Report No. 33014-CO The Gap Matters Poverty and Well-Being of Afro-Colombians and Indigenous Peoples July 20, 2005 Environmentally and Socially Sustainable Development Unit Latin America and The Caribbean Region Document of the World Bank Contents Abbreviations and Acronyms .......................................................................................... .. ii Acknowledgements Glossary ........................................................................................................................... .......................................................................................................... vi .. vi1 Executive Summary ......................................................................................................... ix ............................................................................................... The Recognitionof Ethnic Groups: Advances and Shortfalls .................................................... Colombia: A Multi-Ethnic Nation x x i Conflict and Displacement Report Findings......................................................................................................................... ......................................................................................................... x i .. xi1 Policy andProgramRecommendations.................................................................................... xiv Chapter 1 Introduction . .................................................................................................... 1 Objectives .................................................................................................................................... 1 Audiences .................................................................................................................................... ExpectedImpact of the Report.................................................................................................... 1 2 Participatory Approach ................................................................................................................ 2 Data and Sample.......................................................................................................................... Theoretical Framework................................................................................................................ 2 3 TheMultiple Dimensions of Poverty ...................................................................................................... 4 Wel1.Being. A More Holistic View of Reality ......................................................................................... Well-Being and Ethnicity/Racial Discrimination ................................................................................... 4 5 Chapter 2 Well-Being and Poverty: The Perspectivesof Afro-Colombianand . Indigenous Peoples ............................................................................................................. 7 Quality of Life and Well-Being................................................................................................... 7 General Elements and Fundamental Components for Well-Being According to Afro- Colombians.................................................................................................................................. 7 What i s Poverty for the Indigenous Community? ....................................................................... General Elements and Fundamental Components of Well-Being for Indigenous Peoples.........9 9 Poverty from the Perspective of Afro-Colombians ................................................................... The Priority of Elements for Well-Being .................................................................................. 11 WellBeing: Prioritization of Components ........................................................................................... 11 11 Health and Illness................................................................................................................................. The Territory: Essential Priorityfor Wel1.Being ................................................................................. 12 13 13 Education ............................................................................................................................................. 14 Housing and Basic Services................................................................................................................. 14 Generational DifSerences..................................................................................................................... Work versus Employment..................................................................................................................... Socio-Cultural Needs: The Most Notable Components ............................................................ 15 15 Security................................................................................................................................................. 16 Cultural Identity ................................................................................................................................... 15 16 Some Final Reflections......................................................................................................................... Communitiesand Community Organization ........................................................................................ 17 Chapter 3 The Well-Being of Afro-Colombian and Indigenous PeoplesinNumbers: . Progressand ChallengesAhead ..................................................................................... 19 Introduction Statistical InformationAvailable ............................................................................................... ............................................................................................................................... 19 19 Fundamental Priorities of Afro-Colombians and Indigenous Peoples inNumbers................... 21 Circumventing the Challenges.............................................................................................................. 20 iii THE GAP MATTERS: POVERTYAND WELL-BEING OF AFRO-COLOMBIANS AND INDIGENOUSPEOPLES Territory: A Fundamental Goodfor the Quality of Life of Rural Indigenousand Afro-Colombian Peoples ................................................................................................................................................. 21 Health Achievements for Indigenous Peoples ........................................................................... 23 Indigenous ColombianIlliteracy and Participation in the School System ........................................... 23 Living Conditions of Afro- Colombians:A Municipal Perspective ...................................................... -23 DifSerencesin the General Quality of Life Index .................................................................................. Urban-Rural......................................................................................................................................... 25 23 Access to Education and Gender Differences 26 Gaps in Education and Access to Employment.................................................................................... ....................................................................................... Access to Public Services and Utilities ..................................................................................... 26 27 The MilleniumDevelopment Goals (MDGs) andthe ColombianEthnic Groups .................... Some Final Reflections.............................................................................................................. 28 30 Chapter4 Closingthe Gaps: ComponentsofaProgramofAction . ........................... 31 Recommendations ..................................................................................................................... RecommendationNo 1:Improvement and Disaggregation of the Information on Ethnic Groups . .....34 34 RecommendationNo. 2: Complete the Demarcation and Titling of Collective Territories of Black RecommendationNo. 3: Carefor Basic Needs in Health. Education. and Basic Sanitation...............35 Communities......................................................................................................................................... 37 RecommendationNo.4: Differentiated Attention to the Displaced Population Belonging to Ethnic .................................................................................................................................................. RecommendationNo.5: Educatingfor Diversity and Non-Discrimination ......................................... Groups 38 39 RecommendationNo. 6: Institutional Strengthening ............................................................................ 39 Conclusion ................................................................................................................................. 39 Bibliography Annex 1 Methodsfor SettingUpWorkshopsinthe FieldandInterviews Annex 2 PredominantlyAfrican-ColombianCommunitiesConsideredinthe Study, .. ..................................................................................................................... ................41 47 Accordingto PopulationandRegion Annex 3 55 Annex 4 The ForcedDisplacementofEthnic Groups ..IndexofLivingConditionsandtheir ............................................................................. CorrespondingPointSystem ................................................. ..........53 57 Charts Chart 1: Indigenous Population with Resguardo and without DefinedTerritory. 2001 ................21 Chart 2: Difference in Quality of Life inPredominantly Afro ColombianMunicipalities ...........24 Chart 3: Imbalances between MunicipalCenters and RuralAreas ............................................... 24 Chart 4: 1993 Infant Mortality in Groups 1-4 (rates for 1.000 live births) ................................... Chart 5: Illiteracy inAfro andNon-Afro Municipalities by Gender............................................. 25 26 Chart 6: Afro and Non-Afro Secondary and Higher Education Gaps ........................................... Chart 7: MunicipalCenterdRural Area QLIDeficit ..................................................................... 27 27 Chart 8: Projected Primary Education Coverage 1985.2015. Department of Choc6 and Colombia Average.................................................................................................................................. 29 Chart 9: Projected Rate of InfantMortality 1985.2015. Department Choc6 and Colombia Average.................................................................................................................................. 29 Tables Table 1: Afro-Descendent andIndigenous PopulationinTerms of National Total ........................ x Table 2: Needs and GeneralElements Associated with the Quality of Life of Afro-Colombian Communities andPeople......................................................................................................... 8 Table 3: Conditions for Quality of Life inAfro-Colombian Communities ..................................... 9 Table 4: General elements and Components Relatedto the Quality of Life of Indigenous Communities andPeople....................................................................................................... 10 iv Contents Table 5: Well Being-Priorities .................................................................................................... 12 20 Table 8: 1993 Infant Mortality in Group 3 Afro Communities (rates for 1.OOO livebirths) ...........22 Table 7: Afro-Descendent andIndigenous PopulationinTerms of NationalTotal...................... Table 6: Grouping of Municipalities with Less than 300.000 Inhabitants .................................... Table A.l.l: Quality of Life Workshops ....................................................................................... 25 47 Table A.1.3: Group Concepts of "Living Well" ............................................................................ Table A.1.2: Necessary Elements for a GoodQuality of Life....................................................... 49 50 Table A.5.1: Displacement of Ethnic Groups................................................................................ Table A.1.4: Frequency of "Living Well" Elements ..................................................................... 50 60 V Acknowledgements This report is the product of a collaborative effort that brought together a diverse team of professionals from both within and outside the World Bank. The preparation of the report was led by Josefina Stubbs. Team members included Enrique Sanchez, Paola Garcia (Humboldt Institute, Colombia), and Hiska Noemi Reyes (World Bank). The report was also significantly influenced by the commentary received from Shelton Davis (World Bank), John Kellenberg (World Bank), and peer reviewers Wendy Cunninghamand Mauricio Santamaria (World Bank). The authors wish to acknowledge the collaboration they received from the National Department of Planning (DNP) through its offices of Social Development and Territorial Development, from its directors Carlos Eduardo Medina and Oswaldo Aaron Porras; from Alfred0 Sarmiento, Director of the National Program of Human Development and in particular from the technicians Carlos Eduardo Alonso, of the Program, who wrote an interesting article on the topic of social exclusion that is summarized in this report, and Dalila Gomes Baos, Rom official of the DNP who is in charge of ethnic affairs. They would also like to express their gratitude to Jeslis Ram'rez, Esq., Director of the Office of Ethnicity of the Ministry of the Interior, and Martha Chaverra, leader of the Work Group. Also to the National Administrative Department of Statistics (DANE),its director Cesar Caballero, the directress of the Census, Carmelita Sema and the sociologist Olga Lucia PCrez in charge of the indigenous census. The authors particularly wish to thank the researchteam of Daira Quiiiones, Fanny Kuiru,Jorge Castillo, Jenny &a, Jorge Castillo, Jaime de Greiff, Carlos SAnchez and Mirta Bossoni. The authors appreciate support provided by the Humboldt Institute, the Life Foundation, the Corporation for the Development of Associative Companies (CORFAS), the Indigenous Organization of Antioquia (OM) and the Indigenous Protective Area of Cristiana, the Process of Black Communities of Buenaventura, the Interinstitutional Consortium for Sustainable Agriculture in Hillsides (CPASLA) of Caldono, Cauca, the Association of Community Councils of the Patia River Delta (ACAPA), the black community of Novillal, in the municipality of Francisco Pizarro Nariiio and the African- Colombian community of the Villa Rosita District of BogotA. Our thanks also to the numerous members of the ethnic groups interviewed and who directly or indirectly collaborated with this guide. v i Glossary Traditional authorities: Members of a native community who exercise a power of organization, government, or social control within the structure of their respective culture. The traditional authorities of indigenous communities have-vis-&vis the Colombian Institute of Agrarian Reform (INC0RA)-the same representation and powers that correspond to indigenous representational organizations. (Decree 2164 of December 7, 1995). Indigenous Representational Organization: Special public entity, made up of members of an indigenous community, elected and recognized thereby, with a social-political, traditional organization, whose function i s to legally represent the community, exercise authority and perform the duties assigned to them by the laws, uses, customs and the internal regulations of each community. (Decree 2164 of 1995 Article 2). Indigenous Community or Group. Decree No 2164 of December 7, 1995, which is partially regulated by Chapter XIV of Law 160 of 1994, defines indigenous community or group as the group or collection of families of Amerindian descent, that are aware of their own identity and that share values, traits, uses or customs of their culture, and forms of government, management, social control or their own regulatory systems of standards that distinguish it from other communities, that may or may not have titles of ownership, or which they cannot legally prove, or that their protectedareas were dissolved, divided up or declared vacant. Ethnic education: This i s definedby the Ministry of Education as "the ongoing social process of reflection and community construction, whereby the indigenous, African-Colombian and Rom communities strengthen their autonomy within the framework of the cultural exchange, enabling the internalization and production of values, knowledge and the development of skills and abilities in accordance with their cultural reality, expressedintheir overall life project. Indigenous people: According to Convention 169 of the International Labor Organization (OIT) of June 27, 1989, "indigenous peoples are considered in independent countries as those who have descendedfrom populations that inhabited a geographic region that belonged to the country at the time of the conquest or the colonization or the establishment of the current state borders and that, regardless of their legal situation, preserve all their own social, economic, cultural and political considered a fundamental criterion for determining these peoples as indigenous." institutions, or a part thereof. Inaddition, the consciousnessof their indigenous identity should be Indigenous protected area: This i s a legal and social-political institution of a special nature, formed by one or more indigenous communities, that with a title of collective ownership, enjoys the guarantees of private property, possesses its territory and for the management thereof and its internal life i s governed by an autonomous organization protected by the indigenous court and its own system of standards (Article 21 of Decree 2164 of 1995). Black community: Law 70 of 1993, Article 2 defines black community as all families of African- Colombian descent that have their own culture, share a history and have their own traditions and customs within the field-town framework, that demonstrate and preserve a consciousness of an identity that distinguishes them from other ethnic groups Collective occupation: This is the historic and ancestral settlement of black communities on lands for their collective use, that constitute their habitat, and on which are currently developed their traditional productionpractices. (Art. 2 Law 70 of 1993) vii THEGAPMATTERS: POVERTYAND WELL-BEING OFAFRO-COLOMBIANS AND INDIGENOUSPEOPLES Lands of the black communities: Law 70 of 1993 cites this concept as all land with regard to which the right of collective ownership i s determined (Article 4) Community Council: A black community may be formed into a Community Council that as a legal entity exercisesthe maximum authority of internal administration within the Lands of Black communities, in accordance with the constitutional and legal mandates governing it and other mandates assigned to it by the system of law specific to each community. The Community Council i s made up of a General Assembly and a Board of the Community Council. (Article 3 Decree 1745 of 1995) ... Vlll Executive Summary InColombia, as in most LatinAmerican countries, there is a correlationbetween poverty and the territories and geographic areas where indigenous peoples and individuals of African descent (or Afro-Colombians) live. The notable recognition of the rights of the indigenous and Afro- Colombian populations regarding their access to, and management of, ancestral territories, their increased participation in local development initiatives, and the transfers of shares of national revenues directly to their communities, have not been sufficient to improve their living conditions. A higher level of well-being continues to be one of the major aspirations of indigenous and Afro-Colombian populations. An important concern of the Government of Colombia i s to identify culturally appropriate development approaches, public policies, and specific programs that are capable of improving the living conditions of these groups and increasing the potential for social and human capital. The success of the state's response in promoting the well-being of ethnic groups depends to a large degree on the understanding of the specific cultural characteristics of each group. The overall aim of this report i s to aid in this task and establish the basis for interventions that could assist these groups in improving their quality of life. The report seeks to understand the constraints faced by indigenous andAfro-Colombian groups to enhance their well-being, including quantitative assessments of the situation and gaps in access to public and social services. Based on this data, specific policy recommendations to address those constraints are produced. The report starts by exploring with the participation