WPS5446 Policy Research Working Paper 5446 Islamic vs. Conventional Banking Business Model, Efficiency and Stability Thorsten Beck Asli Demirgüç-Kunt Ouarda Merrouche The World Bank Development Research Group Finance and Private Sector Development Team October 2010 Policy Research Working Paper 5446 Abstract This paper discusses Islamic banking products and than conventional banks in a broad cross-country sample, interprets them in the context of financial intermediation this finding reverses in a sample of countries with both theory. Anecdotal evidence shows that many of the Islamic and conventional banks. However, conventional conventional products can be redrafted as Sharia- banks that operate in countries with a higher market compliant products, so that the differences are smaller share of Islamic banks are more cost-effective but than expected. Comparing conventional and Islamic less stable. There is also consistent evidence of higher banks and controlling for other bank and country capitalization of Islamic banks and this capital cushion characteristics, the authors find few significant differences plus higher liquidity reserves explains the relatively better in business orientation, efficiency, asset quality, or performance of Islamic banks during the recent crisis. stability. While Islamic banks seem more cost-effective This paper--a product of the Finance and Private Sector Development Team, Development Research Group--is part of a larger effort in the department to understand Islamic banking and its impact. Policy Research Working Papers are also posted on the Web at http://econ.worldbank.org. The author may be contacted at ademirguckunt@worldbank.org. The Policy Research Working Paper Series disseminates the findings of work in progress to encourage the exchange of ideas about development issues. An objective of the series is to get the findings out quickly, even if the presentations are less than fully polished. The papers carry the names of the authors and should be cited accordingly. The findings, interpretations, and conclusions expressed in this paper are entirely those of the authors. They do not necessarily represent the views of the International Bank for Reconstruction and Development/World Bank and its affiliated organizations, or those of the Executive Directors of the World Bank or the governments they represent. Produced by the Research Support Team Islamic vs. Conventional Banking: Business Model, Efficiency and Stability Thorsten Beck, Asli Demirgüç-Kunt and Ouarda Merrouche Beck: CentER, Department of Economics, Tilburg University and CEPR; Demirgüç-Kunt and Merrouche: The World Bank. We gratefully acknowledge research assistance and background work by Pejman Abedifar, Jelizaveta Baranova and Jumana Poonawala. This paper's findings, interpretations, and conclusions are entirely those of the authors and do not necessarily represent the views of the World Bank, its Executive Directors, or the countries they represent. 1. Introduction The current global financial crisis has not only shed doubts on the proper functioning of conventional "Western" banking, but has also increased the attention on Islamic banking.1 Academics and policy makers alike point to the advantages of Shariah-compliant financial products, as the mismatch of short-term, on-sight demandable deposits contracts with long-term uncertain loan contracts is mitigated with equity elements. In addition, Sharia-compliant products are very attractive for segments of the population that demand financial services that are consistent with their religious beliefs. However, little academic evidence exists on the functioning of Islamic banks, as of yet. This paper describes some of the most common Islamic banking products and links their structure to the theoretical literature on financial intermediation. Specifically, we discuss to which extent Islamic banking products affect the agency problems arising from information asymmetries between lender and borrower or investor and manager of funds. Second, we compare the business model, efficiency, asset quality and stability of Islamic banks and conventional banks, using an array of indicators constructed from balance sheet and income statement data. In separate regressions, we focus specifically on the relative performance of both bank groups during the recent crisis. While there is a large practitioner literature on Islamic finance, in general, and specifically Islamic banking, there are few academic papers. Cihak and Hesse (2010) test for the stability of Islamic compared to conventional banks, while Errico and Farahbaksh (1998) and Solé (2007) discuss regulatory issues related to Islamic banking. This general dearth of academic work on Islamic finance stands in contrast with the increasing importance that Islamic banking has in many Muslim countries in Asia and in Africa. With this paper we hope to contribute to the emerging literature on this topic. Sharia-compliant finance does not allow for the charging of interest payments (riba) as only goods and services are allowed to carry a price. On the other hand, Sharia-compliant 1 For just two examples, see Willem Buiter: http://blogs.ft.com/maverecon/2009/07/islamic-finance-principles-to- restore-policy-effectiveness/ and Jerry Caprio: http://blogs.williams.edu/financeeconomics/2009/07/20/narrow- banks-or-islamic-banks-to-the-rescue/ 2 finance relies on the idea of profit-, loss-, and risk-sharing, on both the liability and asset side. In practice, however, Islamic scholars have developed products that resemble conventional banking products, replacing