lives here ­marriage/bride kidnapping.) spend his day? What are his main tasks? c.  In your view what factors have caused these What household work should he do? changes? ■■ Does a good husband have to be a good pro- d.  What do you think; who from people around you vider? If so, how does he balance his work would agree with your point of view, and who and family life? would not? ■■ How should he treat Aimeerim? 9. Do you think men and women’s roles and responsi- ■■ Should he do tell her what to do? bilities should change in 10 years? (IF THE ANSWER ■■ When it comes to making decisions, should IS “NO,” THEN PROCEED TO 9a.) he make key family decisions jointly with his ■■ How should they change? wife? ■■ What could cause these changes? 50  n  GENDER NORMS IN FLUX a.  What do you think your neighbors would say d.  What would Ruslan’s friends think? Would they about how much women should participate in gossip about Ruslan or Anara? Would they be community life? upset with Ruslan for kidnapping her or with 10. Do you think that women should be free to make Anara for escaping? their own choices about things like study at school/­ 15. In your personal opinion, what courtship would a girl university, work, marriage, and community par- like in your village/city, and what courtship would be ticipation? (MAKE SURE THAT THE RESPONDENT considered as ideal? From your point of view, how ANSWERS BY EVERY COMMUNITY STEP.) should a perfect marriage be? a.  Or should someone limit their choices? If yes, ■■ Should the man and woman both consent to the then who and in what sphere should someone marriage? If no, then why? step in and limit their choices? ■■ Should it be arranged by their parents? If yes, b.  Right now, do you think that anyone does limit then why? women’s choices about study, work, marriage, or ■■ Should the man kidnap the woman for marriage? community participation? If yes, then why? 11. Do you think that your life is mostly up to you and ■■ How old should the man be for marriage? your choices, or there is someone else who decides ■■ How old should the woman be for marriage? for you? ■■ Do you think other people in your community a.  If so, then who decides? (village/town) agree with you regarding age for (for older respondents: 20 and >) marriage? If no, then why? 12. Are adolescents growing up better than you did? If 16. What is the most common way for people to get mar- so, how? ried in your community (village/town)? a.  Is it different for boys or girls than how it used to ■■ By consent? be? (IF ANSWER “YES,” THEN ASK HOW? AND ■■ By nonconsensual kidnapping? IN WHAT?) ■■ By consensual kidnapping? ■■ Or by arranged marriage (from groom’s and MARRIAGE bride’s sides)? 17. Do you think that the way people get married has 13. Anara and Ruslan are from the same neighborhood. changed over the last 20 years? (IF ANSWER “NO” Ruslan likes Anara, and he assumes that she likes him SKIP TO QUESTION 18.) too. Ruslan decides to kidnap Anara and marry her, a.  If it has changed, is it for the better or worse? without her approval. b. Why? a.  What would Ruslan’s parents think? Would they c.  In your opinion what caused these changes? be happy? Upset? 18. If God promised to fulfill your one wish about mak- b.  How about Anara’s parents? Would they be ing changes in your community regarding men’s and happy? Upset? women’s roles, responsibilities, and opportunities, c.  Do you think Anara would be happy that Ruslan what would your wish be? did this? Why? d.  What would Ruslan’s friends think? Why would they think so? e.  What would Anara’s friends think? Why would Guide to Focus Group Discussions they think so? with Women and Men f.  Would this be different from what other boys usu- ally do? Hello! Thank you for agreeing to participate in our dis- g.  How old do you think Anara and Ruslan are? cussion of the social roles of men and women in Kyrgyz- 14. Anara does not like Ruslan, and is sad that she has stan. My name is ____________, I represent the M-Vector been kidnapped. She decides to escape back to her research and consulting company. You have been ran- parents’ home. domly selected for the survey. a.  What would Anara’s parents say to her? What would they say or do to Ruslan or his family? I have a few questions for you about the documents that b.  What would Anara’s friends think? Would they you filled out upon arrival at our office. Please answer be glad? Would they gossip about Anara? Would “yes” or “no” to each of the questions (if participants they be upset with Ruslan? nod or shake their heads, ask them to answer aloud for c.  