of individuals and African-Colombian and indigenous communities, what they understand by poverty and well- being, the elements that make it up, and the most important of these elements for reaching a dignified life. These recommendations supplement the study Voices of the Poor, particularly the chapter for Colombia (Narayan, 2000;Arboleda, 2004) by creating a more detailed understanding of the views, aspirations, andconcepts of the indigenous andAfrican-Colombians on well-being. Access to land, education, employment, and basic services go hand-in-handwith their social and cultural needs. These needs include respect for cultural identity (such as indigenous health practices and adaptation of the school curriculato cultural specificities), the possibility to actively participate in local and national decision-making, and concerns about discrimination as an obstacle inthe access andfulfillment of their basic needs. Through the analysis of available statistics the report also explores the exclusionary factors interfering in the development of these groups. Examples of these include: (a) restricted participation in the secondary education system, which overlooks almost 25 percent of the Afro- Colombian and indigenous population; (b) scant access to public services and infrastructure; (c) low levels of employment and a preponderance of low-leveljobs; and, (d) inadequate attention to the increasing number of Afro-Colombian and indigenous individuals and families displaced by the conflict that affects the country. Beyond the common patterns of restricted access to education, health, and public services there are remarkable differences between Afro-Colombian and indigenous groups. The Afro- Colombian population i s a noticeably bigger portion of the total "ethnic population" than indigenous groups. The aspirations, priorities, the role assigned to the state and community institutions, and the obstacles both groups encounter when trying to participate and be part of the mainstream Colombian society also differ greatly. These differences encourage the adoption of different policies and programs that, while responding to universal needs such as health care, i x THE GAP MATTERS: POVERTYAND WELL-BEINGOF AFRO-COLOMBIANS AND INDIGENOUSPEOPLES education, and employment, can also meet the needs, aspirations, and cultural specificities of indigenous peoples and the wide-ranging population of Afro-Colombians. Colombia: A Multi-EthnicNation With an extensive territory of 1,141,748 square kilometers, Colombia's population is currently estimated to number 43 million inhabitants. It i s a mixed-race country comprising Afro- descendents, Amerindians, and Europeans. The combined indigenous and Afro-Colombian populations are recognized in the Colombian Political Constitution as ethnic groups. Colombia's multi-ethnic nature i s fully acceptedand guaranteedinthe Colombian Constitution. There i s a general perception that the Afro-Colombian populationi s restricted to those individuals and communities living under the legal regime of comunidudes negrus.' However, Colombia, following Brazil, accommodates the second largest Afro-descendant population in Latin America.2 Although only 502,343 people identified themselves as black in the 1993 census, the actual Afro-Colombian population i s estimated to be between 8.3 million, or 20 percent of the country's population (Urrea, Ram'rez and ViAfara), and 10.5 million (DNP). The Afro- Colombian population i s distributed throughout most the country, but traditionally has been concentrated in the departments of Choc6, Cauca, Nariiio, Bolivar, and Antioquia and in the archipelago of San Andrks and Providencia. The search for better living conditions and the resurgence of conflict in areas traditionally occupied by Afro-Colombians are principal causes for increasing migration among this section of the population. Recent research has estimated that 40 percent of the Afro-Colombian population i s currently concentrated in the three principal metropolitan areas of the country: Bogota, Medellin, Cali. Table 1:Afro-Descendent and Indigenous Population inTerms of National Total Indigenous+ National Indigenous % Afro % Afro % Population 43,000,000 785,356' 1.8 8,300,0004 19.3 9,085,356 21.1 Source: The authors, 2004. Colombia also has approximately 800,000 indigenous individuals belonging to 82 distinct peoples. According to the 1993 census, indigenous peoples resided in 458 municipalities in the country, primarily in the departments of Guavirie, Choc6, Putumayo, Cauca, Guajira, Amazonas, Vichada, Guainia, and Vaupes. The other groups were distributed throughout the rest of the country. According to Law 70 of 1993, black communities are "all families of Afro-Colombian descent that have their own culture, share a history, and have their own traditions and customs within the land-people relationship, and who reveal and preserve an awareness o f identity that distinguishes them from other ethnic groups." Law 70 of 1993, Art. 2, paragraph 5. Bogota, Colombia. The population of African descent in the Latin America and Caribbean region is estimated at 80-150 millionpeople. DANE, 1993Census adjusted to 1997. U.Valle, estimate. X Executive Summary The Government of Colombia has recently recognized the rom population, popularly known as gypsies, as an ethnic group. Although there i s no accurate data, the Colombia rom population i s estimated by community leaders to be between 800 and 5,000 people. The Recognition of Ethnic Groups: Advances and Shortfalls Since the 1960s and particularly since the 1991 Constitution, Colombia has continuously strived to recognize the rights of ethnic groups, allowing for significant advances inthe demarcation and legal recognition of indigenous reserves and the collective lands of Afro-Colombian communities. The recognition of the land and territories of the ethnic groups came together with special measures in the areas of ethno-education, political representation, and participation in regional development projects. The combined territorial rights for indigenous and Afro- Colombians encompass slightly more than 35 millionhectares. Along with these recognitions, the indigenous resguardos receive tax transfers that aim to assist indigenous communities in their efforts to overcome poverty. Similarly indigenous resguardos participate in the provision and administration of local primary healthcare services. Within the context of political and fiscal decentralization processes initiated in Colombia in 1986, and expanded upon with the reform of the Constitution in 1991, the municipalities, including those predominantly inhabited by Afro-Colombians, receive tax transfers. Duringthe 1990s, total social spending in Colombia went from 8 percent of gross domestic product (GDP) in 1990-91to more than 16 percent in 1996-97. Despite the economic decline that affected the country in the mid- 90's the per capita distribution of tax transfers to municipalities maintained a positive correlation with unmet basic needs over the years 1995-2001 (Rojas, 2003). However, problems both old and new, encumber the lives of indigenous and Afro-Colombian communities. The delivery of basic health services and education continues to be inadequate. Access to employment, particularly inurbanareas, i s limitedandindigenous andAfro-Colombian populations are generally employed in low-income jobs in the service sector and in the informal market. Public services are deficient in ethnic communities, and in the specific case of Afro- Colombians there i s a perception that discrimination based on race i s an obstacle to gaining access to housing, higher education, andemployment. Conflict and Displacement The armed conflict that affects Colombia hurts the entire economic and social tapestry of the country. The conflict has a particularly perverse effect on Afro-Colombians and indigenous individuals and communities. The condition of poverty of these communities and the fragility of their recently acquired rights make them vulnerable to the impact of the armed conflicts that increasingly are moving closer, and in some cases into the heart, of their communities and lands. In2000, according to the Codhes data, 317,000 people were displaced in Colombia. The Social Solidarity Network, based on official records, acknowledged that 30 percent of all displaced persons inthe second halfof the year were Afro-Colombians. In spite of the existing sub-registry, these data give an indication of the magnitude of displacement for Afro-Colombians (Rosero, 2003), and consequently, of the profound political, social, cultural, economic, territorial, and environmental consequences of that displacement. According to statistics from CodhedSisdes (2003) about 3.75 percent of the total displaced population were indigenous persons. x i THE GAP MATTERS:POVERTY AND WELL-BEINGOF AFRO-COLOMBIANS AND INDIGENOUSPEOPLES As noted by Afro-Colombian and indigenous communities consulted for this work, the displacement has severely affected the economic and social functioning of the communities5. Traditional ways of dealing with nature, usingnatural resources, and protecting the environment have been disrupted. Displacement i s also provoking a breakdown of the community life and the functioning of internal forms of government and community organizations. These events are challenging the entire system upon which much of ethnic cultural identity i s formed and consolidated. In sum, the quality of life and the living conditions of these already vulnerable and impoverished groups are being diminished as a direct consequence of armed conflict in Colombia. Protecting the basic rights of Colombia's indigenous and Afro-descendent populations, normalizing and providing safe living conditions in the territories altered by the conflict, and putting new institutional strategies into effect in order to increase the social and economic participation of these groups inboth rural and urban areas, are pending tasks. ReportFindings This report shows the need to implement a strategy and a series of public initiatives targeting indigenous and Afro-Colombian populations and their geographic territories in order to improve the living conditions of these groups. Given its size and current living conditions, the Afro- Colombian population merits special attention, particularly with respect to the condition of the displaced population and the special cases of urban inhabitants in marginal areas such as the Agua Blanca district inCali andthe CiCnagade la Virgen inCartagena. Policies, plans, and programs that seek to increasethe quality of life and approach well-being find their foundation and justification in the Constitution of 1991 and the subsequent regulatory framework. For this reason, public action must contribute to strengthening the cultural identity and the institutions of indigenous and Afro-Colombian individuals and communities to promoting their effective participation, and to ensuring that they benefit from the gains in well-being achieved by the society as a whole. The remainder of this document i s organized in three chapters. Chapter One explores the elements and priorities that according to Afro-Colombians and indigenous people compose their well-being; and together with them engage in an exercise of identifying, which among these elements are the priority. The term quality of life was likened to "living well" and "having well- being."6 This individual or collective well-being represents the ability to have all the conditions necessary to satisfy basic social and cultural needs required to live in a suitable and dignified way. The results of the consultations with Afro-Colombian and indigenous communities lead to four primary conclusions: First: Access to land and ancestral territories was considered by rural indigenous and Afro- Colombian communities as the prime element and the first priority for achieving their community and individual well-being. More than just geographic boundaries, they viewed the territory as a See annex 4 on Forced Displacement o f Ethnic Groups Inmost workshops, the term "quality of life" was perceived as a concept foreign to the culture of these peoples. This concept, according to those attending the workshops, has been used as connotating a dignified life according to values and standards measured by western culture. xii ExecutiveSummary complex system where socio-cultural relations are established. In the case of Indigenous groups and individuals, the territory was the main reference point in shaping and reaffirming their identity even when living inthe cities. It includes, inthe minds of the ethnic groups, the notion of autonomy regarding the management of the landand the natural resourcesthat form their habitat. "What good does land do us ifwe don't agree on our uses and customs?" Second Both Afro-Colombians and indigenous people aspire to participate more actively and to have the possibility of having access to better education, better quality of health and health services and what they consider a decent house. However, there are notable differences between Afro-Colombians and indigenous people in the order of priority that these needs ought to be satisfied for them to achieve well-being. Furthermore, the satisfaction of these needs play a different function for the indigenous and Afro-Colombian population. For example, while access to education was seen in some of the community workshops as a vehicle to communicate with and understand better, the external world, for Afro-Colombians, access to education was seen as "insurance against being humiliated," as the instrument needed to "make progress" and "get ahead." This finding i s extreme important in that it helps ascertain the different expectations that these groups have in terms of their relationship with the society at large. It was clear from all interviews and group work that to a large extent, Afro-Colombians were more in line with being active part of mainstream society, they want to belong andbe part of it. Third. Afro-Colombians in urban areas were insistent about feeling discriminated against based on their skin color at work, at school, and in access to housing. This sense of discrimination was not as evident among rural Afro communities, among rural indigenous people, or indigenous people living in cities. Nor it was an issue raised in the rural or urban control groups set up for this work. Fourth. There are notable generational differences. For example, despite retaining recognition of the territory as an important referent of culture and family relations (particularly in the case of indigenous peoples), the needs and priorities of young people include access to technology (telephone, computer, cellular phones, etc.) and the expansion of public services and infrastructure. It i s interesting to note that these aspirations and priorities were identified mostly by urban indigenous youngsters living inthe urban areas, andby young Afro-Colombians inboth ruralandurbanareas. The second chapter explores the access to the means for improving the quality of life of Afro- Colombians and indigenous peoples inparticular, their situation inrelation to access to education, health, housing, public services and employment. The results of comparing municipalities whose Afro-Colombian population i s estimated to be 75 per cent and more with municipalities similar in size and level of rurality but with an estimated Afro-Colombian population of less than 75 per cent, showed that municipalities with a predominantly Afro-Colombian population had inferior living conditions without exception. Restricted access to public services, high mortality rates and low attendance to superior education are the most prominent problem. The differences and gaps between Afro and non-Afro municipalities in terms of access to goods and services essential to well-being are evident. The situation of the Afro-Colombians living in the rural areas i s critical with marked differences across gender particularly in relation to illiteracy and access to education. The situation of indigenous people and their living conditions in their resguardos i s not much different. The third chapter contains suggestions and recommendations of policies and actions, which are summarized inthe following section. ... X l l l THE GAP MATTERS: POVERTY AND WELL-BEING OF AFRO-COLOMBIANS AND INDIGENOUSPEOPLES Policy and Program Recommendations A program to improve quality of life for indigenous and Afro-Colombian populations would include the followingkey objectives: Improve the quantity and quality of informationon the livingconditions of indigenous and Afro-Colombians by: (i) including questions relating to ethnic self-recognition in official census and surveys; (ii) expanding the community samplings gathered inthe ongoing survey of homes; and (iii)including questions capable of collecting disaggregated information regarding ethnicity and race in the Information System for Identification and Classification of PotentialBeneficiaries of Social Services (SISBEN). Consolidate collective indigenous and Afro-Colombian rural territories and communities by: (i) completing the demarcation and titling of their collective territories; (ii) providing technical and financial support so that communities can produce development alternatives based on the sustainable use of the biodiversity; and (iii) strengthening the administration and governance of the ethnic territories. Increase access to primary education for indigenous communities and secondary education for Afro-Colombians by: (i) expanding the offer of primary education in the zones under the influence of indigenous resguardos; (ii) reaffirming equitable enrollment rates in intermediary school in both metropolitan and urban areas of municipalities with a majority Afro-Colombian population; and (iii)expanding the supply of technology (computers, Internet) to Afro-Colombian and indigenous rural communities through replication or expansion in these community schools of the well-regarded national program called Computers for Education. Consistent with the MillenniumDevelopment Goals, reduce infant mortalityin 2015 by up to two-thirds among the Afro-descendent populations on the Pacific coast and in the indigenous reserves by: (i)generating statistics on morbidity and mortality in the municipalities and urban sectors inhabited by people belonging to ethnic groups; and (ii) creating a followup and monitoring system, and subsequently a specific plan that considers, among other components, environmental health, nutritional care, vaccination, and maternal health. Provide differentiated attention to indigenous and Afro-Colombian displaced populationsby: (i) improving registration of, and collection of information about, displaced ethnic families and individuals; (ii)implementing government laws and regulations that protect assets acquired by the displaced (land among others); and (iii) together with the voluntary sector, working for the creation of a network of private institutions that serves the needs of displaced children, helps their mothers to get access to micro credits, and supports the establishment of small-scale enterprises. Education to curb racial discrimination and promote ethnic, racial, and cultural diversity by developing a massive information and education program that includes schools, workplaces, public offices, and local municipalities. Strengthenthe institutionalinfrastructurenecessary to promote an integrated approach to Colombian ethnic groups, and in coordination with relevant ministries, implement and monitor strategic policies and development programs aimed at improving living conditions. xiv Chapter 1 Introduction 0bjectives This report responds to requests from the Government of Colombia to seek new avenues for improving the living conditions of Colombian ethnic groups and consolidating the social and human capital of indigenous and Afro-Colombian populations. Specifically, this report follows the commitment of the Government of Colombia to increase development opportunities for Afro- Colombians and indigenous people, their families and communities. The critical situation of Colombia's Afro-descendent population i s of particular concern, and for this reason the President of the Republic proposed the development of a Policy Document for this population sector at the FirstInternational Conference on Afro-Colombian Strengthening held inCartagena inNovember 2003. Furthermore, the report builds upon the objectives of the World Bank Colombia Country Assistance Strategy (CAS), approved by the Board of Executive Directors on December 24,2002. The strategy recognizes the vulnerability of Colombian ethnic populations, the need to increase their access to goods and services fundamental for achieving well-being, and the need to increase their participation in the design and implementation of local policies and poverty reduction program^.