interest rate payments and discounting with fees and contingent payment structures. In addition, leasing-like products are popular among Islamic banks, as they are directly linked to real-sector transactions. Nevertheless, the residual equity-style risk that Islamic banks and its depositors are taking has implications for the agency relationships on both sides of the balance sheet as we will discuss below. Comparing indicators of business orientation, cost efficiency, asset quality and stability of conventional and Islamic banks, we find little significant differences between the two groups. While we find that Islamic banks are more cost-effective in a large sample of countries, this advantage turns around when we focus on a sample of countries with both conventional and Islamic banks. Hence, it is conventional banks that are more cost-effective than Islamic banks in countries where both banks exist. We cannot find any significant differences in business orientation, as measured by the share of fee-based to total income or share of non-deposit in total funding. Neither do we find significant differences in the stability of Islamic banks, though we find that Islamic banks have higher capital-asset ratios. However, we do find some variation of efficiency and stability of conventional banks across countries with different market shares of Islamic banks. Specifically, in countries where the market share of Islamic banks is higher, conventional banks tend to be more cost-effective but less stable. Considering the performance of Islamic and conventional banks during the recent crisis, we find little differences, except that Islamic banks increased their liquidity holdings in the run- up to and during the crisis relative to conventional banks. This also explains why Islamic banks' stocks performed better during the crisis compared to conventional banks' stocks. Together, our empirical findings suggest that conventional and Islamic banks are more alike than previously thought. Differences in business models ­ if they exist at all ­ do not show in standard indicators based on financial statement information. Other differences, such as cost efficiency, seem to be driven more by country rather than bank type differences. Finally, the good performance of Islamic banks during the recent crisis appears to be driven by higher precaution in liquidity holdings and capitalization, but no inherent difference in asset quality 3 between the two bank types. This allows two alternative conclusions, which our data do not allow to distinguish: off-setting effects of Sharia-compliant banking on business model, risk taking and ultimately stability cancel each other out, or the functioning and organization of Islamic banks is indeed less different from that of conventional banks than often propagated. This being one of the first bank-level explorations of Islamic banks, two important caveats are in place. First, anecdotal evidence suggests that there are significant differences across countries in terms of how Sharia-compliant products are exactly structured, with some of the banks basically offering conventional products repackaged as Sharia-compliant products. This implies that we need to exercise caution when interpreting Islamic banking in the context of traditional models of financial intermediation. In addition, there are differences across different Muslim countries in what is considered Sharia-compliant and what is not, which makes it difficult to do cross-country comparisons. Second, given the different nature of conventional and Sharia-compliant products, as discussed in section 2, balance sheet and income statement items might not be completely comparable across bank types even within the same country. In our empirical exercise, we rely on Bankscope data that have been subjected to consistency checks by the provider VanDyck. However, we cannot exclude the possibility that significant differences in ratios derived from financial statements are due to different measurement issues rather than inherent differences across bank types. Finally, our sample includes relatively few Islamic banks which might bias our findings and can only be remedied over time as more data become available. The remainder of the paper is structured as follows. Section 2 presents some of the basic Sharia-compliant products and links these products to the theoretical literature on financial intermediation. Section 3 presents data and methodology. Section 4 uses bank-level data to assess the relative business orientation, efficiency, asset quality and stability of Islamic and conventional banks. Section 5 compares the relative performance of conventional and Islamic banks during the recent crisis and section 6 concludes. 4 2. Sharia-compliant Products and Agency Problems Islamic or Sharia2-compliant banking products are financial transactions that do not violate prescriptions of the Koran. Specifically, Islamic financial transactions cannot include the interest payment (Riba) at a predetermined or fixed rate; rather, the Koran stipulates profit-loss-risk sharing arrangements, the purchase and resale of goods and services and the provision of (financial) services for a fee. A second important characteristic of Islamic banks is that they are in general prohibited from trading in financial risk products, such as derivative products. In order for banks and their clients to comply with Sharia, over the past decades, specific products have been developed that avoid the concept of interest and imply a certain degree of risk-sharing. One important feature is the