What would Ruslan’s family do? recording purposes). GENDER NORMS IN FLUX  n  51 ■■ Did you fill out a questionnaire upon arrival at our What should a daughter be like? What are her office today? responsibilities? ■■ Were you provided a consent form for participation in What responsibilities should a woman not have? today’s discussion, which will be recorded on a tape (Explanatory questions: What is a woman’s/man’s recorder and a video camera? (If no consent was job? What is different between things men and obtained, make sure the said devices are switched women should do every day?) off) ■■ Have you read and signed the form? PROBE ABOUT MEN AND BOYS 1.4. Is it better to be a girl or a boy, or is there no Do you have any questions? difference? All information received today will be kept strictly confi- 1.5. What do other people in your community/settlement dential to the extent permitted by law. Your name, address, expect from a girl/woman to be like/to do (qualities, and any other personal information will not appear in responsibilities, roles, values)? Who are those peo- any survey-related reports, newspapers, or videos. Also, ple? (parents, children, husband, parents in law, other please keep in mind that you can discontinue participat- relatives, friends, neighbors, colleagues, etc.) ing in the discussion at any time. Are there any differences between the expectations of different groups of people you named? How so? There are no right or wrong answers, but rather different What are different people (e.g., your parents/kids/ points of view. Please share your opinion even if it differs parents in law/friends/neighbors/colleagues) proud from the views of other participants in the discussion. The of you for? following rules must be followed during the discussion: take turns when speaking; ask questions if you need to. PROBE ABOUT MEN AND BOYS 1.6. Do you think men’s and women’s roles and respon- Our conversation will be recorded on a tape recorder sibilities have changed over the past 20 years since and a video camera to make sure we have complete independence? information. ONLY GROUPS “40–60 y.o.” and “60 y.o.+” WILL BE ABLE TO EVALUATE THE CHANGE. ASK YONGER Let’s start the discussion now. But first, let’s meet each WOMEN TO SHARE THEIR PERCEPTIONS ABOUT other. Please take turns to introduce yourself—say your THAT TIME BASED ON THEIR KNOWLEDGE OR name, your age, and occupation. ATTITUDE, OR WHAT THEY HAVE HEARD FROM OLDER FAMILY MEMBERS. Questions ■■ Is this change more positive for (in favor of) I—General understandings of gender (35 minutes) women or men? What do you think has caused these changes? 1.1. What do you think of when you think of the word ■■ Do you think men’s and women’s roles and “woman”? What do you think of when you think of responsibilities should change? How should the word “man”? they change? 1.2. What do girls/women of your age in your community ■■ Do you think there will be changes in the next do in life? Do the majority or minority do it? What 20 years? Positive or negative changes for men, responsibilities do girls/women your age in your women? What kind of changes? What do you community have? What qualities? think will be causing these changes? PROBE ABOUT MEN AND BOYS II—Women’s voices and community participation 1.3. In your opinion, what should girls/women do in life? (35 minutes) What qualities and responsibilities should a woman have in your opinion? What should a woman be like? 2.1. Do you participate in your community? If so, how? What characterizes a good wife? What are her 2.2. Who do you see participating in community life in responsibilities? your settlement? Who would you say makes most local community decisions? (e.g., in matters relating What characterizes a good mother? What are her to irrigation water, road repair, installation of an elec- responsibilities? trical transformer; do they participate in the council of 52  n  GENDER NORMS IN FLUX elders, in conflict resolution, take part in public asso- ■■ Deciding on taking a loan, its amount, and who ciations of potable and drinking water users, etc.?) will take it? Mostly young? Older people? Rich? With education? Explain. Does everybody think so? Are there differ- ent opinions? (IF GENDER ASPECT HAS NOT BEEN BROUGHT 2.5. If a girl/woman, let’s say Cholpon (IF THERE IS NO UP) Do you see girls/women your age participate in CHOLPON IN THE FOCUS GROUP DISCUSSIONS activities in your community? Do you see women of (FGD), PLEASE CHOOSE ANY OTHER TYICAL different ages participate in activities in your com- FEMALE NAME.) wanted to speak at a town meet- munity? How many? Most? A few? Do many men/ ing or would decide to run for a Local Government boys participate in community activities? What are Authority (LGA) (“aiyl okmotu”)/NGO/informal local the exact spheres they are active in? organization, what would happen? What reaction 2.3. What would you do if most other girls/women your would she receive regarding her plans and from age in your settlement/community ________ (would whom? Would she receive a positive or negative participate/would not participate in community reaction? From whom positive? From whom nega- life/activities) (REPEAT THE MAIN POINT OF THE tive? (friends, parents, colleagues, neighbors, grown RESPONDENT FROM 2.2. TRY TO KNOW WHAT children, etc.