^ The objectives of this work are threefold: 1. to identify and recommend lines of actions and programs that can improve access to goods, services, and basic opportunities in order to reduce poverty and improve the quality of life of indigenous andAfro-Colombian communities; 2. to explore and obtain a better understanding of the fundamental factors and priorities that make up well-being according to Afro-Colombians and indigenous peoples. Their perspectives and aspirations will guide the identification of recommendations and lines of action that are culturally suited to the expectations and views of development among indigenous peoples andAfro-Colombians; and 3. to analyze, on the basis of quantitative data, the achievements made and the gaps existing in access to the means and basic services fundamental to improving the quality of life of ethnic groups. The study also seeks to estimate the necessary efforts needed to improve the quality of life for these groups. Expected Impact of the Report This report will serve as a reference for the Government in its efforts to introduce a well-being approach to ethnic development. This would involve making strategic choices of financial and human resources allocation, achieving greater efficiencies in the implementation of current programs and policies and defining priority areas for investments and policy formulation for CountryAssistance Strategy Colombia,p. 30. World Bank, 2002. 1 THE GAPMATTERS: POVERTYANDWELL-BEINGOFAFRO-COLOMBIANS AND INDIGENOUSPEOPLES which the Bank or other donors can offer support. More specifically, it would entail government action to: (i) increase access to basic services, infrastructure and income generating activities in those geographic areas of Afro-Colombian and indigenous; (ii) interventions to reach Afro- adopt Colombian populations living outside of the traditional and legally recognized `comunidades negras' through assertive and affirmative policies capable to sharply increase their access to secondary education; (iii) establish appropriate institutional capacity to provide differentiated attentionto the displaced ethnic populations; and, (iv) improve the collection and disaggregate the information of ethnic groups in national household surveys, the survey of quality of life and programs in charge of delivering social goods and public services such as the Health System (SISBEN). Audiences The main intended audience for this report i s the Government of Colombia-specifically the national entity in-charge of ethnic affairs, the National Department of Planning (DNP) and the National Administrative Department of Statistics (DANE)-as well as other ministries and departments involved in poverty reduction, education, health and management of natural resources. This report will also be of interest to Afro-Colombian and indigenous civil society organizations and private sector entities involved in social development. Given the similarity of issues faced by other Latin American countries, the report may be of interest to the same groups in this wider context. Some content, especially the broader principles and analytical framework, couldbe applicable inother areas of the Latin American Region. ParticipatoryApproach This report is the product of collaborative work with the Government of Colombia, the National Administrative Department of Statistics, non-governmental organizations and the country's Afro- Colombian and indigenous population. InJune 2003 the World Bank sent an exploratory mission as requested by the Government, to identify avenues for social inclusion and the betterment of the living conditions of the ethnic groups, and to explore means of advancing the collection of disaggregated data about the living conditions of the ethnic groups. The latter followed recommendations of the Cartagena and Lima international conference Todos Contumos. Throughout the preparation of this work, a special cooperation was set up with the DANE to improve the ethnic self-identification question' and its inclusion inthe national household surveys as a testing ground for its inclusion inthe forthcoming National Census inthe year 2005. Dataand Sample One of the challenges of this report was how to address poverty in the ethnic groups. Methodologies for studying poverty have not been confirmed for the indigenous and Afro- * In1993 the National Census in Colombia included a question of racial and ethnic self-identification. The Question read: Do you belong to any ethnic group, indigenous group or black community? (a) yes, Which? Resguardos - This form contained 46 questions and was applied in parallel to the census in the Indigenous (b) no? .Also, a special form was elaborated to gather informationinthe Indigenous Collective Territories- Communities. See chapter three for reflections on problems encountered with the self-identification question. 2 Chapter 1: Introduction Colombian groups and there are no studies dealing with both cultures. Different social and cultural contexts require different study strategies (Von Gleich and Ghlvez, 1999), and the characterization of well-being must take into account the cultural matrix of the society under examination. Therefore, an approximation was made to what indigenous and Afro-Colombian groups understand as quality of life. To this end, five group workshops were held in indigenous andAfro-Colombian communities and 98 interviews were conducted with indigenous individuals and Afro-Colombians in rural and urban areas. (See Annex 1 for details of the field work methodology.) Lack of current disaggregated statistical information, especially concerning the living conditions of Afro-Colombian and indigenous communities, was a major problem. The report relied on the 1993 national census and used the Quality of Life Index (QLI) developed by the National Department of Planningand the Social Mission Program as the referent of the national quality of life ~tandard.~ (See annex 3 for details of the Index of Living Conditions and their corresponding point system.) Although migration i s bringing changes in the geographic location of the ethnic groups, particularly for Afro-Colombians, there i s still a close link between geography and location of ethnic groups. Bearing this factor in mind, the study aims to explore the difference in access to education, health, public services, and housing of municipalities predominantly inhabited by Afro-Colombian populations (with 75 percent or more") as compared to municipalities similar in size and level of "rurality" but where Afro-Colombians are less than 70 percent of the total population of the municipality. Unfortunately, it was not possible to do a similar exercise for indigenous resguardos or municipalities, as the survey of quality of life i s not applied in the indigenous communities. However, direct information from the 1993 census and secondary sources of information have beenused to reflect the living conditions of these groups. Theoretical Framework There i s a corollary between the area marked by poverty and social and economic exclusion, and the territories inhabited by indigenous peoples and Afro-Colombians. Since the 1960s,there have been persistent indications of a correlation between poverty and ethnic populations without a supporting quantitative and demonstrative analysis, in part due to insufficient statistical information, and in part to methodological problems. Public policies tend to consider that ethnic groups are by definition poor or are part of the so-called vulnerable population. These assumptions underscore the need for detailed study of the level of well-being of indigenous The Quality of Life Index (QLI) is a compound indicator, constructedusing an algorithm that makes it possible to carry distinct variablesto the same dimension and weigh them. It combines in a single measure, ranging from 0 to 100points, the variables of potential access to physical goods (physical characteristicsof housing, potential access to residential utilities) and variables that measure current and potential human capital (educationof the head of householdand those older than 12, potential access for children and youth to school services, composition of family). The better the grade, the better the living conditions for the population analyzed. It has been applied to the results of the 1985 and 1993 censuses at the national, departmental, and municipal levels, to the 1996, 1997, 1998, and 1999 national housing surveys, and the 1997Quality of Life Survey. lo National Development Plan for the Afro-Colombian Population, DNP, 2001. 3 THE GAPMATTERS: POVERTY AND WELL-BEING OFAFRO-COLOMBIANS AND INDIGENOUS PEOPLES peoples and Afro-Colombians and to measure the gap between these groups and other population sectors. The Multiple Dimensions of Poverty For Encalada et al., poverty i s the result of an inequitable distribution of resources. Other views emphasize the conditions in which social groups obtain income and the ways they spend it. There are many facets to poverty and it i s perceived differently according to the social group. One facet i s poverty as objective expression of the satisfaction level of the basic needs of human beings; another i s the one's own well-being-the individual level of satisfaction; yet another i s the perception of others. For the Kogui indigenous people of the Sierra Nevada de Santa Marta, accordingto the various methodologies used inthe area, thepoor are Westerners, whom they call "lesser brothers" and whom are generally pitied. According to their tradition, the Kogui had consumer goods in a remote past but had to abandon them because they led irremediably to spiritual poverty that for the Kogui meansthe loss of the basic laws that govern social life. There is an obvious poverty that refers to the availability, opportunity, and social capacity for accessing fundamental public health, education, housing, and employment services. There are other attributes of the quality of life in the ethnic groups that refer to the way that these services are provided and accessed; and there are some qualities that are specific to each group or culture. The limitations in knowing what ethnic groups understand as their own well-being has on many occasions led to assistentialism and to the adoption of actions that do not inquire into reality of these population groups. It has resulted that ethnic groups view economic poverty on the same level as cultural poverty. Cultural poverty i s characterized by the loss of the aboriginal languages, religious traditions, cultural institutions of alliance among different groups, and, in general, the loss of ethnic world views and traditional knowledge. Within ethnic cultures, cultural poverty translates into the feeling of loss of identity, self-esteem, and opportunity. Beyond the loss of their maternal language, the greatest feeling of cultural poverty perhaps results from the disappearanceor devaluation of traditional authorities, particularly the loss of the taitas, curacas, and chamanes who are spiritual leaders of indigenous communities. Colombia i s one of the countries in which the richest segment of the population accumulates the greatest share of the income and has greater and better access to services. This inequality i s closely related to the distribution of productive and social assets, opportunities, and the fruits of development. Measurements of inequality are generally related to the concentration of property, to income, and consumption costs, as well as to the benefits from the policies, plans and programs, health, and education. To a lesser degree, measurements of inequality are related to disparities of participation in politics and public policy, a topic that particularly interests the indigenous and Afro-Colombian groups. Well-Being, A More Holistic View of Reality Well-being expresses the levels of satisfaction related to the factors that determine the quality of life of a social group: education, health, security, and access to basic services. It implies the means to achieve well-being-income and resources-as well as the freedom and the opportunities to divest them (Sen), which in ethnic groups generally translates into the self- governance of a group's territories. 4 Chapter 1:Introduction The distribution of the results should then be seen in relation to the distribution of assets and the opportunities (Sen 1992, Ferranti et al.). Sen distinguishes between achievement andthefreedom to achieve. Between the achievements i s doing and being (or the "functionalities") that make up well-being, more thanthe means of the well-being, such as income andresources.This distinction i s important in examining the subject of well-being and the disparities inthe ethnic groups, where there are decisive functionalities such as identity, autonomy, and liberty to practice one's own culture, together with claims related to assets such as access to health and education. From the standpoint of indigenous and Afro-Colombian rural traditions, these functionalities involve the individual as well as the community. The community-as a collective entity-needs capacities and adequate conditions to exercise self-determination. In other words, an indigenous person seeks his well-being, but this well-being i s defined within the context of community relations. When the "Root for Root" program for the substitution of illegal crops was adopted in the department of Putumayo, the indigenous communities of this region, without exception, rejected the method of compensatory payment that was given to farmers on an individual basis, and adopted a general formula of collective payment and the foundation of a common fund of well- being administered by the regional organization. The regional consensus was that improved living conditions incommunities would lead to improved living conditions for families and individuals. The freedom to achieve [well-being] and the capacity [to do so] are limited by the way the ethnic groups are articulatedand relatedwith the majority society. Duringthe field interviews conducted for this study, it was common to hear the opinion that what was important-in addition to access to public health services and education, for example-was also the way that these services are provided and, most important, limitation to the freedom of access. Afro-Colombians reported racist and discriminatory practices that limit their access. Some black people, for example, believed that becausethey were black, it was uselessto look for work in a company. Well-Beingand Ethnicity/RacialDiscrimination This report does not intend to make an in-depth examination of the factors that create or the dynamics that shape racial and ethnic discrimination in Colombia. However, in this work, examples of the large and persistent differential outcomes by race and ethnicity in various social domains are provided. Also, the ethnic groups studied, particularly the Afro-Colombian group, openly and persistently identified racial discrimination as an obstacle to obtaining access to private andpublic social services and goods. Race was a defining factor inthe position and the social roles of colonial society. As slaves, Afro- descendants occupied the lowest position in the social pyramid and were excluded from any social or political participation. Their liberation from slavery did not mean that Afro-Colombian populations could participate with equal rights, however. Even after the demographic depression of the early centuries of European colonization and after they gained their freedom from slavery with the decision of the Crown, Amerindians were forced to work in servile positions on plantations in the Colombian Andes. The resguardos, located on hillsides and with poor-quality land, enabled their survival. The Colombian Government's admirable policies have upheld since the 1960s the historic claim of the Amerindians to this land. However, just as important as the land i s the historic existence of the cabildos, the communities' self-governing institution. In Colombia, racial segregation is not institutionalized. However, there is historic social discrimination that largely ignores and devalues the condition of Afro-descendents, andto a lesser degree indigenous people. There i s historic evidence that shows how the culturally and socially 5 THEGAP MATTERS: POVERTYANDWELL-BEINGOFAFRO-COLOMBIANS AND INDIGENOUSPEOPLES differentiated groups-the ethnic groups-have lived a situation of generalized social exclusion andhave experienced limitations to their possibilitiesand opportunities of social mobility. Afro-Colombians, due to racial, historic, and cultural factors, are limited in their capacity to fully participate in the social and political life of Colombia and in particular have experienced limitations in their ability to gain access to education, employment, and healthcare They experience a generalized inequality (Ferranti et al.), the result of a historic accumulation of disadvantages. The pioneering studies of Fridemann and Arocha show how the invisibilization of Afro-Colombians has been used as a mechanism of exclusion or marginal inclusion that in part explains the precarious participationthis large population. Incities, racism acts as an exclusion mechanismby preventingaccess to educational institutions, health services, housing, and employment. In the interviews and workshops conducted for this study, it was common to hear urban Afro-Colombians voice their experiences of labor and housing discrimination and generally their perception of their "lack of opportunities." Indeed, racial and ethnic discrimination occurs when a member of one racial group i s treated less favorably than a similarly situated member of another group and suffers adverse or negative consequences. (Blank, 200411). Both individual and "institutional" discrimination affects the capacity of individuals and communities of a certain ethnic or racial group to have quantity and quality access to goods, services and opportunities which can make a difference in improving their living conditions and achieving well-being. Inthe Latin America Region, andColombia is not an exception, the notions of race andclass are closely intertwined. Lack of disaggregated data and shortages in the self-recognitionof the ethnic groups-in this particular case Afro-Colombians-makes difficult the establishment of a direct correlation between poverty and racial discrimination. It i s possible, however, to assert that Afro- Colombians and indigenous peoples have lower living conditions than even other non black non- indigenous poor Colombians l1Measuring Racial Discrimination. National Research Council of the National Academies. Washington, D.C. 2004. 6 Chapter 2 Well-Being and Poverty: The Perspectives of Afro-Colombian and IndigenousPeoples Quality of Life andWell-Being The concept of quality of life for Afro-Colombians and indigenous people includes desires, aspirations, and the particular way in which the physical, social, and psychological needs of a person or group are satisfied. The understanding of the concept of quality of life among indigenous and Afro-Colombian peoples i s affected by factors relating to access to the basic components of subsistence such as housing, health, and education and socio-cultural aspects includingtheir sense of identity andbelonging to a community. As a result of the work done in workshops and interviews, the term quality of life was equated to "living well" and "having well-being."'2 This individual or collective well-being represents the ability to have all the conditions necessary to satisfy the basic, social, and cultural needs required to life ina suitable anddignified way. However, this notion of well-being and quality of life changes depending on the specific cultural characteristics of each ethnic group-whether indigenous or Afro-Colombian-as well as its rural or urban location. For example, the perception of well-being in a rural black community differs from that in an urban settlement or municipal center. Similarly, indigenous communities and black communities view this concept differently. This difference i s affected by each group's vision of the universe as well as the historicalprocessthat each group has undergone. GeneralElementsand FundamentalComponents for Well-Being Accordingto Afro-Colombians The notion of quality of life and well-being for Afro-Colombians i s associated with obtaining the elements necessary for a dignified life,I3 with equality in terms of conditions and opportunities while maintaining the black culture's own referents. These elements, which reflect some basic needs, may be tangible or intangible and cannot always be valued or measured. In the first instance are elements essential to survival such as basic health services, education, housing, and employment, among others. The second group of needs includes values, feelings, and emotions that are neededfor a person and a community to live and feel well. Table 2 shows a hypothetical classification of the needs and components of quality of life and well-being as perceived by Afro-Colombian groups and individuals in the community workshops ~ l2In most workshops the term "quality of life" was perceived as a concept foreign to the culture of these peoples. This concept, according to those attending the workshops, has been used to connote a dignified life according to values and standards as measured by Western culture. l3 When a dignified life was discussed in the workshops, reference was made to being able to have necessarythings that anyone should have, such as health, education, and housing. 