pass-through of risk between depositor and borrower. Among the most common Islamic banking products are partnership loans between bank and borrowers. Under the Mudaraba contract, the bank provides the resources, i.e. the "loan", while the client ­ the entrepreneur ­ provides effort and expertise. Profits are shared at a predetermined ratio, while the losses are borne exclusively by the bank, i.e. the entrepreneur is covered by limited liability provisions. While the entrepreneur has the ultimate control over her business, major investment decisions, including the participation of other investors, have to be approved by the bank. The Musharaka contract, on the other hand, has the bank as one of several investors, with profits and losses being shared among all investors. This partnership arrangement is mirrored on the deposit side, with investment accounts or deposits that do not imply a fixed, preset return but profit-loss sharing. Such investment deposits can be either linked to a bank's profit level or to a specific investment account on the asset side of a bank's balance sheet. An alternative is the Murabaha contract, which resembles a leasing contract in conventional banking. By involving the purchase of goods, it gets around the prohibition to make a return on money lending. As in leasing contracts, the bank buys an investment good on behalf of the client and then on-sells it to the client, with staggered payments and a profit margin in the form of a fee. Similarly, operating leases (Ijara) where the bank keeps ownership of the investment good and rents it to the client for a fee are feasible financial transactions under 2 Sharia is the legal framework within which the public and private aspects of life are regulated for those living in a legal system based on fiqh (Islamic principles of jurisprudence) and for Muslims living outside the domain. 5 Sharia-law. While the discounting of IOUs and promissory notes is not allowed under Sharia-law as it would involve indirect interest rate payments, a similar structure can be achieved by splitting such an operation into two contracts, with full payment of the amount of the IOU on the one hand, and a fee or commission for this pre-payment, on the other hand. On the deposit side, one can distinguish between non-remunerated demand deposits (amanah), seen as depositors' loans to the bank­ thus similar to demand deposits in many conventional banks around the world ­ and savings deposits that do not carry an interest rate, but participate in the profits of the bank. However, according to some Islamic scholars, banks are allowed to pay regular bonuses on such accounts. Investment accounts, finally, and as discussed above, mirror the partnership loans on the asset side, by being fully involved in the profit-loss- risk sharing arrangements of Islamic banks. In summary, while some of the products offered by Islamic banks are the same as in conventional banks (demand deposits) and other are structured in similar ways as conventional products (leasing products), there is a strong element of equity participation in Islamic banking. How do these products fit with the traditional picture of a bank as financial intermediary? Transaction costs and agency problems between savers and entrepreneurs have given rise to banks in the first place, as they can economize on the transaction costs and mitigate agency conflicts. Banks face agency problems on both sides of their balance sheet, with respect to their depositors whose money they invest in loans and other assets and where the bank acts effectively as agent of depositors, and on the asset side where borrowers (as agent) use depositors' resources for investment purposes. The debt contract with deterministic monitoring (in case of default) (Diamond, 1984) or stochastic monitoring (Townsend, 1979) has been shown to be optimal for financial intermediation between a large number of savers and a large number of entrepreneurs. In addition, however, banks face the maturity mismatch between deposits, demandable on sight and long-term loans, which can result in bank runs and insolvency (Diamond and Dybvig, 1983). Diamond and Rajan (2002) argue that it is exactly the double agency problems banks face, with depositors monitoring banks that disciplines banks in turn to monitor borrowers, and government interventions such as deposit insurance distort such equilibrium. 6 How does the equity component of Islamic banking affect these agency problems? On the one hand, the equity-like nature of savings and investment deposits might increase depositors' incentives to monitor and discipline the bank. At the same token, the equity-like nature of deposits might distort the bank's incentives to monitor and discipline borrowers as they do not face the threat by depositors of immediate withdrawal. Similarly, the equity-like character of partnership loans can reduce the necessary discipline imposed on entrepreneurs by debt contracts (Jensen and Meckling, 1976). The equity character of banks' asset-side of the balance sheet, however, might also increase the uncertainty on depositors' return and increase the likelihood of both uninformed and informed bank runs. This is exacerbated by the restrictions that banks face on terminating partnership loans or restricting them in their maturity. Given the agency problems that the equity character of some Islamic banking products might entail, Islamic banks have designed alternative contracts, where clients are allowed to retain profits completely until a certain level is reached, while at the same time the bank is not allowed to receive