— example: Maxat) (TEST ABOVE MEN/BOYS WOULD SAY ON THIS.) QUESTIONS AS FOR A MAN/BOY.) 2.4. Who do you think should participate in activities in 2.6. How do you think Cholpon/the majority of girls/ your community? Who do you think should make women in your settlement/community would do/ decisions regarding activities in your community? act if ______ (people) (PEOPLE MENTONED IN 2.5) What are the qualities of these people/that person did not encourage/expect/get upset about/get angry (who should participate in activities in your commu- about/(sanctions named in 2.5)? (Example: Maxat) nity and make decisions)? (TEST ABOVE QUESTIONS AS FOR A MAN/BOY.) IF YOU REALIZE THAT RESPONDENT DOES NOT 2.7. Have you noticed any changes over the past 20 years UNDERSTAND WHAT “ACTIVITIES IN YOUR COM- (since Independence) in the activities of girls/women MUNITY” MEANS, E.G., INSTEAD, SAYING ABOUT in community life? What kind of changes (positive, GOING TO CAFES, WALKING IN PARKS WITH FAM- negative)? What/who caused these changes? What ILY, ETC., PLEASE ELABORATE. about men/boys? By “activities in your community,” I mean any civic ONLY WOMEN FROM GROUPS “40–60” AND “60 Y.O. +” activities that take place in your community, for WILL BE ABLE TO EVALUATE THE CHANGE. ASK example, participation in the resolution of community YONGER WOMEN TO SHARE THEIR PERCEPTIONS issues, participation in community events or discus- ABOUT THAT TIME BASED ON THEIR KNOWL- sions (regarding any topics, e.g., water supply ques- EDGE OR ATTITUDE OR WHAT THEY HEARD FROM tions, community development questions—roads, OLDER FAMILY MEMBERS. education, etc.) (PROBE IF GENDER ASPECT WAS 2.8. Do you think that the situation with the activities of NOT BROUGHT UP OR FULLY COVERED IN THE girls/women in community life should be changing? PREVIOUS DISCUSSIONS, PLEASE ELABORATE.) How? What/who can be causing these changes? Do you think that girls/women should participate in In your opinion, which community leaders can activities in your community? (PROBE) Do you think strengthen/strengthens women’s role in local gov- older/younger women should participate? Or is it ernance: distribution of public resources, pasture, better for girls/women not to participate? Should water supply, and sanitation management, etc. How? men/boys participate in civic life? How exactly should Do you think that the situation with activities of girls/ they participate? What responsibilities do you think women in community life will change? How? What/ they should have? What tasks should they perform? who is going to cause these changes? (TEST ABOVE Who (men or women) must deal with the following: QUESTIONS AS FOR A MAN/BOY.) ■■ Allocating land for gardens ■■ Working with agricultural machinery III—Attitude to and risks associated with gender- ■■ Owning the rights to land and water based violence (35 minutes) ■■ Crop planning 3.1. How do people usually get married in your ■■ Making decisions regarding breeding, selling, community? or slaughtering livestock a.  By consent? ■■ Controlling women’s (wives’) earnings or the b.  By nonconsensual kidnapping? assets that she brings to the household GENDER NORMS IN FLUX  n  53 c.  By consensual kidnapping? ■■ What would community (males, females) say? d. Or by arranged marriage without consent of Would bride kidnapping be considered a feat? youth (from groom’s and bride’s sides)? ■■ What would the clergy say? ■■ At what age? Is bride kidnapping wide- ■■ What about the local civil society (NGOs, infor- spread in your community? mal organization—the court of elders, women’s Do girls/women mostly make their own choices societies, etc.) whom to marry? All girls/women, all ages? If not, ■■ What would local self-government authorities who makes the decision? (PROBE/TEST ABOVE (aiyl okmotu) say? QUESTIONS AS FOR A MAN/BOY.) 3.6. How do you think Anara/the majority of girls/women Who mainly takes charge in a romantic relationship? in your community would do/act if ______ (people) Girls/women or boys/men? Do women expect men (PEOPLE MENTONED IN 3.5) did not encourage/ to take charge in a relationship or vice versa? expect/get upset about/get angry about/sanctions named in 3.5? 