7 THE GAP MATTERS: POVERTY AND WELL-BEINGOF AFRO-COLOMBIANS AND INDIGENOUSPEOPLES and in interviews. This classification makes a distinction between the needs and elements identified by rural and urban Afro-Colombians. These elements include the means necessary to meet the basic needs of any individual, but also nontangible social and cultural elements that are decisive in order for Afro-Colombian individuals and communities to achieve a good quality of life. These elements include basic needs such as health, education, and employment along with social recognition social networks, and emotional and individual needs. Well-being i s thus a notion that includes different facets and factors that are interrelated. These findings confirm the conclusions of the Voices of the Poor study of the holistic perception in impoverished and marginalized sectors of poverty and its causes. Beyondthese conclusions, however, it is clear that the sense of belonging to a community, family ties, and the need for recognition, affirmation, and acceptance of their racial condition are elements that specifically differentiate the conception of well-being among the Afro-Colombians from the rest of the society. Table 2: Needs and General ElementsAssociated with the Quality of Life of Afro-Colombian Communities andPeople Urban Rural Needs Afro- Colombians Afro-Colombians Basic needs Employment, housing, 0 Land, health, education, health, education access to markets for their productsunder favorable conditions. Social and cultural needs Livinginpeace with 0 Recognition of identity as neighbors ethnic group Not beingdiscriminated 0 Funeralrites, patron saints' againstinterms of access to days, and customs of black housingand employment people. Holidays Opportunities to meet with others inthe same ethnic group. Psychological-emotional needs Havinga companion- * Family relationships Married life Having good relations with Recognition the community 0 Not being envious 0 Being safe on their territory Having affection Source: Interviewsandworking groups, 2004. There are marked differences between Afro-Colombians who live inurban areas and those whose live in rural areas. Whereas rural-Afro-Colombians-similar to indigenous communities as the study shows further onnonsider that territory i s a fundamental asset associated with economic "security," for the urban Afro-Colombians social relations and the consolidation of their identity are conditions closely associated with overcoming factors of social exclusion and racial discrimination and neededfor quality of life. 8 Chapter 2: Well-Being and Poverty Table 3: Conditionsfor Quality of Life inAfro-ColombianCommunities Urban Rural 0 Tranquility. This depends on access to Having security. This depends on land work, housing, and health services tenure, the absenceof armed conflict, food Having equal rights and opportunities security, and being able to participate in Not being discriminated against public decisions affecting their territories. GeneralElementsandFundamentalComponentsof Well-Being for IndigenousPeoples "An Indian without land is not an Indian.'" This sentence denotes the importance of land in indigenous life. Being part of a community and being able to rely on a spiritual leader (due% de maloca [longhouse leader], mamo [priest], paye [shaman], taita [healer], are other pillars of the concept of well-being. The notion of quality of life from the indigenous perspective i s holistic with each component closely linked to the others. As fundamental axes in these relationships, territory and culture are essential components upon which an entire series of socio-cultural relationships are built. Other components such as spirituality and traditional practices and customs are also fundamental to the concept of quality of life and to individual and collective well-being. Secondarily, access to health, food, andeducation are part of the quality of life concept. However, how these needs are satisfied i s usually framed by cultural values, such as traditional health and education. For both urban and rural indigenous people, quality of life i s a concept that contains the same common referents such as territory, culture, and identity.Although indigenous peoples have new expectations and needs to be met in the cities, such as the need for housing, jobs, and education, they retain the concepts of their indigenous vision of the universe and traditions, and their customs and rites persist, although they are not unchanged. In interviews conducted with urban indigenous people, the original territory was always an important referent, as was the link with the original community, although they may be far away. Table 4 shows a summary of the categories of indigenous needs inrural andurban settings, What is Povertyfor the IndigenousCommunity? In indigenous communities, the term poverty is most often associated with the lack of health, housing, employment, income, access to communications, education, and so forth. In addition, the notion of poverty takes on another connotation, primarily intraditional communities. The lack of territory i s synonymous with poverty since not having territory alters all the social and cultural relationships on which community life i s based. The territory i s an integral part of the collective well-being of these peoples and its absence produces a situation of poverty. Within this context, all those things of a spiritual, axiological, and symbolic nature that are an integral part of the l4Indigenousperson in Putumayo. Interviews, 2003. 9 THE GAPMATTERS: POVERTYAND WELL-BEING OF AFRO-COLOMBIANS AND INDIGENOUSPEOPLES notion of well-being and that, if lacking, would be interpreted as a factor in "poverty." For example, in some cases poverty i s based on the lack of a spiritual leader or shaman to guide and protect the community. Example, "Poverty is not havingap~ye`."'~ Table 4: General elements and Components Related to the Quality of Life of Indigenous Communities and People Needs Urban Rural Basic needs Employment, housing, health, Territory and autonomy, education health, access to markets Ability to return to original for products under territory favorable conditions Socio-cultural needs Reaffirmation of identity inurban Recognition of identity contexts Community organization Equalrights Cultural recovery Participation Having a traditional leader Being able to hold rites in sacred places Psychological-emotional needs Having a companion-married life Being part of a Belonging to an indigenous community organization. Role of ethnic Ties with elders organizations Ties with territory as a Meeting people from the same factor inidentity territory Love and affection The infringement of individual and collective rights, the lack of attention from the government, the inability to obtain access to communications, and the lack of participationindecision-making on public policy were considered to be synonymous with poverty by the indigenous people interviewed. For most indigenous people living in urban areas, poverty i s associated with the lack of access to housing, work, and other necessary requirements to survive in cities, as well as a close relationship between people and their territory. For the urban indigenous people interviewed for this study, social andemotionalrelations remainclosely tied to the territory of origin andare their permanent reference of identity. In this context, the understanding that indigenous people have of the concept of poverty is associatedboth with the general parameters for measuring poverty (for example, access to health, education) and with specific socio-cultural elements that characterize the culture and logic of life of indigenous peoples. l5Spiritual leader in the Vaupes communities. 10 Chapter 2: Well-Being and Poverty Poverty from the Perspective of Afro-Colombians The term poverty from the Afro-Colombian perspective i s generally associated with not being able to provide for basic needs such as access to health, education, housing, and employment and the lack of cash income. However, it can be inferred from the interviews for this study, that the concept of poverty varies according to the rural or urban location of Afro-Colombian communities or individuals. Inruralareas, poverty is associatedwith lack of access to the above- mentioned services, which has been seen as the result of the lack of attention from the State in areas of Afro-Colombian population and the absence of policies designed to improve the quality of life of this group. Poverty in this case i s also understood as isolation from the rest of the country, including from municipal centers. Afro-Colombian relationship with the territory-as in the case of indigenous communities-is related to all of the economic, social, cultural, and identity activities that take place within the territorial space. However, as the study will show in the following section, there are differences between the relationship of rural Afro-Colombians with the territory and that of indigenous peoples. There are numerous reasons for this, which will be the topic of in-depth research, along with the historic and cultural reasons that cause this differentiation. For Afro-Colombians who for various reasons have migrated to the major cities, poverty i s associated with the lack of opportunities for obtaining access to education, housing, health, and work. This situation i s closely tied to the discrimination and lack of opportunity that occurs in cities with respect to the black population. Inthis context, the concept of poverty for urban Afro- Colombians i s also tied to infringement of individual rights, the breakdown of ancestral referents and identity (in the case of young generations of Afro-Colombians born in Bogoti), and the loss of personal relationships of affection and solidarity. In summary, poverty from the Afro-Colombian perspective has to do with the lack of opportunities for obtaining access to basic services. This lack of opportunities varies according to the rural or urban location of the Afro-Colombian individual or community. For urban Afro- Colombians, poverty i s directly tied to marginalization and social exclusion based on phenotypical characteristics-skin color, hair texture, physical characteristics. The Priority of Elements for Well-Being Once the groups and interview subjects had made a general list of their principal needs, they were asked to arrange them in order of their importance. The groups agreed on priorities through discussion. The results are presented below inTable 5. Well Being: Prioritization of Components The components that make up quality of life for Afro-Colombian and indigenous people were similar. However, as shown in Table 5, the priorities assigned to each of these components are different for indigenous and Afro-Colombian people and according to urban or rural residence. Gender differences were notable primarily among the Afro-Colombian group^.'^ l6 Although the group's gender balance was an important factor when designing and constructing the groups, there were no separate discussionsfor menand women. 11 THE GAP MATTERS: POVERTYAND WELL-BEING OFAFRO-COLOMBIANS AND INDIGENOUSPEOPLES The Territory: Essential Priorityfor Well-Being. For both rural and urban indigenous and for rural Afro-Colombians, the territory seems to be the essential element for improving their quality of life. The territory i s synonymous with life and i s essential to the existence of these people as collective subjects separate from the rest of the population. What "territorial" means i s essentially the same in the two groups, but it does take on different cultural connotations for each group. For indigenous peoples, territory i s the basic pillar on which the quality of life concept is built. On this subject, some of the people interviewed indicated: "Territory i s the primary component from which well-being derives. Without territory, there i s no life... it encompasses the environment that surrounds us, the trees, the animals, and the spirits...." Autonomy over its management refers to the ability to make decisions about the territory and the natural resources found in it. Collective ownership of the territories brings with it recognition of ancestral rights. In turn, for Afro-Colombians in rural areas, their territory represents more a guarantee of subsistence and continuity of cultural traditions. As for indigenous peoples, territory for ruralAfro- Colombians i s closely associated with the ability to use it autonomously according to the community's usage and custom. Unlike the indigenous peoples, Afro-Colombians place greater emphasis on family than on the community inthe effective appropriation of land and its resources, although this does not negateacollective sentimentregarding the defenseof territorial rights. As shown in Table 5, the territory or "the land" was not a factor identified by the rural control group as being among the six most important priorities. However, the importance of caring for the environment, plants, and animals was fully discussedinthe group. Table 5: WellBeing-Priorities Rural Urban Urban Priority Indigenous Indigenous Control UrbanAfro Rural Afro Rural Control 1 Territory Health GO^'^ Health Territory Health 2 Health Education Health Work Health Food 3 Housing Territory Work Education Education Work 4 Food Food Education Food Clothing Education 5 Own Housing Families Housing Housing Housing government 6 Cultural Work Recreation Family Food Family identity ~~~ Source: Workshops andInterviews,2004. l7This concept was associated with being able to have tranquility, inner peace, and positive attitudes. Emphasis was placed on group work, with the concept of God not being tied to religious institutions. 12 Chapter 2: Well-Being and Poverty Health and Illness Generally speaking, the concept of health for indigenous peoples and Afro-Colombians i s associated with physical, mental, emotional, and spiritual well-being. In the workshops and interviews, health was associatednot only with medical and hospital care but also with a series of factors that make a person feel well. From the indigenous perspective, it i s an integral concept associated with emotional, spiritual, and physical elements in the person's relationship with the surroundings. Illness i s generally associatedwith a disorder or imbalance between these elements. Managing health i s closely associatedwith the proper managementof the environment ("having a good relationship with Mother Nature"). Despite the greater importance of traditional medicine in the indigenous context, they also see the need to be able to obtain access to Western medicine through primary care centers and hospitals. However, indigenous peoples and Afro-Colombians complain about inadequate and low coverage of government health services in the indigenous territories. From the perspective of the black communities, the state must ensure health, providing access to basic medical services, creating new healthposts, improving the quality of services and providing access to medications. The workshops placed great emphasis on access to the subsidized health system through the Health Service Providers (Empresus Prestudorus de Sewicios de SuZud- EPS) andAdministrators (ARS). In the cities, health was seen by indigenous and Afro-Colombians in terms of work and performance in work-related tasks. In the case of the urban control group, health was basically understood as the ability to obtain access to medical services and food. For rural non-indigenous and non-Afro-Colombian groups, health is more a synonym for physical well-being and self- esteem. The differences between men and women in terms of the emphasis placed on health as a priority for well-being were notable, both in the interviews and in the group discussions. For women, health was essential, and in some cases more important than other needs. This i s associated with the well-being of both the family andthe community as a whole. Housing and Basic Services Generally for both rural indigenous peoples and Afro-Colombians, housing must respond to the cultural traditions, the logic, and the lifestyle of the people. This includes being able to build a lifestyle in the ancestral territories according to the traditions and customs of each people. For indigenous peoples and Afro-Colombians in urban areas, this concept i s associated first with being able to count on having one's own home, with having access to basic services and with living in a "safe place'. Fromthe indigenous viewpoint, a house i s notjust the dwelling structure. It i s also the hearth and the place where the three cosmological spaces are found (that is, the world above, this world, and the world below). Crops and orchards form part of the home area. Water was seen as part of the `house'. Water must be close to the house when there i s no pipedservice. The concept of housing for Afro-Colombians (urban and rural) was associated with basic services (for example, plumbing, sewer, electricity), hygiene (solid waste management), clean and potable water and "good equipment" (for example, furniture, appliances). Various interviews with urban 13 THE GAP MATTERS: POVERTY AND WELL-BEING OF AFRO-COLOMBIANS AND INDIGENOUS PEOPLES Afro-Colombians indicated, "the very condition of being black reduces our possibility of obtaining a house or rental." Education For urban Afro-Colombians, education is considered a priority for living well. From the indigenous perspective, education includes the formal education imparted by the state together with the transmission of each people's knowledge through the generations. Although state education i s important for personal development and interaction with "non-indigenous people," education cannot be disconnected from the education of traditional values and knowledge that the community passes to each of its member. Communal education i s based on ancestral knowledge and the mechanisms by which it i s transmitted from one generation to the next. On this subject, reference was made to the need to strengthen, respect, and maintain these systems of knowledge, giving them the same value as education imparted by the state. Thus, as the indigenous people themselves stated: "[education] i s the transmission of the community's own knowledge and the education provided by the state," "it i s being trained with the puye and also at the university." In this context, bilingual education was considered essential as a mechanism for preserving the language and cultural heritage of the different indigenous peoples. For Afro-Colombians, particularly those in rural areas, education in general i s primarily associated with access to government educational systems and with traditions on a supplemental basis. Being able to obtain access to different levels of education means being able to have equal conditions and rights compared to the majority society and to have social status within the community. In the workshops and interviews conducted in rural Afro-Colombian communities, education is synonymous with progress and better living conditions. It i s associatedwith the ability to have the conditions and infrastructure needed to obtain easier access to schools, high schools, and universities. Urban Afro-Colombians insisted that having access to education was necessary to "make progress and get ahead." Work versusEmployment The concept of "work" is different for those who live in rural areas and those who live in cities. For indigenous communities, beyond being an economic activity that provides food and the means needed to live, work represents the ability to have a social activity that integrates and reaffirms community ties. Work, then, has a social and cultural connotation that goes beyond the conventional idea of ajob as a means of subsistence. Urban indigenous people, however, referred to work as needing "to provide just compensation..., [and] guarantee the individual rights of the worker." For urban Afro-Colombians, work i s associated with the ability to obtain access to dignifiedand fair employment that respects workers' rights and provides equal conditions for black people. Work means "a good salary and good working relations, not being humiliated," "good treatment, worthy treatment" as well as being "valued as an employee and as a person." The importance of the community as the place for developing and strengthening social capital acts as both an economic and an emotional system of social security, ensuringthat the individual 14 Chapter 2: Well-Being and Poverty has a permanent place in social life, and this i s why there i s a close association between the individual and the community, even when the individual i s far away from the community. Good social and community relationships play an important role inthe quality of life of indigenous and Afro-Colombian peoples. The well-being of the community and the individuals that comprise it dependto a large extent on social interactions within and outside the community. GenerationalDifferences For young urban and rural Afro-Colombians, as for the younger indigenous generations, education, health, and employment are primary. Both Afro-Colombian and indigenous youth in urban and rural areas expressed the need for access to new technologies-particularly the Internet-and the use of new communications methods that allow them to interact with "other cultures" without losing their own cultural identity. Their insistence on the importance of the community infrastructure as the basis for development was expressed in all the urban and rural groups between Afro and indigenous youth ... sometimes irritating older people who also participated inthe discussions. Socio-Cultural Needs: The Most Notable Components CulturalIdenti0 Culturalidentity appears as an important element for the quality of life of indigenous peoples and Afro-Colombians. There are three basic social referents in identity: the original community, cultural tradition, and territory. Identity as a social-cultural need was associated by indigenous and Afro communities interviewed for this study with "how things are seen and the world is interpreted, i s thought." In interviews conducted with indigenous people in Bogota, identity took on a great importance as an indispensable factor in the survival of indigenous persons in cities. The indigenous identity in the urban context becomes dynamic, and i s maintained and adapted to the person's new social-cultural conditions, while not losing essential elements of identity and reference to the territory of origin. In the case of rural and urban Afro-Colombians, the family and its community of origin play a central role, similar to the case of the non-Afro-descendant urban group (the urbancontrol group). For those Afro-Colombians interviewed the family i s not only the emotional and support reference in difficult situations, it i s also one of the principal sources of affirmation and reproduction of black identity. Thus, the Afro-Colombian identity, according to those interviewed, i s associated with the family's community of origin and their ancestral traditions, particularly with the permanence of the extended family, local and regional cultural factors, and with characteristics of race. Inthe first case, identity manifests itself inthe sense of belonging to a community of origin and the life of fellow Afro-Colombians in the urban context;'* in the second l8SociaYdemographic research in Cali shows the importance of family networks as the primary receiver of Afro immigrants to the principal cities of the country. Afro-Colombians that migrate for economic reasons are received in the homes of direct family members or members of the extended Afro-Colombian family. Women, as central figure inthe Afro-Colombian family, play a crucial role inthe reception and insertion of new immigrants to the dynamics of the district neighborhood or geographic residential area. For more details, see, "Afro-Colombianos in the metropolitan area of Cali: SociaWDemographic Studies." Barbari y Urrea,April, 1999. University of Valle, Cali, Colombia. 