more than a fixed fee and the share of profits until another threshold level of profits is reached. This effectively can turn a profit-loss arrangement into a debt-like instrument. In reality therefore, many Islamic banks offer financial products that, while being Sharia- compliant, resemble conventional banking products. It is unclear, however, whether they effectively are structured as such, thus providing the same incentive structure to depositors, banks and borrowers as conventional banks, or whether the equity-like character is still present, thus impacting the incentive structures of all parties involved. What do the different characteristics of Islamic and conventional banks imply for their relative business orientation, efficiency, asset quality, and stability? Take first business orientation; the Sharia-compliant nature of Islamic bank products implies a different business model for Islamic banks that should become obvious from banks' balance sheets and income statements. We consider three aspects: the relative shares of interest and non-interest revenue, the relative importance of retail and wholesale funding and the loan-deposit ratio. On the one hand, there might be a higher share of non-interest revenue in Islamic banks as these banks might charge higher fees and commissions to compensate for the lack of interest revenue. On the other 7 hand, the share of revenue related to non-lending and including investment bank activities should be significantly lower for Islamic bank. The overall implications for the relative share of interest and non-interest revenues in total earnings are therefore a-priori ambiguous. Similarly, in terms of retail vs. wholesale funding, there is a-priori no clear difference, as Islamic banks can rely on market funding as much as conventional banks, as long as it is Sharia-compliant. Similarly, the difference in loan-deposit ratios across bank types is not clear a-priori. In terms of efficiency, it is a-priori ambiguous whether conventional or Islamic banks should be more efficient. On the one hand, monitoring and screening costs might be lower for Islamic banks given the lower agency problems. On the other hand, the higher complexities of Islamic banking might result in higher costs and thus lower efficiency of Islamic banks. Differences in asset quality across Islamic and conventional banks are also a-priori, ambiguous, as it is not clear whether the tendency towards equity-funding in Islamic banks provides stronger incentives to adequately assess and monitor risk and discipline borrowers. Similarly, the relationship between bank type and bank stability is a-priori ambiguous. On the one hand, the pass-through role and risk-sharing arrangements of Islamic banks might be a risk- reducing factor. Specifically, interest rate risk ­ well known feature of any risk management tool and stress test of a conventional bank - should be absent from an Islamic bank. In addition, adverse selection and moral hazard concerns might be reduced in Islamic banks if, as discussed above, depositors have stronger incentives to monitor and discipline. Further, Islamic banks can be assumed to be more stable than conventional banks, as they are not allowed to participate in risk trading activities, as discussed above. This however, also points to the importance of controlling for the importance of non-lending activities in conventional banks. On the other hand, the profit-loss financing increases the overall risk on banks' balance sheet as they take equity in addition to debt risk. In addition, the equity-like nature of financing contract might actually undermine a bank's stability as it reduces market discipline (Diamond and Rajan, 2002). Further, operational risk aspects might be higher in Islamic banks stemming from the complexities of Sharia law and including legal and compliance risks. In a nutshell, it is a-priori not clear whether Islamic or conventional banks are more or less stable than conventional banks. 8 Summarizing, theory does not provide clear answers whether and how the business orientation, cost efficiency, asset quality and stability differ between conventional and Islamic banks. This ambiguity is exacerbated by lack of clarity whether the products of Islamic banks follow Sharia in form or in content. We therefore turn to empirical analysis to explore differences between the two bank groups. 3. Data and Methodology We use data from Bankscope to construct and compare indicators of business orientation, efficiency, asset quality, and stability of both conventional and Islamic banks.3 We only include banks with at least two observations and countries with data on at least four banks. We restrict our sample to the largest 100 banks in terms of assets within a country so that our sample is not dominated by a specific country. Finally, we eliminate outliers in all variables by winsorizing at the 1st and 99th percentiles. We also double check the categorization of Islamic banks in Bankscope with information from Islamic Banking Associations and country-specific sources. In our main analysis, we use two different samples, both over the period 1995 to 2007 and thus both pre-dating the recent global financial crisis. In the next section, we compare pre- and post-crisis performance of Islamic and conventional banks. The larger sample comprises 141 countries and 2,956 banks, out of which 99 are Islamic banks. Individual regressions, however, have significantly fewer observations, depending on the availability of specific variables. These samples include countries with (i) only conventional, (ii) only