3.2. What would you do/have done if most other girls/ women in your settlement/community ________ 3.7. Have you noticed any changes over the past 20 years (could or would/could not or would not decide (have (since Independence) in situations with decisions decided) whom and when to marry; be kidnapped) to whom and whom to marry for girls/women and (REPEAT THE MAIN POINT OF THE RESPONDENT boys/men? What kind of changes (positive, nega- FROM 3.1. AND MORE____REVERSE OF THE MAIN tive)? What/who caused these changes? POINT.) Would you want/do______(decide/have ONLY WOMEN 35 Y.O. AND OLDER WILL BE ABLE TO decided whom and when to marry; be/have been EVALUATE THE CHANGE. ASK YONGER WOMEN kidnapped (REPEAT THE MAIN POINT OF THE TO SHARE THEIR PERCEPTION ABOUT THAT TIME RESPONDENT FROM 3.1. TEST ABOVE QUESTIONS BASED ON THEIR KNOWLEDGE OR ATTITUDE OR AS FOR A MAN/BOY.) WHAT THEY HEARD FROM OLDER FAMILY MEM- 3.3. In your opinion, should a girl/woman be kidnapped BERS. TEST ABOVE QUESTIONS AS FOR MEN/BOYS. to get married? How? Do you think it is right? How Do you think that situations with decisions about old should someone be to get married? Is there an when and whom to marry for girls/women and boys/ age when people should be married by? men should be changing? How? What/who can be In your opinion, what do you think an ideal courtship causing these changes? If you could institute a pol- and marriage are like? (TEST ABOVE QUESTIONS icy or social change to end bride kidnapping, what AS FOR A MAN/BOY.) would it be? Why? How would it work? (PROBE) 3.4. In your community, does a girl have to get mar- Do you think that situations with decisions about ried if she was kidnapped? Do you think, in your to whom and whom to marry for girls/women and ­ community/settlement, a woman has no right to boys/men will change? How? What/who is going to leave if she was kidnapped? (TEST ABOVE QUES- cause these changes? TIONS AS FOR A MAN/BOY: In your community, boy/ man has to kidnap if he gets married?) FGD expected duration: 2 hours 3.5. Would you say that people expect a man to kid- nap the girl he wants to marry? Who do you think Guide to Focus Group Discussion expects a girl/woman to accept marriage if she was kidnapped? Who is against? (PROBE/TEST ABOVE with Key Informants QUESTIONS AS FOR MEN/BOYS.) Focus Group Discussion Guide—Local self-­ Anara and Ruslan are from the same neighborhood. government authorities, NGOs, associations, Ruslan likes Anara, and thinks that she likes him too. informal organizations Ruslan decides to kidnap Anara and marry her. ■■ What would Ruslan’s parents think? Would they Hello! Thank you for agreeing to participate in our dis- be happy? Upset? cussion of the social roles of men and women in Kyrgyz- ■■ How about Anara’s parents? stan. My name is ____________, I represent the M-Vector ■■ Do you think Anara would be happy about Rus- research and consulting company. You have been ran- lan doing this? domly selected for the survey. ■■ What would Ruslan’s friends think? 54  n  GENDER NORMS IN FLUX I have a few questions for you about the documents that Mostly young? Older people? Rich? Women, men? you filled out upon arrival at our office. Please answer With education? “yes” or “no” to each of the questions (if participants What about others? Why do you think they are not nod or shake their heads, ask them to answer aloud for participating/working? recording purposes). IF GENDER ASPECT HAS NOT BEEN BROUGHT UP ■■ Did you fill out a questionnaire upon arrival at our office today? Do you see girls/women participate in activities in ■■ Were you provided a consent form for participation in your community? Who are these women? Where do today’s discussion which will be recorded on a tape they participate? What do they do? Why? recorder and a video camera? (If no consent was NOW TALK ABOUT MEN obtained, make sure the said devices are switched Do many men/boys participate in community activi- off) ties? Who are they (how old are they)? Where do ■■ Have you read and signed the form? they participate? What do they do? Why? 1.3. Who do you think should participate in activities in Do you have any questions? your community? All information received today will be kept strictly confi- DO NOT READ LIST, ONLY IF THEY WOULD NOT dential to the extent permitted by law. Your name, address, TELL THEMSELVESS and any other personal information will not appear in (LGAs, NGOs, informal organizations, other civil any