15 THEGAPMATTERS:POVERTYAND WELL-BEINGOFAFRO-COLOMBIANSAND INDIGENOUSPEOPLES case, identity manifests itself through the symbolic family ties, traditional holidays, and death rituals. Inurban contexts or contexts involving permanent contact with the "non-Afro" society, identity i s associated with racial and ethnic solidarity. Inthe interviews conducted in Bogota, the cultural identity of Afro-Colombians-defined as the continuity of the traditions and values of the communities of origin-is not contemplated as a determining factory in the quality of life of the Afro-Colombians in the cities. This observation does not hold true for indigenous peoples. This does not mean that cultural manifestations are not kept in the cities, but perhaps indicates an important capacity to assimilate to cultural changes and the capacity to develop expressions of urban culture-for example, in music, rap, hip-hop, and so forth (P. Wade, 2002). Security The meaning of security was broken down by the indigenous groups and interviews into two factors. The first, tranquility, was directly relatedto the situation of armed conflict experienced in collective territories and the presence of belligerent forces (guerrillas, paramilitaries, army) that threaten the peace and security of the inhabitants. This concept of tranquility was not only related to the armed conflict, but to a series of elements that give tranquility-for example, having what i s necessary to meet the daily needs of food, housing, and so forth. Tranquility "involves not having armed conflict but also being at peace, for example, being able to be tranquil means that someone can provide for his family-I don't sleep peacefully because Iknow Ican't feed my children." Combined with these elements i s the security that the state must provide to all its citizens, and also the security that traditional authorities provide the community. To have security i s "to be protected by the state and the security forces.'' In other words, "what has been built in the community i s my guarantee of permanence in the community and the protection of the community." Such security means reaching agreementswith armed groups. For Afro-Colombians, security comes from state guarantees to protect the integrity of the communities and Afro-descendant persons within the "territories." Afro-Colombians who were interviewed persistently testified about insecurity inthe areas where a significant number of them live. Moreover, testimonial offered during the study with urban Afro-Colombian groups led the insecurity along with other insecurities... [sic] when there is a problem (fight) and everyone study to conclude that the racial discrimination felt by the Afro-Colombians i s "a source of comes out running, we blacks better not run because there the police will go after us and pick us up,just becausewe areblack." Communitiesand Community Organization Community, as a space for building and strengthening social capital, i s important as a social security system both economically and emotionally; community provides a person with a permanent place in the social life. Inthe case of indigenous persons, there i s a close relationship between the individual and the community even if they are far apart. Good social and community relations fulfill an important role in the quality of life of the indigenous peoples and Afro- Colombians. The well-being of the community and the individuals that comprise that community depends to large extent on the social interactionwithin and outside the community. Community organizations were considered an important component for quality of life. This was associated with development of the Planes de Desarrollo for indigenous reserves and Planes de Manejo for collective territories of black communities. This is a new factor in the life of the 16 Chapter 2: Well-Being and Poverty country's ethnic groups, the introductionof "modern" planningdocuments for the management of their territories andthe delivery of basic services-health and education inparticular-in the case of indigenous reserves. In some of these documents, the communities expressly state what they understand by well-being andquality of life. This element i s includedamong the priorities of both indigenous andAfro-Colombian communities, linkedto the notion of territorial autonomy. Some Final Reflections Urban and rural indigenous and Afro-Colombian communities have the same basic needs as all other individuals or social groups in Colombia. These basic needs include health, education, housing, and access to services. However, it i s clear that in addition to these factors, their well- being involves social-cultural elements specific to the traditions, history, and the way these groups of relate to the rest of Colombian society. For indigenous peoples, particularly the younger generations, access to formal education i s as important as the keeping and reproduction of cultural values, community of origin, traditional and ancestral authorities, and the language. All of these traditional and ethnic ways are recognized in the Colombian constitution as an essential part of the diversity that characterizes the Colombian nation. The close relationship between the rural indigenous and Afro-Colombian groups with the territory as a space for building and reproducing economic, social-cultural, and environmental relations suggest the great importance of developing and consolidating the environmental resources and the social and organizational capital that the territory offers. The implementation of local development plans i s a social and environmental investment that i s essential for the creation of wealth, which in turn helps improve the living conditions of these groups. There are important differences in the needs and the elements needed to ensure well-being among indigenous peoples and Afro-Colombians. For Afro-Colombians, and especially the rising urban Afro population, family and the state appear to play crucial roles in creating conditions and opportunities for achieving well-being. While the family i s the economic, emotional, and identity point of support, Afro-Colombians expect a proactive state role in the creation of opportunities for their development. These opportunities clearly appear to be limited due to the "invisibility" with which the Afro-Colombian community has lived and the discrimination that they expect to be subject to, according to the Afro-Colombians interviewed. As a result of this historic exclusion, Afro-Colombians consider public policies to be the most effective tool for reversing this historic reality. They want to be an integral part of Colombian society and their aspirations for achieving well-being are similar to those of both rural andurbannon-Afro groups. As expressedby the indigenous peoples and Afro-Colombians, insecurity-the result of conflict and marginality in the urban zones-has had a particularly perverse effect on individuals, families, and communities. It has displaced communities, brought about the loss of material goods and environmental assets, and has threatened the reproduction of Afro-Colombians' rich social, political, andcultural capital. The next section of this work uses statistics to explore the situation of indigenous peoples and Afro-Colombians with regardto access and enjoyment of the basic elements and priorities for the achievement of their well-being. 17 THE GAP MATTERS: POVERTYAND WELL-BEING OF AFRO-COLOMBIANS AND INDIGENOUSPEOPLES 18 Chapter 3 The Well-Being of Afro-Colombian and Indigenous Peoples inNumbers: Progress and Challenges Ahead Introduction Given what has been learned in the previous chapters, in the following pages, quantitative data will be the basis upon which to present the situation of indigenous and Afro-Colombian peoples in terms of achievements and gaps with respect to the elements and factors that indigenous and Afro-Colombian peoples identified as primary during the field work. The information shall be presented in the same order of priority as assigned by the groups The chapter begins with reflections on the status of the official information available for the indigenous and Afro- Colombian groups and the tools and methods for gathering disaggregated information. StatisticalInformationAvailable Buildingan overall picture of the situation of ethnic groups in Colombia, based on statistics, has been an enormous challenge. Several difficulties were identified. Poverty related statistical information i s collected using various instruments and methodologies; few of them allow for disaggregation of the data on indigenous and Afro-Colombian peoples because ethnic origin i s not included as a variable. This limits the ability to do estimates and comparisons both between ethnic groups and the general population and within ethnic groups. Key information gathering Surveys (such as Household Surveys, Poverty Surveys, and so forth) do not reach the most remote indigenous and Afro-Colombian communities thus failing to capture data on these populations. Although the 1993 National census gathered included an ethnic self-identification question difficulties have arisen in writing the questions on ethnic and racial self-recognition and in interpreting the responses. As has been already noted, there are self-recognition difficulties, particularly for the Afro-Colombian population. The indigenous reserves are not included in the measurement and construction of the quality of life index, due in part to methodological problems; hence possibilities to estimate and compare achievements in quality of life between indigenous peoples and the general population are limited. Thus, the disaggregated analyses of quality of life for indigenous and Afro-Colombian populations presented in this chapter are only an approximation of reality. Notwithstanding, statistical analysis i s still the fundamental tool for the definition of public policy and the examination of the currently available data can provide guidelines for defining public policies that respond effectively to the needs, expectations, and specific characteristics of indigenous and Afro-Colombian groups. Recommendations for improving the gatheringof disaggregated information for indigenous and Afro-Colombian peoples are provided in Chapter 4, "Recommendations andFuture Actions." 19 THE GAP MATTERS: POVERTYAND WELL-BEINGOFAFRO-COLOMBIANS AND INDIGENOUS PEOPLES Circumventingthe Challenges The report relies on the 1993 national census and as explained in the introduction, uses the Quality of Life Index (1997) developed by the National Planning Office and the Social Mission Program. This i s complemented by secondary sources of information. In response to the large difference between the number of Afro-Colombians who recognize themselves as "blacks" in the 1993 census (502,334) and official estimates of the Afro- Colombian population (8.3 to 10.5 million), and in view of the concentration of Afro-Colombian population in specific geographic areas of the country (mostly in municipalities and Departments of the Pacific and Atlantic Coasts), a different approachbased on territoriaVgeographic location i s proposed inthis work. The study identifies and organizes all the municipalities of fewer than 300 inhabitants into four groups according to their population and level of rurality (40 percent) and identifies within these groups all the municipalities where, according to the estimates of the DNP, there i s a 75 percent or more concentration of Afro-Colombians. These municipalities are treated as Afro municipalities. Municipalities with a population of Afro-Colombians estimated to be less than 75 percent are treated as control municipalities. The study explores and compares the quality of life indices and their different variables (education, health, housing, public services) achieved by the Afro and control municipalities. Predominantly Afro-Colombian municipalities identified by the study are encountered in the departments of Antioquia, Atlhtico, Bolivar, Chocb, L a Guajira, Magdalena, Narino, San Andres, Sucre, and el Valle del Cauca (see Annex 2). Table 6: Grouping of Municipalities with Less than 300,000 Inhabitants Groupsof No. of Municipalities Municipalities Population Size % of Rural Population Afro Control Total Group 1 Less than 100,000 inhabitants Greater than40% 83 749 832 Group 2 Less than 100,000 inhabitants 40% and less 23 143 166 Group 3 Between 100,000 and 149,999 Greater than40% 2 1 3 inhabitants Between 100,000and 149,999 40% and less 1 8 9 inhabitants Group4 Between 150,000 and 299,999 25% and less 1 16 17 inhabitants Total 110 917 1.027 Municipalities Source: Based on DANE, 1993 National PopulationandHousingCensus. (1) The 40% andmorerangeincludesthree municipalities. 20 Chapter 3: The Well-Beingof Afro-Colombianand IndigenousPeoples inNumbers There are two major weaknesses in this methodology. First, it i s not possible to make a comparison between blacks and non-blacks (whites, mulattos, and so forth) in terms of achievements. However, it i s possible to make comparisons basedon territories of Afro- and non- Afro concentration. Second, this methodology excludes the largest metropolitan areas where a growing Afro-Colombian population lives. To overcome this pitfall, secondary information on the Afro-Colombian situation inthe cities will be used. FundamentalPrioritiesofAfro-ColombiansandIndigenousPeoplesin Numbers Territory: A Fundamental Goodfor the Quality of Life of Rural Indigenous and Afro-Colombian Peoples Most indigenous peoples live in their collectively held territories that are known legally as resguardos de indigenas.This legal form of recognition of indigenous territorial rights started in the Colonial Period as a way to protectthe native population. Inthe 1970sand 1980s, the Govemment undertook an aggressive program to establish resewas indigenus, which recognized collective indigenous usufruct but not ownership. The reserves establishedat that time were later declaredto be resguardos by law, that is, arealandeffective formof collective ownership of the land. Between 1966 and 2001, the national government acquired an additional 189,716 hectares of privately owned land for the exclusive benefit of the indigenous communities. These lands were intended for restructuring, for expansion of the original colonial reserves, and in some cases for establishmentof new reserves. As of December 2001, there were 638 resguardos benefiting 682,504 indigenous peoples and covering an area of 30.8 million hectares or 27 percent of the national territory. Of the titled areas, 98.59 percent Chart 1. Indigenous Population with Resguardo corresponds to 583 resguardos established and without Defined Territory, 2001 through the Agrarian Reform process, where 65.10 percent of the indigenous I13.10 population lives; and 1.29 percent of the area recognized as owned corresponds to 55 resguardos of colonial origin inhabited by 21.80 percent of the indigenous population. Of the total indigenous population, 3.80 percent (29,863 people) occupies undemarcated territory. Of the total population, 9.17 percent (71,989 people) live in groups or are individuals 86.90 landh01ders.l~ PopulationResguardo IPopulationResguardo The collective titling of Afro-Colombian lands is based on Transitory Article 55 of Source: DNP, 2003. the Political Constitution of 1991, Law 70 l9DNP/INCORA 2002. 21 THEGAP MATTERS: POVERTYAND WELL-BEINGOF AFRO-COLOMBIANS AND INDIGENOUSPEOPLES of 1993, and Decree 1745 of 1995. Land tenure by Afro-Colombians corresponds in customary law to the systems of kinship in family trees and domestic units. These groups exercise territorial rights over land areas based on the first occupation and generational succession on cultivated lands-for example, banana plantations-mines, and wooded land held as "back-up" on family farms or plots. For all of the Afro-Colombian territories recognized by Law 70, the collective land titling process has led to the recognition of rights to nearly the entire Pacific shoreline, covering a total of 4,555,373,373 hectares, most of which i s tropical forest. This area i s held for the benefit of 270,972 people in 52,307 families. Approximately 20 percent of the total territorial mass recognized legally as Afro-Colombian ancestral territory i s awaiting the land titling process. This task was pending at the time this report was being prepared for publication.*' Despite the significant advances made in securing title to communal lands for Afro-Colombians, the territorial benefits of Law 70havenotbeenextendedto black communities other than alongthe Pacific coast. Table 7 shows the important advances made, particularly with respect to establishment of indigenous reserves. Still waiting, however, i s a segment of the indigenous population for whom collective territories have not been secured. These are communities for whom it i s more difficult to secure title becausethey live alongside peasant communities or other ethnic groups or because there i s limited access to sufficient amounts of land. The principal departments where the question of land i s critical are Putumayo (Pfiez and Awa from the Andean area), Tolima, and Nariiio. In the latter two departments, indigenous peoples have small farmsteads and poor quality lands. The delineated indigenous and Afro-Colombian communal territories constitute in their entirety one of the largest reserves of biological diversity worldwide. The Colombian Amazon region and the Choc6 biogeographic region are both covered by extensive forests that have been preserved due to the presence of traditional communities that have historically properly exploited the natural resources of their territories. The exploitation of the biodiversity potential and the mining and energy resources of the collective territories must not challenge the ways of life of the peoples and communities. Table 7: Afro-Descendent and Indigenous Population inTerms of National Total Indigenous + National Indigenous % Afro % Afro % Population 43,000,000 785,35621 1.8 8,300,00022 19.3 9,085,356 21.1 Source: The authors, 2004. 