Islamic and (iii) both conventional and Islamic banks. Another, smaller, sample comprises only countries with both conventional and Islamic banks, which allows us to control for any unobserved time-invariant effect by introducing country dummies. This smaller sample includes 486 banks across 20 countries, out of which 89 are Islamic banks. In Table 1, we present data on 22 countries with both conventional and Islamic banks.4 Specifically, we present the number of Islamic and total banks as well as the share of Islamic banks' assets in total banking assets, all for 2007, the latest year in our pre-crisis sample. Further, we report the number of listed banks, for both Islamic and conventional banks. On average, 3 We use unconsolidated data when available and consolidated if unconsolidated is not available, in order to not double count subsidiaries of international banks. 4 Two countries are part of the crisis sample and are used in the analysis in Section 5. 9 Islamic banks constitute 10% of the overall banking market, in terms of assets, but ranging from less than one percent in Indonesia, Singapore and the UK to 51% in Yemen. Not included in this table are banking systems that are completely Islamic, such as Iran. Almost half of all Islamic banks in these 22 countries are listed, which is a larger share than among conventional banks. Table 2 presents descriptive statistics, for both the large (Panel A) and the small sample (Panel B), as well as correlations (Panel C). Figure 1 shows an increasing number of Islamic banks reporting their financial information to Bankscope over the sample period. Given the high, but incomplete coverage of Bankscope, however, we do not know whether this reflects new entry or previously existing Islamic banks starting to report financial information. Figure 2 suggests, subject to the same caveat, that the market share of Islamic banks has increased between 1995 and 2007, though not dramatically. While in the large sample of 141 countries, their share has approximately doubled from less than one percent to two percent, their share in countries with both Islamic and conventional banks increased from around 6% in 1995 to 16% in 2005, before dropping again.5 We use an array of different variables to compare Islamic and conventional banks. First, we compare the business orientation of conventional and Islamic banks, using two indicators suggested by Demirguc-Kunt and Huizinga (2010) as well as the traditional loan-deposit ratio. Specifically, we explore to which extent Islamic and conventional banks are involved in fee- based business by using the ratio of fee-based to total operating income. In our sample, the share of fee-based income to total income varies from 4% to 69%, with an average of 33%. We also consider the importance of non-deposit funding to total funding, which ranges from zero to 27% in our sample, with an average of 5%.The loan-to-deposit ratio varies from 21% to 126%, with a mean of 72%. Focusing on our smaller samples of countries with both conventional and Islamic banks, we find that Islamic banks have a significantly higher share of fee income than conventional banks, rely more on non-deposit funding and have lower loan-deposit ratios. These simple correlations suggest that Islamic banks are less involved in traditional bank business ­ which relies heavily on interest-income generating loans and deposit funding. 5 Again, it is important to note that this variation might be due to differences in reporting intensity by conventional and Islamic banks. 10 Second, we use two indicators of bank efficiency. Overhead cost is our first and primary measure of bank efficiency and is computed as total operating costs divided total costs. Overhead cost varies from less than one percent to 8.3% in our sample, with an average of 3.5%. As alternative efficiency indicator, we use the cost-income ratio, which measures overhead costs relative to gross revenues, with higher ratios indicating lower levels of cost efficiency. This indicator ranges from 33% to 92%, with an average of 62%. In our smaller sample, we find that Islamic banks have significantly higher overhead costs than conventional banks, but only marginally higher cost-income ratios (significant at 10% level).6 We also note that cost efficiency is significantly higher in our smaller sample than in the large sample. Third, we use three indicators of asset quality. Specifically, we use (i) loss reserves, (ii) loan loss provisions, and (iii) non-performing loans, all scaled by gross loans. All indicators decrease in asset quality. We note that there might be problems with cross-country comparability, due to different accounting and provisioning standards. Loan loss reserves range from less than one percent to 13.4%, with an average of 4.5%. Loan loss provisions range from less than zero to 4.7%, with a mean of 1.3%. Non-performing loans, finally, range for 0.4% to 20.1%, with an average of 6.2%. In our smaller sample, Islamic banks have significantly lower loan loss reserves and non-performing loans, while there is no significant difference in loan loss provisions. Fourth, we use several indicators of bank stability. The z-score is a measure of bank stability and indicates the distance from insolvency, combining accounting measures of profitability, leverage and volatility. Specifically, if we define insolvency as a state where losses surmount equity (E<-) (where E is equity and is profits), A as total assets, ROA=/A as return on assets and CAR = E/A as capital-asset ratio, the probability of insolvency can be expressed as prob(-ROA