survey-related reports, newspapers, or videos. Also, society representatives, opinion makers, public please keep in mind that you can discontinue participat- leaders) ing in the discussion at any time. Who do you think should make decisions regarding activities in your community? There are no right or wrong answers, but rather different What are the qualities of these people/that person points of view. Please share your opinion even if it differs who should participate in activities in your commu- from the views of other participants in the discussion. The nity and make decisions? following rules must be followed during the discussion: IF GENDER ASPECT HAS NOT BEEN BROUGHT UP take turns when speaking, ask questions if you need to. Do you think that girls/women should partici- Let’s start the discussion now. But first, let’s meet each pate in activities in your community? Where, what other. Please take turns to introduce yourself—say your organizations? name, your age, occupation, etc. DO NOT READ LIST, ONLY IF THEY WOULD NOT TELL THEMSELVES Questions (e.g., Council of Elders, conflict resolution, agricul- I—Women voice and community participation tural water users associations, etc.) (1 hour) What responsibilities do you think they should have? What tasks should they perform? 1.1. What does your organization do? Who mainly works/ NOW TALK ABOUT MEN participates in your organizations/associations? In what spheres of community life should men/boys In terms of age, gender, occupation, etc.? Mainly participate? How exactly should they participate? women, men? Older, younger? State servants or What responsibilities should they have? workers from private companies? Do you think older/younger women should par- 1.2. Who do you see participating in your settlement in ticipate? Or is it better for girls/women not to community life? participate? DO NOT READ LIST, ONLY IF THEY WOULD NOT Should men/boys participate in civic life? How TELL THEMSELVES exactly should they participate? What responsi- bilities do you think they should have? What tasks (LGAs, NGOs, informal organizations, other civil should they perform? society representatives) Who would you say makes most local community 1.4. Do your organizations/associations encourage decisions? How and what decisions do they make, anyone to participate or participate more actively and what contributions do they make? in activities of your organizations/associations or GENDER NORMS IN FLUX  n  55 other public, community activities? If yes, whom do to marry? Is bride kidnapping widespread in your you encourage? How? (ASK EACH RESPONDENT community? Is arranged marriage widespread in ABOUT WOMEN.) your community? What about marriage by consent? a. Who do your partner organizations/associations Do girls/women mostly make their own choices attract (women/men)? about who to marry? All girls/women, all ages? If not, b. How do they try to attract (women/men)? who makes decisions? What about boys? c. Do other ordinary people in your settlement Do you see any organizations/associations/opinion expect/encourage girls/women to participate in leaders change regular marriage practices? Who? community activities? Who encourages, who dis- How? What way? courages? How? What about men/boys? 2.2. What do you think of the regular practice of getting d. If a girl/woman wanted to become a member of married in your community? your organization, what would be the reaction of Do you think something should be changed in this members of your organization/from the people practice, or not? If yes, what exactly, how, by whom/ of your village/settlement? what? e. If a girl/woman wanted to speak at a town meet- ing, what would happen? What would the reac- According to your opinion what are the conse- tion be from the side of your community? quences of bride kidnapping? If positive, then in f. If a girl/woman decided to run for a LGA (“aiyl what? If negative, then in what? okmotu”) or wanted to participate in NGO/infor- 2.3. Would you say that people expect a man to kidnap mal local organization, what would happen? What the girl/woman he wants to marry in your commu- reaction would she receive from your community nity? And do you think people expect a girl/woman (local population)? How would members of your to accept marriage if she is kidnapped? Who are organization react? these people? Who is against (parents, friends, etc.)? What about men/boys? (ASK SAME QUESTION AS What people? (parents, friends, etc.) Do different ABOUT GIRLS/WOMEN—QUESTIONS 1.4: B–C— people have different opinions? What organizations/ IN CASE GROUP WOULD NOT MENTION, THEN associations support/against? Do people encourage ASK QUESTION: “Who would have a more positive girls/women to choose who they should marry and reaction?”) when (age)? (TEST ABOVE QUESTIONS AS FOR A WOMAN/GIRL. test in passive voice.) 