2o In 1994, the World Bank approved a loan for US$39 million to support the Natural Resource Management Program on the Pacific Coast of Colombia. Major achievementsinclude securing collective title to 2,359,204 hectares, benefiting 497 Pacific black communities. The program also supported the establishment and expansion of 56 reserves, which means an expansion of 324,288 hectares benefiting indigenous peoples. E. SBnchez, Rold6n Titilaci6n territorios Comunales afro-colombianos e Indigenas Costa Pacifica de Colombia. World Bank, 2002. Washington, DC 21 DANE, 1993Census adjustedto 1997. 22 U.Valle. estimate. 22 Chapter 3: The Well-Beingof Afro-Colombianand Indigenous PeoplesinNumbers Health Achievements for Indigenous Peoples According the 1993 national census, infant mortality rate (IMR) for indigenous communities was 63.3 for every 1,000. The country's IMR was 41.3 for every 1,000 live births; the ruralIMR was 50.5 for every 1,000 live births. This high rate shows the disadvantaged situation of the indigenous inhabitants in terms of health conditions and healthcare as compared to urban residents. The data show higher and worrisome female mortality in those under age four. (M. Piiieros and M. Ruiz, 1998). The health situation i s a concern given the incidence in the indigenous population of contagious diseases, along with a high incidence and prevalence of diseases associated with conditions of poverty, particularly those that seriously affect the infant population. Although there i s no specific assessment, in the view of many there i s an incidence of malnutrition, a phenomenon that particularly affects children in communities whose systems of production have been changedby the expansion of illegal crops and violence. Indigenous peoples have highcoverage under SISBEN and have set up health services providers. Indigenous Colombian Illiteracy and Participation in the School System According to the census data, the indigenous illiterate population includes 106,221 people, or 24.7 percent of the total indigenous population and 0.37 percent of the country's illiterate population. Of the total number of indigenous people over aged 5 who speak Spanish (318,458) and who represent 59.8 percent of the total for this population group, 33.4 percent do not know how to read or write. The enrollment rate for the indigenous population aged 5 to 24 years i s 31.2 nationally. School attendance i s roughly similar for indigenous girls and boys inthe group aged 5 to 14 years; from age 15 on, the rate for females declines significantly. The percentage of illiteracy among the indigenous population i s critical inthe large majority of departments. Living Conditions of Afro-Colombians: A Municipal Perspective The data that i s presented in this section are the result of comparing quality of life indicators for municipalities with Afro-Colombian populations estimated at 70 percent or more". The identification of the `predominantly Afro-Colombian population' was based on estimates made by the National Planning Department, and classification of the size and rurality of the municipalities was based `on the 1993 National Population and Housing Census. Access to education, infant mortality, housing, and public services shall be examined and compared. Differences in the General Quality of Life Index There is, without exception, a generalized difference in quality of life between municipalities with a predominant presence of Afro-descendant populations regardless of the size of the municipality, and the proportion of urban or rural population. This implies lower access to all the variables used in the construction of the Index of Quality of Life, namely education, health, housing and public services. The differences between the Afro and non-Afro municipalities studied present percentage gaps in the quality of life according to a pattern whereby the larger the size of the municipality and the greater their concentration in urban areas, the larger the gaps. In 23 National PlanningDepartment. Plan Nacional de Desarrollo de la Poblaci6n Afro-Colombian, Bogota, Colombia, 2002. 23 THE GAPMATTERS: POVERTYAND WELL-BEING OFAFRO-COLOMBIANS AND INDIGENOUSPEOPLES Chart 2: Difference inQuality of Lifein other words, the more rural and the Predominantly Afro Colombian Municipalities smaller a municipality is, the fewer differences there are. This indicates high Index Value QLI 1993-Total General Index levels of poverty in the areas where Afro-Colombians live, even with significant differences, even when the generalized poverty that affects the municipality i s shared. Particularly noteworthy inthis pattern i s the situation - 1 of medium-size municipalities in group Grouo 1 1 Grouo2 1 Grouo.3 1 Grouo4 I three, whose rural population i s 40 percent or less. In these municipalities, the pattern i s broken, showing a major gap for the case of predominantly Afro- Colombian municipalities compared Group of Municipalities with the control municipalities for the same group of municipalities. Indeed, Source: Authors. Basedon DNP,Social Mission, 1993 Census. municipality group 3 would appear to have living conditions more like smaller, more rural, and more impoverished municipalities. These data correspond with previous studies and estimates that indicate that Quibdo and Tumaco are among the most impoverished zones of the Pacific. These two municipalities in effect are grouped under municipality group 3. Chart 2 shows the general differences in the Quality of Life Index for the four groups of municipalities and their respective controls. There is, however, a caveat to this observation. Despite the gaps in access for Afro-Colombian municipalities, which i s expanded the larger the size of the municipality, the living conditions of Afro-Colombian living in the urban areas of municipalities with 300 thousand inhabitants are higher as compared to small and more rural municipalities (Chart 3). This marks the differences between rural and urban living conditions. Chart 3: Imbalances between Municipal Centers and RuralAreas ~~ ~ QLI 1993-Municipal QLI 1993 Rural Area - General Index Indexvalue GeneralIndex Index value 100 80 60 40 20 0 Total 44.80 M.75 52.05 1 54.14 - - , Y Gap 5.41 3.77 13.98 10.45 %Din. I1 11.98% 11 7.38% II 25.17% 1I 19.00% Source: Authors. Basedon DNP, Social Mission, 1993 Census. 24 Chapter 3: The Well-Being of Afro-Colombian and Indigenous Peoples inNumbers Chart 4: 1993 Infant Mortality inGroups 1-4 Urban-Rural (ratesfor 1,000 live births) The imbalances between municipal centers and rural areas are striking for all the municipalities. When the information i s disaggregated, the general index of quality 60 of life in rural areas for non-Afro 49 municipalities starts only at 45.16 and 20 n reaches 54 points. In other words, half of the rural population of non-Afro-Colombian municipalities i s just halfway to achieving quality of life. There seems to be a general lack of attention to rural areas, particularly G t qd Mdpalitjes those in larger municipalities. This lack of Source: Basedon DNP-UDS-DIOGS,(SISD), 1995-19983 intumbasedon DANE, 1993NationalPopulationand municipalities.The harshliving conditions HousingCensus. in the rural areas, particularly among Afro- Colombian municipalities, are present even in municipalities with a higher urban population. Inshort, the quality of life indices inmunicipal urban centers are significantly higher than in rural areas. The increasing migration of Afro- Colombians to urban areas i s therefore not surprising.Inthe case of Afro municipalities, the rural quality of life index i s 44 points, whereas the urban index is 70.50 points. The difference underscores the abysmal living conditions inrural areas. Following the general trend in the index, small and highly rural municipalities generally have higher mortality rates that decline as the size of the municipality increases and the size of the central provincial city grows. However, in the case of Afro-Colombian municipalities, the patterns are irregular. Municipality group three breaks with the pattern and shows extremely high rates of infant mortality. As the study will show in subsequent pages, the high rates of infant mortality could have a close relationship with the low levels of community service infrastructure (drinkingwater, disposal of solid waste, and so forth). Also it is probable that there are problems related to the death records in the health centers located in the heads of provinces. If this i s the case, the data could also be showing a low infrastructure of hospitals and healthcare centers in this municipality group. It is interestingto notethat inthe case of the municipalities inthe second group (less than 100,000 inhabitants with 40 percent or less of the population in the rural area), the differences between Afro and non-Afro municipalities are the lowest. Table 8: 1993Infant Mortality inGroup 3 Afro Communities(ratesfor 1,000 livebirths) ~ Infant Mortality Department Municipality (b)Rate @)/(a) Afro Municipalities Choc6 QUIBDO 106.76 3.9 Nariiio TUMACO 97.63 3.6 Magdalena CIENAGA 40.89 1.5 Average for control municipalities(a) 27.44 1.0 Source: Basedon DNP-UDS-DIOGS,(SISD), 1995-1998; intum based on DANE, 1993NationalPopulationand HousingCensus. 25 THE GAP MATTERS: POVERTYAND WELL-BEING OF AFRO-COLOMBIANS AND INDIGENOUS PEOPLES Chart 5: IlliteracyinAfro and Non-Afro Access to Education and Gender Differences Municipalitiesby Gender Being able to read and write i s essential for Illiteracy 1993 individual development. The Afro- 1 Percent Men Aged 18 and Older Colombians interviewed during the fieldwork 30 saw education as a means to "get ahead" and to improve their living conditions. Beyond this, education was seen as a fundamental means to gain legitimacy, respect, and recognition. However, educational access and achievement for Afro-Colombians living in t I Total I I 16.14 12.20 10.54 5.91 predominantly Afro municipalities are lower than innon-Afro municipalities, which in turn 1128 6 5 have lower educational achievement than the 859 I 638 1 1064 4 34 national average. Although during the period 50.81% i 56.61% i 134.53% i 76.35% I I I 1993-1997 the percentage reduction in Source: Authors. Basedon DNP,Social Mission, 1993 illiteracy inthe Pacific region was 5.4 percent Census. (from 18.9 percent in 1993 to 13.5 percent in 1997), unlike the national average of only 1.6 percent, the Pacific region has the least cumulative education. According to the report on the analysis and sectoral results of decentralization (DNP-DDT,2002), in this region 29.3 percent of the population inthe poorest quintile still has notjoined the school system. There i s a gap in literacy levels for women in all municipalities. This gap widens dramatically among rural Afro-Colombian women. Few Afro-Colombians complete the full cycle of secondary education and still fewer complete higher education both in urban areas and in the Afro and non-Afro municipalities studied. Inthe specific case of the Pacific region, despite improvements in school attendance, the achievements have certainly been limited. It i s estimated that in 1993, 33.1 percent of the region's population entered secondary school and that 19.3 percent managed to finish; in 1997, 36 percent entered secondary school and only 18.4 percent managedto finish. The situation with regardto admission to university i s striking. In 1993 18.7 percent of the population in the region entered university and only 1.7 finished a career. In 1997 an estimated 17.8 percent entered and 2.8 finished ~ n i v e r s i t yIn~spite of the increase in the number of students that complete a university career as . ~ shown in Chart 5, these data are far removed from the university attendance averages when Afro- and non-Afro municipalities are compared. Gaps in Education and Access to Employment These gaps in participation in intermediate and higher education among Afro-Colombians has been seen by Colombian researchers as a factor reducing the "employability" of Afro-Colombians inthe urban labor market. According to Urreaand Ortiz (1999), "the decline inschool attendance particularly among the youngest job seekers...this group i s practically unemployable, particularly among Afro-Colombians in the group aged 15-19 years puts pressure on the labor market, in the context of the pattern of modernization with the opening up of an economy that requires a 24DNP, 2002. 26 Chapter 3: The Well-Being of Afro-Colombian and Indigenous PeoplesinNumbers Chart 6: Afro andNon-Afro Secondary and Higher more educated labor force.''2s According Education Gaps to a study conducted by the National ' University-Social Studies Center (UN- ~ Higher Education1993 CES), 60 percent of employed Afro- per ,Oo0 Total PeopleAged 18andOlder Colombians have not completed secondary education (UN-CES, 2002:92) and Afro-Colombians receive less income than non-Afro-Colombians doing the same work. - I Grow 1 Access to Public Services and 1 Grouo2 I Grow3 I Grouo4 14 Grouosl Utilities As expressed by the Afro-Colombians consulted in the fieldwork, housing quality and access to public utilities were Groups of Municipalities seen as being related to achieving well- Source: Authors. Basedon DNP, SocialMission, 1993 being. A "well-equipped" house also Census. needs clean drinking water. The limited access to residential public utilities i s simply extraordinary in Afro-Colombian compared to non-Afro-Colombian municipalities. These deficiencies could to a great extent explain the different total quality of life indices for Afro- Colombian municipalities. The gaps for Afro-Colombian municipalities are between 58 and 37 percent higher in rural areas, declining toward urban areas. Again strikingi s the critical situation, practically a constant across all the variables, in the municipalities of Quibdo, Tumaco, which are ingroup 3. There is a 50percent gap inaccess to public utilities between these municipalities and non-Afro-Colombian municipalities with similar populations and rurality. Housing deficiencies are particularly striking in rural areas, although there i s a significant housing deficit in the municipal centers that i s nearly equal to the educational deficit (Chart 7). Chart7: Municipal CenterdRural Area QLIDeficit QLI 1993 Mun. Ctr. QLI 1993 Rural Area Gap Gaps Afro-control % Gap Gaps Afro-control 100 80 60 40 20 n OHouseholdl 20.4 19.6 10.0 7.8 [PHousing 27.5 11.0 15.2 21.1 OEducation OEducation 23.7 28.2 26.0 38.1 DServices 28.7 41.6 46.7 34.3 Source; Authors,Basedon DNP, SocialMission, 1993 Census. 25 Urrea, Ortiz. Social-Demographic Patterns, Poverty and the Labor Market in Cali. CIDSE-World Bank- Univalle. Cali, 1999p. 16. 27 THE GAP MATTERS:POVERTYAND WELL-BEINGOF AFRO-COLOMBIANSAND INDIGENOUSPEOPLES In urban areas, specifically in the city of Cali, the distribution map of the Afro-Colombian population in the city coincides with notable imbalances in the distribution of the city's public utilities. The study done by Urrea and Ortiz (1999) for the World Bank on poverty and the labor market in Cali clearly shows how poverty, and deficient access to public utilities coincide in the comunas with concentrations of Afro-Colombians. Forty percent of Afro-Colombians surveyed by the UN-CES in Bogota (2002) lived in precarious dwellings (rooms and rentals). Close to 50 percent of the homes usedonly one room. Close to 73 percent of households were rentals or sub- leases. The MilleniumDevelopmentGoals (MDGs) andthe ColombianEthnic Groups The Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) were approved in September 2000 by the states of the United Nations as a commitment of individual states and the international development community to working toward eliminating poverty and sustaining development. The goals are grouped under nine priorities and include halving poverty, enhancing environmental management and improving access to water, land and natural resources for the poor. The goals represent an opportunity to address the current levels of poverty and inequality affecting indigenous peoples and communities of African descend in the Latin America Region and in our particular case in Colombia. The situation of indigenous and Afro-descendant groups in relation to the possible scope of the goals established in the MDGs has just begun to be studied in the Latin American region. Information available and gathered by this study indicates that reachingthe Millennium goals for ethnic groups in Colombia implies the adoption of different policies, plans, and programs, primarily to deal with less-developed regions. For illustrative purposes in this study, the study uses the results from the 2003 dwelling survey and data from primary school attendance and infant mortality for the department of Choc6 and compares them with national trends. With regardto primary education (7-14 years) as shown in chart 8, the sharp increase inthe overall rate of school attendance inthe department, if kept at their current levels, could favorably position the scope of the millennium goals in the department of Chocd with regard to primary school attendance. The situation of infant mortality for the Department of Choc6 i s not so favorable. As shown in chart 9, a significant effort will be needed to reduce the high rates of infant mortality in Choc6 compared to the national averages. However, if infant mortality were to go down at the same pace as the national average from 1985 to 2005, the Department of Choc6 could see a reduction of 17 points in its infant mortality rate by 2015. This means, its rate of mortality would go from 92.2 per thousand live births to 75.4 per thousand live births. Even though the difference would be significant in comparison with the national average, this reduction would represent an important improvement inthe quality of life of the communities of the department of Chocd. 28 Chapter 3: The Well-Being of Afro-Colombian and Indigenous Peoples inNumbers Chart 8: Projected Primary Education Coverage 1985-2015,Department of Choc6 and Colombia Average Children between7 to 11 years attending school / Childrenbetween 7 and 11 years * 100 Attendance % 120 100 80 60 40 20 0 Year I W Choco B Colombiaaverage -Log. (Colombiaaverage) - 1 Log. (Choco) Source: 1993 and 1996-2000,SociddemographicIndicator System, DNP-UDS-DIOGS;1985 and 1993, DNP, Social MissionReport1998. Chart 9: Projected Rateof Infant Mortality 1985-2015,Department Choc6 and Colombia Average Thousandsof livebirths 100 80 60 40 I 20 0 Year I Colombia average 1985-2005 (DANE) +Choc6 1994-2015 +Choc61985-1993(DANE) A Choco goal 2015 = -25% rate of 1990 ' - Choco goal 2015 Poly. (Choc6goal 2015 = -25% rate of 1990) Expon. (Colombia average 1985-2005(DANE)) - - Poly. (Choc6goal 2015) Source: 1993and 1996-2000, Social/demographic IndicatorSystem, DNP-UDS-DIOGS; 1985 and 1993,DNP, Social MissionReport1998. 29 THEGAP MATTERS: POVERTY AND WELL-BEINGOFAFRO-COLOMBIANSAND INDIGENOUS PEOPLES Some FinalReflections Inspite of the limitations of disaggregatedinformationconcerning basic indicators of well-being for individuals andAfro-Colombian communities, it is possible to identify some patterns. First, significant progress has been made in the past decade in the delineation and landtitling of indigenous and Afro-Colombian territories in spite of the fact that an important part of the ancestral black territories are still waiting to be titled. Second, there are gaps in the access of indigenous and Afro-Colombian groups to basic services, social assets, and opportunities that must be closed for these groups to achieve well-being. Improvements have been made over the past decade (for example, the creation of greater educational opportunity inthe areas with a highconcentration of Afro-Colombian and indigenous populations). However, high levels of illiteracy and infant mortality, combined with a low access to public services, are common to the indigenous and Afro-Colombian communities. Because of historic deficiencies in the offering and providing of services and goods in municipalities with concentrations of Afro-Colombian and indigenous peoples, the situation can only be improved through a major financial effort by these municipalities.. There also needs to be accompanying incentives both from the communities and from institutions to increase the social, financial, and environmentalcapital of the area. Third, there is general poverty in the rural areas of municipalities with a concentration of Afro- Colombians regardless of the size of the municipality. In fact, the data appear to indicate that progress made in the offering of goods and services in the leading areas of provinces might be occurring at the cost of developing new opportunities and expanding the offer of services in rural areas. Municipalities with a concentration of Afro-Colombian population have even lower levels of illiteracy and sanitary services than the rural areas, the. Inrural areas, the difference between Afro-Colombian municipalities and non-Afro communities is also significant. It should be noted however, that in urban areas, there i s a greater offer of services and opportunities, which translates into a higher level of well-being. Fourth, the most noteworthy gaps deal with access to education and infant mortality. A little more than half of the indigenous population i s under the age of five, and a third of these children does not know how to read or write. For Afro-Colombians, the challenge i s middle school. Approximately one third of young people of African descent in the municipalities and departments of enter secondary school, but few finish and even fewer go on to study at the university. These low levels of access to secondary education appear to affect employment options and the income levels of the Afro-Colombian population. With regard to infant mortality, indigenous peoples and Afro-Colombians are clearly disadvantaged compared to the rest of the country according to municipality statistics. Even though there were no correlations made in this study in the performance of the different variables analyzed, municipalities that offer a low level of services also evidence high rates of infant mortality. Colombia has high levels of poverty and a lack of well-being in population groups and regions without concentrations of indigenous and Afro-Colombian populations. However, the situation of these groups i s clearly below the national average when comparing similar geographic areas where these populations have not been historically concentrated. This reality suggests the need to strengthen policies and programs that specifically target indigenous and Afro-Colombian populations. The following chapter will explore some possible actions. 30 Chapter 4 Closingthe Gap: Components of a Programof Action The results of this analysis indicate the need to implement a strategy and a series of public initiatives targeting indigenous and Afro-Colombian populations and their geographic territories with rural and urban concentration, in order to improve the living conditions of these groups. For indigenous and Afro-Colombian communities, these initiatives need a different approach as a way of adapting them to their expectations of well-being, social and cultural specificities, and to the size and population proportion that each represents with regard to the total population of the country. InColombia, there are currently affirmative action types of experiments being conducted in indigenous communities with relation to the recognition of territorial rights, electoral districts for ethnic groups, and measures that facilitate indigenous access to higher education could be extended to employment, health, housing, and productive activities, all central aspects in what consider basic to "living well." There are also efforts to increase the offer of primary education in predominantly Afro-Colombian municipalities that could be extended to the indigenous population. Common to both populations are the needs to reduce infant mortality, increase the offer of public services in their communities, and support of the sustainable exploitation of environmental resources. Attention i s also needed for displaced indigenous and Afro-Colombian populations. The design and monitoring of programs targeting indigenous and Afro-Colombian peoples requires including the question of ethnic self-recognition in official censuses and surveys. Along these lines, valuable advances have been made by the DANEbut consideration would have to be given to including ethnic self-recognition in the Ongoing Household Survey, the Quality of Life Survey and the Survey on the Information System for Identification and Classification of Potential Beneficiaries of Social Services. The more traditional indigenous and Afro-Colombian communities need more and better attention from the State. The qualitative aspects of the services provided to these communities, particularly in education, health, and productive services must serve the specific cultural characteristics of these populations. Inthe development of this work, there was a general feeling noted among rural indigenous and Afro-Colombians that the services provided to them do not consider the characteristics of their lives and culture. These are also communities that, because they have legally recognized and defined ancestral territories, have a strong sense of belongingto the landand seek greater participation inpublic decisions that may affect their territories. Policies, plans, andprograms that seek to increase the quality of life and approach well-being find their foundation and justification in the Constitution of 1991 and the subsequent regulatory framework. For this reason, public action must contribute to strengthening the cultural identity and the institutions of ethnic groups, to promoting their effective participation, and to ensuring that ethnic groups benefit from the gains inwell-being achieved by the society as a whole. This approach involves recognition, respect for, and appreciation of ethnic groups, whether indigenous or Afro-descendent, by Colombian society. Along these lines, public action should 31 THE GAP MATTERS: POVERTY AND WELL-BEINGOFAFRO-COLOMBIANS AND INDIGENOUSPEOPLES also be directed to promotingrespect for their dignity, rights, and cultural singularity, an aspect in which the educational systemand communications play a primary role. Consistent with the Development Plan, technical and financial resources must be mobilized to allow the formulation of the National Long-Term Plan for the Afro-Colombian Communities. The mobilization of community councils and grass-roots organizations must become an opportunity to undertake a process of participatory planning from the bottom up. A similar opportunity i s provided by the territorial arrangement leading to the adoption of Indigenous Territorial Entities (Entidudes TerritoriulesIndigenas-ETIs) included in the Draft Organic Law on Territorial Organizations approved inthe first hearingby the Congress of the Republic. A strategy directed to ethnic groups and that recognizes progress made needs the following strategic guidelines. 1. Improvingthe quantity andquality of information on the living conditions of indigenous and Afro-Colombian peoples by including questions relating to ethnic self-recognition in official censuses and surveys. Along these lines, valuable progress has been made by the DANEbut consideration should be given to permanent inclusion of self-recognition in the Ongoing Housing Survey, the Quality of Life Survey, and the Survey on the Information System for Identification and Classificationof Potential Beneficiaries of Social Services. 2. Affirmative actions for Afro-Colombians should on the whole represent another pillar in the strategy, taking into account the opportunity costs of public investment. Easier access to productive assets for the population in indigenous reserves and collective territories of black communities, expanding the general social security system by targeting communities, families, and individuals access to health, creating incentives to attract and retain Afro-Colombians in secondary education are all measures that will contribute to reducing the gap between the living conditions of the Afro-Colombian families and individuals and the rest of national society. The design of a specific strategy to improve the social and economic situation of indigenous and Afro-Colombian groups in the context of the Millennium Declaration and Millenium Development Goals may also be an opportunity to guide public actions and mobilize the entire population around the need to create special programs aimed at reducing infant mortality among indigenous and Afro-Colombian communities and at increasing literacy in the indigenous communities.26 3. Completing the demarcation of the collective territories of the "black communities'' and providing technical and financial support so that these communities as well as the indigenous reserves can produce development alternatives based on the sustainable use of biodiversity resources. Strengthening the administration and governance of the ethnic territories i s extremely important in that this could help to protect natural resources and strengthen collective mechanisms for dealing with the threat of forced relocation. The informed participation of the peoples and communities themselves in the formulation of policies, plans, and programs i s a very important component of the strategy for ethnic groups. 26The Department of Bolivar has taken the initiative to adopt a special program to monitor the Millennium Goals. A pilot program could also be adopted in that department for the settlements of CiBnaga de la Virgen and the municipality of Marialabaja. 32 Chapter 4: Closing the Gap This means revising the mechanismsprovided inregulations such as the consultivus of Afro- Colombian communities and the indigenous mesas de concertucidn, as well as the mechanisms provided for consultation on the use of natural resources, seeking greater participation from grass-roots organizations and better coordination between localities, regions, and the national It is necessary to imagine and design efficient instruments andopportunitiesfor consultation andplanning, seeking alternatives, not necessarily basedon the regulations, to allow for flexible dialogue between the communities and public institutions, increasing the use of the communities' cultural resources (Davis and Partridge: 1994). 4. Differentiating the attention given to the displaced indigenous and Afro-Colombian population. The design of targeted programs should include as an integral part: (i) improved registration of and information on displaced Colombian families and individuals, and to identify in the registration the ethnic origin of the displaced (ii) protections of the assets acquired by the all displaced with particular emphasis on land and other assets legally ascribed to indigenous and Afro Colombians, and (iii) creation of networks to serve the needs of minors and provide training and access to micro loans for displaced women who are heads of households. 5. Educating for diversity and not racial and ethnic discrimination. Collective attitudes of discrimination change based on the modeling of inclusive behaviors by the State, but also based on intensive processes and broad coverage of education for equality. The marked feeling of discrimination expressed by Afro-Colombians, the uneven living conditions and marked differences in opportunities existing between ethnic groups and the majority of the population point to the need to develop ongoing and mass education for equality programs. These shouldinclude schools, workplaces, andpublic offices that foster discrimination. 6. There should be no contradiction between public development goals and actions, and the aspirations of the indigenous and Afro-Colombian communities. For this reason, sectoral policies, plans, and programs must be harmonized with the directives that the national government issues and maintains on the subject of ethnic groups.28Along these lines, it i s important to keep the indigenous and Afro-Colombian territories in mind in organizational plans andinthe design andconstructionof infrastructure projects, so as to avoid infringement of the rights of these populations andto preserve the integrity of their territories and cultures. 7. Financial, administrative, and technical resources must be given to the lead institution on matters relating to ethnic groups, the Directorate of Ethnic Groups of the Ministry of Justice and the Interior, in addition to seeking greater efficiency in public investment in programs directed to serving ethnic groups. This directorate has a great deal of political will and profound knowledge of the problems of ethnic groups, but the lack of resources for its operations limits its sphere of action andthe effectiveness of its work. 27 Notable in the Colombian case are numerous areas where indigenous peoples have representation-the CARS,for example, and many state bodies-where there has been as yet no assessment of the results and effectiveness of this participation. 28 For example, it i s not logical for a policy on conservation and use of natural forests not to consider the indigenous reserves and the Afro-Colombian collective territories that together cover more than 60 percent of the country's continuous forests. 33 THE GAP MATTERS:POVERTY AND WELL-BEINGOFAFRO-COLOMBIANS AND INDIGENOUS PEOPLES The creation of appropriate monitoring and evaluation mechanisms and ongoing training for indigenous and Afro-Colombian public administrators and officials in their ethnic territories and municipalities can contribute significantly to improving the levels and effectiveness of public investment. Greater public investment without monitoring and training may turn out to be insufficient. Duringthe work done for this study, the Bank team heardnumerous opinions expressing concern about the allocation and efficacy of the indigenous share of resources from the current revenues of the nation - PICN- on the part of indigenous reserves. Between 1994, when this processbegan, and 2001, these resources amounted to 197,612,000,000 constant 2001 pesos (DNP-DDT 1994). For the situation of the municipalities and departments of Afro-Colombian concentration, the Department of Choc6 received 253,400 million pesos (at the year 2000 value) between 1998- 2002, which represents 0.89 percent of the total national allocation equal to 28,450 billion. The Department of Choc6 received proportionally higher per capita allocations compared to departments such as Antioquia and Valle del Cauca. Regarding these resources, which are expected to grow by an estimated 2 percent per year, there has as yet been no impact assessment. This assessment would help greatly to redirect investment based on successful experiences such as those noted inthe department of Cauca, and to overcome the difficulties encountered. Recommendations RecommendationNo. 1:Improvementand Disaggregationof the Information on Ethnic Groups Information systems are today a necessary conditionfor the planning and adoption of policies, plans, and programs to improve the living conditionsof ethnicgroups. The concern for increased information regarding living conditions and the phenomena of poverty andthe quality of life among indigenous andAfro-Colombian peoples and communities i s recent. With respect to the indigenous peoples, there have been some efforts since the 1970s to learn about their demographic characteristics and well-being. For black communities, this concern i s recent and derives from the 1991Constitution. The development of a baseline has now become necessarydue to the legal mandates contained in the 1991 Constitution and the increasing visibility and inclusion of the indigenous and Afro- Colombian population inplanningprocesses and institutional actions, particularly in the fields of health, education, and recognition of territorial rights. DANE has been including systematic information on indigenous groups since the 1970s. However, the institutional information i s spread out. There i s generally an enormous gap in information and research on the quality of life of indigenous peoples and Afro-Colombians. Statistical work on ethnic groups is also seriously limited due to absence of adequate indicators and measurements for the indigenous or Afro-Colombian population that would allow for standardization andcomparability of data. The 1993 census had problems capturing the Afro-Colombian population. The information on this sector of the population, despite the census effort, i s very deficient. The question in the census form was not fully understood. This has led to a lag in demographic information on Afro- Colombians. The 2000 Household Survey and the 2003 Quality of Life Survey have made it 34 Chapter 4: Closing the Gap possible to improve the information and there are optimistic expectations regarding the next census. Actions Recommended: 1. Improve the self-recognition question and the operationalstrategy for the 2005 census in order to better capture the population belonging to ethnic groups; include the ethnic variable in the Ongoing Household Survey and the Quality of Life Survey of DANE and expand the population samples used in order to capture a higher number of indigenous and Afro-Colombians. Evaluation of the 1993 census has indicated the need to improve the ethnicity question in the census form and to improve the awareness and training components. It also points to the need to capture the Afro-descendent population in the cities. The Socioeconomic Researchand DocumentationCenter (CIDSE) at the University del Valle and the Research Center for Social Dynamics (CIDS) at the National University have explored methodologies for studyingAfro-descendents that should be taken into account. The inclusion and participation of ethnic groups in the census project requires setting up a national committee of ethnic groups for participation in the 2005 census project, an initiative framed as part of the World Bank-DANE cooperation agreements on the MECOVI project andfollow-up to the meeting inCartagenaandLima on "We All Count." A strategy for the systematic and updated gathering of data concerning the living conditions of the indigenous and Afro-Colombian populations must include-in addition to a question on ethnic self-identification-expanded population questionnaires that are used in the ongoing dwelling surveys and in the poverty studies. Considering that costs incurred by the increase in size and geographical location of the samplings, it i s recommended that an oversampling be performed in the geographical areas of indigenous and Afro-Colombian concentration at least once a year. 2. Include membership in ethnic groups in the survey of the SISBEN. This i s the principal instrument for capturing poor people and guaranteeing on a personal basis the delivery of basic services. 3. Develop a quality of life index adapted to the speci@c characteristicsof ethnic groups based on the QLI/DNP/National Human Development Program methodology. According to this study, the QLI developed by the National Human Development Program of the DNP offers the best opportunity for developing, within the same conceptual and methodological framework, a quality of life index for ethnic groups. RecommendationNo. 2: Completethe Demarcation and Titling of Collective Territories of Black Communities. Strengthening the indigenous reserves and the collective territories of black communities is the starting point for a strategy directed to guaranteeing the conditions for the current and future existence of indigenouspeoples and traditional Afro- Colombian communities. The ties to the land are an essential part of the community condition and the sense of belonging and identity. As of December 2001, there were 638 reserves, benefiting 682,504 indigenous peoples, with an area of 30.8 million hectares, which represents 27 percent of the national territory. The process of securing collective landtitle for black communities (Law 70) has led to 35 THE GAP MATTERS: POVERTYAND WELL-BEINGOFAFRO-COLOMBIANSAND INDIGENOUS PEOPLES the recognition of territorial rights over practically the entire Pacific coast, covering a total of 4,555,373 hectares, most of them in rainforests, benefiting 270,972 people grouped in 52,307 families. Actions Recommended 1. Lands Evaluate, together with ethnic groups, the situation of legally recognized ancestral land of Afro- Colombian communities that still have no demarcated territory in order to move ahead with securing title. This includes Afro-Colombian communities inthe Andean and Atlantic regions. 2. Natural Resources Support the generation of grassroots development alternatives based on the sustainable use of biodiversity resources. Based on the biological heritage of the indigenous reserves and the collective territories of black communities, sustainable altematives for generating income that contributeto the well-being of the population and the appropriate use of natural resources mustbe developed in collaboration with the communities themselves. This also involves practical measures to protect, recover, validate, and promote the traditional systems for learning about, managing, and sustainably usingbiological resources so that there will be policy guidelines like those contained inthe 1998 National Biodiversity Action Plan.*' There should be cooperation with peasant productive systems in the economy so that these systems can reach sustainable levels of productivity. As a result, a special credit, finance and technical assistance policy should be established for the indigenous reserves and the collective territories of Afro-Colombian communities with a model for technology transfer that values local knowledge and practices. Extending the coverage of the Agricultural Guarantee Fund (FAG) and the Incentive for Rural Capitalization (ICR) to places where there i s no Western business rationale i s not sufficient. The Ministry of Agriculture could evaluate past experiences like the PPCIProgramfor Cooperationin the Development of the Cauca, international cooperation projects in the Pacific and in the Amazon, andthe experiences of many NGOs and, basedon lessons learned, could create a special programfor ethnic groups. It is important for the Ministry of Agriculture andthe Ministry of the Environment (MAVDT) to actually keep ethnic groups inmindwhen adoptingpolicies and measures to protect the rights and intellectual achievements of the communities with respect to their knowledge, practices, and innovations, so that these achievements will be recognized and properly protectedand so that the aspirations of these groups will be reflected in the producers' rights that must be developed and implemented by the national government, if the Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO) treaty i s ratified. 