1.5. Have you noticed any changes over the past 20 years (since Independence) in community life about par- 2.4. Have you noticed any changes over the past 20 years ticipation of different layers of society? (since Independence) in decisions about when and who to marry for girls/women and boys/men? What IF GENDER ASPECT WAS NOT RAISED kinds of changes (positive, negative)? What/who a. Changes about activities of girls/women in com- caused these changes? munity life? Do you think that situations about decisions when b. What/who caused these changes? Are these and who to marry for girls/women and boys/men changes positive or negative? Participation of should be changing? How? What/who can be caus- girls/women in activities of community life? ing these changes? ■■ What about men/boys? If you could institute a policy or social change to Do you think that changes in the participation of end bride kidnapping, what would it be? Why? How girls/women in the community of your settlement are would it work? necessary? What changes should occur? What/who Do you think that situations with decisions when and can be causing these changes? who to marry for girls/women and boys/men will ■■ What about men/boys? change? How? What/who is going to cause these Do you think that changes in the participation of girls/ changes? women in community life will happen? What way? Why? What/who is going to cause these changes? FGD expected duration: 2 hours ■■ What about men/boys? II—Bride kidnapping (30 minutes) 2.1. What is the regular practice of getting married in your community? Who makes decisions about whom 56  n  GENDER NORMS IN FLUX Annex 2. IDI Participant Profiles 2. Panfilov, Telman and Kum-Aryk 4. Otuz-Adyr 6. Ak-Jar 1.Tokmok city, villages, 3. Osh city, village, Osh 5. Naryn city, village, Naryn Chui Oblast Chui Oblast Osh Oblast Oblast Naryn Oblast Oblast M W M W M W M W M W M W Total number 12 12 18 18 12 12 18 18 12 12 18 18 of participants Level of education Incomplete secondary  2  2  6  1  3  1  1  3  4 education (9 grades) Complete secondary  3  3  8  6  4 1  7  8  4  4 11  7 education (11 grades) Vocational school/  3  4  4  3  4  3  3  3 an incomplete higher education Complete higher education  4  5  4  3  7  8 10  9  1  5  4  4 Marital status Single  5  7  6  4  2  3  6  5  4  5  4  3 Married  6  3 10 14 10  7 12 13  7  4 13 14 Widow/er  2  1  1  1 Divorced  1  2  2  1 No answer  2 Average marriage age 22 24 24 22 23.8 20.3 23.3 20.1 24.7 19.5 23.1 20.5 Level of income Average monthly income 5,368 5,975 3,491 2,703 5,713 5,057 5,605 4,963 4,965 3,637 3,455 2,588 per family member KGS KGS KGS KGS KGS KGS KGS KGS KGS KGS KGS KGS Average monthly income 1,736 2,083 1,852 278 1,302 208 417 1,458 1,563 1,488 781 500 per family member, the KGS KGS KGS KGS KGS minimum value Average monthly income 8,333 11,111 10,417 5,208 11,111 13,889 13,889 11,111 11,111 8,333 8,333 5,208 per family member, the KGS KGS KGS KGS KGS maximum value The subsistence minimum 4,562 4,562 4,562 4,562 4,994 4,994 4,994 4,994 4,713 4,713 4,713 4,713 in specific Oblast according KGS KGS KGS KGS KGS KGS KGS KGS KGS KGS KGS KGS to the Kyrgyz Republic National Statistical Committee13 13 13  National Statistical Committee of the Kyrgyz Republic, Living Wage Table. Accessed April 24, 2017 < http://www.stat.kg/ru/living-wage/> GENDER NORMS IN FLUX  n  57 Annex 3. Key Poverty and Gender- Disaggregated Data for the Kyrgyz Republic Dimension/indicator Data Year GENERAL GNI per capita, PPP (current international $) 3,300 2015 Poverty headcount ratio at national poverty line (% of population) 31 2014 Poverty headcount ratio of $1.90 a day (2011 PPP) % of populatioin 3 2013 Rural population, female (% of total) 32 2015 Rural population, male (% of total) 32 2015 Female headed households (% of households with a female head) 27 2012 HUMAN ENDOWMENTS: EDUCATION Literacy rate, adult male (% of males aged 15 and above) 100 2009 Literacy rate, adult female (% of females aged 15 and above) 99 2009 Literacy rate, youth female (% of females aged 15–24) 100 2009 Literacy rate, youth male (% of males aged 15–24) 100 2009 School enrollment, primary, female (% net) 89 2014 School enrollment, primary, male (% net) 91 2014 School enrollment, secondary, male (% net) 80 2014 School enrollment, secondary, female (% net) 80 2014 School enrollment, tertiary, female (% gross) 53 2013 School enrollment, tertiary, male (% gross) 41 2013 Lower secondary completion rate, male (% of relevant age group) 90 2014 Lower secondary completion rate, female (% of relevant age group) 91 2014 Adolescents out of school, female (% of female lower secondary school age) 8 2014 Adolescents out of school, male (% of male lower secondary school age) 8 2014 Share of youth not in education, employment, or training, female (% of female youth population) 30 2013 Share of youth not in education, employment, or training, male (% of male youth population) 13 2013 HUMAN ENDOWMENTS: HEALTH AND DEMOGRAPHICS Adolescent fertility rate (births per 1,000 women ages 15–19) 40 2014 Maternal mortality ratio (modeled estimate, per 100,000 live births) 76 2015 Mortality rate, infant (per 1,000 live births) 19 2015 Births attended by skilled health staff (% of total) 98 2014 Contraceptive prevalence, modern methods (% of women ages 15–49) 39 2014 Unmet need for contraception (% of married women ages 15–49) 18 2014 Age at first marriage, female 22 2012 Age at first marriage, male 26 2012 Life expectancy at birth, female (years) 75 2014 Life expectancy at birth, male (years) 67 2014 58  n  GENDER NORMS IN FLUX Dimension/indicator Data Year ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITIES Labor participation rate, female (% of female population ages 15+) (modeled ILO estimate) 56 2014 Labor participation rate, male (% of male population ages 15+) (modeled ILO estimate) 80 2014 Labor force participation rate for ages 15–24, female (%) (modeled ILO estimate) 37 2014 Labor force participation rate for ages 15–24, male (%) (modeled ILO estimate) 59 2014 Vulnerable employment, female (% of female employment) 38 2013 Vulnerable employment, male (% of male employment) 44 2013 Unemployment, female (% of female labor force) (modeled ILO estimate) 9 2014 Unemployment, male (% of male labor force) (modeled ILO estimate) 7 2014 Wage and salaried workers, female (% of females employed) 55 2014 Wage and salary workers, male (% of males employed) 51 2014 Self-employed, female (% of females employed) 39 2013 Self-employed, male (% of males employed) 46 2013 Borrowed from a financial institution, male (% age 15+) 14 2014 Borrowed from a financial institution, female (% age 15+) 13 2014 Borrowed to start, operate, or expand a farm or business, female (% age 15+) 5 2014 Borrowed to start, operate, or expand a farm or business, male (% age 15+) 8 2014 Contributing family workers, female (% of females employed) 21 2013 Contributing family workers, male (% of males employed) 7 2013 Married men and married women have equal ownership rights to property (1 = yes; 0 = no) Yes 2015 Firms with female top manager (%) 29 2013 Percentage of firms with female participation in ownership (average reported by firms) 49 2013 Law mandates nondiscrimination based on gender in hiring (1 = yes; 0 = no) No 2015 Non-pregnant and non-nursing women can do the same jobs as men (1 = yes; 0 = no) No 2015 Law mandates paid or unpaid maternity leave (1 = yes; 0 = no) Yes 2015 VOICE AND AGENCY Proportion of women in ministerial level positions (%) 15 2015 Proportion of seats held by women in national parliaments (%) 19 2016 Women who were first married by age 18 (% of women aged 20–24) 8 2014 Nondiscrimination clause mentions gender in the constitution (1 = yes; 0 = no) Yes 2015 Law prohibits or invalidates child or early marriage (1 = yes; 0 = no) Yes 2015 Legislation exists on domestic violence (1 = yes; 0 = no) Yes 2015 Legislation specifically addresses sexual harassment (1 = yes; 0 = no) Yes 2015 Legislation explicitly criminalizes marital rape (1 = yes; 0 = no) No 2015 Women who believe a husband is justified in beating his wife (any of five reasons) (%) 33 2014 Decision maker about a woman's own healthcare: mainly husband (% of women aged 15–49) 4 2012 Decision maker about a woman's own healthcare: mainly wife (% of women aged 15–49) 31 2012 Decision maker about a woman's own healthcare: wife and husband jointly (% of women aged 15–49) 59 2012 Decision maker about a woman's visits to her family or relatives: mainly husband (% of women aged 15–49) 5 2012 Decision maker about a woman's visits to her family or relatives: mainly wife (% of women aged 15–49) 14 2012 Decision maker about visits to her family or relatives: wife and husband jointly (% of women aged 15–49) 72 2012 Decision maker about major household purchases: mainly husband (% of women aged 15–49) 6 2012 Decision maker about major household purchases: mainly wife (% of women aged 15–49) 9 2012 Decision maker about major household purchases: wife and husband jointly (% of women aged 15–49) 75 2012 GENDER NORMS IN FLUX  n  59