29 These directives formulate three important aspects of policy: a) Ensure social and cultural conditions to allow communities to produce and transmit their intellectual achievements, b) Preserve the territories of ethnic groups and local communities and the biodiversity that exists there, the basis for their material and cultural life, and c) strengthen community organizations. See: Alexander von Humboldt Institute for Research on Biological Resources. Colombia Biodiversidad Siglo XXI: Propuesta t6cnica para la formulacih de una plan de accidn nacional en biodiversidad. Ministry of the Environment. Bogota, 1998 36 Chapter 4: Closingthe Gap 3. Administration and Governanceof Ethnic Territories Support the (indigenous) Territorial Development Plans the (Afro-Colombian) Community Management Plans for the organization, management, and administration of their territories. Many communities already have these plans and internal regulations. It i s necessary to move ahead in this direction so that all reserves and collective territories have these planning and management tools. Recommendation No. 3: Carefor Basic Needs in Health, Education, and Basic Sanitation. 1.Education The conditions of well-being of ethnic groups are uneven and unfavorable in comparison with the rest of the population. There are generally higher rates of poverty, illiteracy, and infant mortality as well as many other indicators. Thepremise is that if individuals, families, and communities belonging to ethnic groups had better access to education, health, and basic public services the gap between the living conditions of this sector of the population and the rest of the national population would be reduced. Actions Recommended: Increase the enrollment (and retention) rate in basic education for indigenous people and intermediate education by expanding primary education services to indigenous communities. This involves specific actions to design curriculum content consistent with the communities cultural characteristics, and an ongoing program of consulting, monitoring, evaluation, and production of teaching materials in their native language. It also means pedagogical training and updating of indigenous teachers. Incentives for an increased enrollment and retention of Afro- Colombians in secondary education includes the creation of educational loans and fellowships for Afro-Colombian youth. Support academic strengthening of Afro-Colombians from less developed neighborhoods in order to reduce grade repetition and dropout rates andfacilitate movement from one level to the next. Increase the supply of technology (computers, Internet) in schools located in departmental capitals and municipal centers with high concentrations of Afro-Colombian and indigenous populations. The experience of the Computer for Education program could be developed and expanded for this purpose. 2. Health Infant mortality in the indigenous population and rural and coastal Afro-Colombian population, with a high incidence and prevalence of diseases associated with precarious environmental health conditions, are concerns. Actions Recommended: Consistentwith the Millennium Development Goals, reduce infant mortality in 2015 by up to two- thirds among the Afro-descendent populations on the Pacific coast and inthe indigenous reserves. This involves generating statistics on morbidity and mortality in the municipalities and urban sectors inhabited by people belonging to ethnic groups, a follow-up and monitoring system, and thus a specific plan that considers, among other components, environmental health, nutritional care, vaccination, and maternalhealth. 37 THEGAPMATTERS:POVERTY AND WELL-BEINGOFAFRO-COLOMBIANS AND INDIGENOUSPEOPLES The expansion and correct implementation of the SISBEN survey allows for better targeting and for reaching the population most in need. The management of subsidies should be revised to ensure greater transparency and efficiency. It i s also important to expand coverage of basic healthcare services in rural areas, taking into account the health resources of the communities themselves, an area in which the country has a great deal of experience. There i s an urgent need to improve conditions and basic services with appropriate technologies that have been tested in the communities themselves to provide good quality water, including rainwater capture, use of aquifers, manual pumpingequipment, and disposal of human waste and trash. The National Preinvestment Projects Fund (FONADE) could open up a specific line of financing for this purpose. The Institute for the Development of Science and Technology (COLCIENCIAS) could support competitive grants for research in this field and could encourage the testing of suitable technologies for making water potable and treating sewage, in order to improve basic services inindigenous and Afro-descendent settlements. RecommendationNo. 4: Differentiated Attention to the DisplacedPopulation Belonging to Ethnic Groups. Strategies to protect the rights of ethnic groups inhabiting territories affected by violence must be designed and implemented. One of the theaters of the armed conflict has been the territories of the ethnic groups, places that because they are difficult to access and because of their forests provide refuge to armed agents that set themselves up there by force, creating problems of security for the communities and breaking down the internal traditional systems of authority. Everything seems to indicate that violations of basic rights and displacements of families belonging to ethnic groups, particularly Afro-Colombians, have increased during the period 2003-2004, although there are currently no officialfigures on the magnitude of this phenomenon and its impact on ethnic groups Actions Recommended: Improve Recording and Information on Families and Individuals in Displaced Ethnic Groups for which it is necessary to analyze the behavior of the question on ethnic self- recognition currently on the reporting form, with a view to improving it. In addition, strengthen studies and statistical analyses that may derive from the System for Estimating Forced Displaced by Contrasted Sources (SEFC) and the Single Registration System. Expand attention provided to displaced persons (particularly all Afro-Colombian women and children) by creating networks of homes to care for children, expand school cafeterias, increase emergency humanitarian aid, and implement training and micro-credit programs. In addition to being uprooted from communities and territories affected by displacement, displaced persons do not always have coordinated temporary assistance systems. Children often do not have guaranteed access to minimumfood supplies and basic healthcare. The experience of the Special District of Bogota in caring for vulnerable children could taken up and extended to other places, as could the work of many NGOs that have developed interesting models for promoting women, particularly heads of households. 38 Chapter4: Closing the Gap RecommendationNo. 5: Educatingfor Diversity and Non-Discrimination The feeling of discrimination noted by the Afro-Colombians approached in this study indicates that the government and non-governmental organizations need to make efforts to develop programs on educating for diversity and non-discrimination. Along these lines, it i s suggestedthat a national campaign be developed in schools, worksites, government offices, and through the media on behalf of diversity and non-discrimination. RecommendationNo. 6: Institutional Strengthening Institutional strengthening means improving the capacities of grass roots organizations and placing the subject of ethnicity in public institutions. The fiscal crisis has limited the ability of the Directorate of Ethnic Groups of the Ministry of the Interior and Justice to attend to the requirements in this area. This has in turn generated a widespread weakening of the subject of ethnicity invarious government agencies. Actions Recommended: Strengthen the Directorate of Ethnicity of the Ministry of the Interior and Justice, both technically and financially, to monitor public actions. Specialized agencies at the central level should also be strengthened, particularly in the Ministries of Health, Education, the National Planning Department, the Office of the Attorney General, the Ministry of the Environment, Housing andTerritorial Development, andDANE. Without weakening the central level, thought could be given to a decentralized planningmodel and efforts through inter-institutional working groups in the departments and/or regions, with participation from representatives of ethnic groups with medium- and long-term agendas. The model of "indigenous affairs commissions" of the 1950s and 1960s could be reinterpretedwith a new scheme of ethnic participation and shared participation by regional entities as well as departments, development corporations, and municipalities. Conclusion The gaps in the well-being of Colombian ethnic groups compared to the rest of the society i s a study topic that has only recently begun to be explored. The historic remnants of the regions inhabited by indigenous and Afro-Colombian are generally difficult to access. Their economies have been extractive in nature (wood, gold, fishing) with a low accumulation of capital and a slight presence of public institutions. Furthermore, these are regions that have not made a demographic transition and which are losing population in a migratory process towards large urban centers. The migrants are searching for better opportunities and greater security, with regard to the internal armed conflict that the country i s experiencing. Security in the collective holding of the land given to the indigenous peoples and Afro- Colombians of the Pacific has contributed to stabilizing the rural population. Inthe case of Afro- Colombians, the collective territories are for the most part inmunicipality Group 1.There i s a gap between these municipalities and the rest of the country, exemplified by the weak presence of public institutions. Furthermore, health, education, and basic sanitary services are poorly adapted to the cultural and social specificities of the more traditional black communities. 39 THE GAP MATTERS: POVERTYAND WELL-BEING OFAFRO-COLOMBIANS AND INDIGENOUS PEOPLES The behavior of the groups studied leads us to believe that cities in groups 3 and 4 of this study such as Tumaco, Quibd6, and Buenaventura-the largest city of the Pacific40 not have the population that comes from the rural peripheries or the population that achieves a better education, going to the large urbancenters. In the cities, members of the ethnic groups become part of normal residential areas and mix in with other urban poor people. However, African descendentshave the additional burden of social exclusion due to racial discrimination. Colombia has not been fortunate in the design, formulation, and continuity in the public policies that take care of the needs of the regions in which the Afro-descendants live, in particular the Pacific region. There has been a lack of clarity and continuity with regard to the indigenous territories. The growing significance of public investment inregions where ethnic groups live, at higher rates than the national average, shows in the opinion of many specialists the historic baggage with regard to the attention of the state. Furthermore, the low administrative capacity of the regional and local public entities renders the investment ineffective. Finally, the services provided by the public institutions are poorly adapted to the specificities of the traditional indigenous and Afro- descendantcommunities. The municipalities of the Afro-Colombian population are highly dependent on the central level of government and have a very low capacity to generate their own income through the conventional mechanisms (property tax, for example). New strategies need to be devised for generating their own resources. The Law of Territorial Ordering (LOT) currently being debated in Congress, may provide an opportunity to createthese strategies. 40 Bibliography Agier, Michel and Odile Hoffmann. 1999. "Territorios de Comunidades Negras en la Costa Pacifica Colombiana. Interpretaciones de la Ley y Estrategias de 10s Actores." InTerritorios. BogotB. Alvarez, Manuela. 1999. "Prhcticas Espaciales y Regimenes de Construccidn de Ciudad en Tumaco." 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"La Conservaci6n de la Biodiversidad y Gesti6n Territorial de las Comunidades Negras" In Comunidades Negras: Territorio y Desarrollo. Revista Esteros. Medellin: Editorial Endimi6n. Sbnchez, Enrique; R. RoldBn and M.F. Shchez. 1993a. "Territorios Comunitarios Negros en el Pacifico Colombiano: UnEstudio sobre el Articulo Transitorio 55 de la Constituci6n Politica de 1991." BogotB: Departamento Nacionalde Planeaci6n. . 1993b. Derechos e Identidad. Los Pueblos Indigenasy Negros en la Constiticidn Politica de 1991.Bogotb: DisloqueEditorial. Sen, Amartya. 1999. Developmentas Freedom.New York: RandomHouse. Sen, Amartya and Martha Nussbaun, eds. 1999. The Quality of Life. New York: RandomHouse. Urrea, Fernando and Carlos Ortiz. 1999. "Patrones Socio-demograficos, Pobreza y Mercado Laboral en Cali. Cali: CIDSE-Banco Mundial-UNIVALLE. Vargas, Patricia. 1999. "Propuesta Metodol6gica para la Investigaci6n Participativa de la Percepci6n Territorial en el Pacifico." 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"Construcciones de lo Negro y del Africa en Colombia: Politica y Cultura en la Musica Costena y el Rap". In Claudia Mosquera, M. Pardo and 0. Hoffman, eds., Afrodescendientes de las Americas: Trayectorias Sociales e Identitarias. BogotB: Universidad Nacional de Colombia. World Bank. 2002. Colombia Country Assistance Strategy. Report No. 25129-CO. Washington, D.C.: The World Bank. 44 Bibliography Zulia, Mena. 1991. "La TerritorialidadUrbana en el Choc6" InMm'a del Carmen Casas et al, ed., Colombia: MultiCtnica y Pluricultural. BogotA: Esap. Zuluaga, Francisco y Mario Romero. 1993. "Comunidades Negras del Pacifico: Territorialidad y Econom'a" Revistu Universiduddel VulleN"5.Cali: Universidaddel Valle. 45 THE GAPMATTERS: POVERTYAND WELL-BEINGOFAFRO-COLOMBIANS AND INDIGENOUS PEOPLES 46 Annex 1 Methods for Setting Up Workshops inthe Field andInterviews The main goal for setting up workshops and interviews was to get an in-depth knowledge of ethnic groups' perception regarding the concept of quality of life and the specific elements that comprise it. The study also sought to determine the priority and evaluation that these population sectors give to the various elements involved inthe quality of life understood by most people how to "live well." To set up the workshops, three communities base were selected-two indigenous protected areas andanassociation of black community councils, a social organization of black communities and anurbansettlement of black communities inBogot6. This selection was made to observe urbanas well as rural situations and various organizational processes. Workshop with black communities: 0 FranciscoPizarro township, Vereda el Novillal/Salahonda Narifio, Association of Community Councils of the Patiariver delta (ACAPA). July 6 0 Buenaventura Valley. Process of Black Communities (PCN). July 8 0 Bogot6, Villa Rosita district -Foundationof life. July 13 Workshops with indigenous communities: 0 Indigenous Protected Area of Cristiania, Municipality of Jardin Antioquidrepresentational organization de Cristiania (Ember6 Cham' people)-Indigenous organization of Antioquia (OM). July 24 0 Municipality of Caldono, Vereda el Pescador-indigenous representational organization of Siberia (CIF'ASLA). August 3 The following table shows the population in question for holding workshops and interviews. Table A.l.l: Quality of LifeWorkshops AFI; CAN-COLOMBIAN INDIGENOUS Urban Ru21 Urban Rui :I Traditional Andeanand territories Settlers Amazonian others Migrant families that Traditional Families and People from Cubeo Pasto seek better communities that African- the Amazon Witoto Naza opportunities inthe live in collective Colombian regions, Muinane Gumbiano city, many displaced territories communities that particularly Tatuyo Arhuaco by el domestic occupied since the moved to the from the Tikuna Embera armed conflict. 18" century inthe department of Caqueta Puinabe Sicuani Tend to group forest region of the Putumayo in the region, Inga themselves Pacific Amazon region to residents in kamsa residentially. work inthe oil Bogota fields. 47 THE GAP MATTERS: POVERTY AND WELL-BEINGOFAFRO-COLOMBIANSAND INDIGENOUSPEOPLES Methods Workshops By means of a collective exercise, the workshops sought to identify and clarify the concept of quality of life in the community, the elements that are necessary for a good quality of life or without which it i s not possible, the ranking according to priority and the evaluation of each of these factors, to finally be able to determine the current condition of the community's life by means of an evaluation scale. The point of departure was a perception built into the leader's dialog. By means of these methods, work in groups made it possible to get a critical overview of all of the factors. The group came up with a preliminary ranking and eliminated factors it did not consider as being fundamental. Then, it combined, added or subtracted factors. This i s a very complex critical process that reveals interests and conceptions. The group work and the discussion to some extent prevents the leader from imposing or drawing others to hisposition. Methodologically, the workshops adheredto the following steps: Group definition of concepts Initial perception -dialog with the workshop leader - Work in small groups (minimumof 3) elements that make up the quality of life Compilation of the work done in groups Group work: prioritization Discussionamong the group leadersto make a common proposal of elements and priorities that will be taken to the entire group for discussion. Collective drafting of a weighting table. Evaluation of the local situation. Preparation of a localquality of life index. (Only done for indigenous communities). Inthe first exercise-Exercise 1-that started off the workshop, the participants prepared the concept of quality of life and the elements required for this from their perspective. This exercise was carried out in subgroups of 4 to 5 people, in 15-20 minutes. After this exercise was completed, each subgroup explained to the entire assembly the general consensus regarding the concept and the elements selectedas indicative of the quality of life. After all the elements were explained, the representatives of each group had to rank them according to their importance and this result was to be provided to the entire group, which decided whether there was a consensus on the rank provided by the representatives or if it should be revised. In this part of the exercise, the group also attempted to place elements together and tried to end up with the fewest possible number of fields or to emphasize those elements considered as fundamental. The prioritization of elements that resulted from their rank, continued with the following exercise-Exercise 2-which sought to give a value to each of the variables selected by the group. This evaluation was done by an exercise that consisted of giving 20 cards to each group, which they had to distribute among each of the elements that had been selected in the previous exercise. 48 Annex 1 As a final result of the entire exercise, the community could establish the index of quality of local life according to their culture, expectations and needs. In some workshops this led to a very interestingdiscussion on the strategic lines of work of the organizations. The discussions were carefully monitored by the leaders or outside observers. It was easy for people to establish sets of 3 values. For exa-mple, according to the same example of the Patia river: Table A.1.2: Necessary Elements for a Good Quality of Life High value Middle value Low value Territory The collective The territory i s inthe The territory i s not territory is legalized process of being legalized legalized Housing Housinghas Housingonly has one Housinghas none of electricity and clean of these two services these services water near Health There are Western and There i s only There i s no healthcare traditional medical traditional healthcare care TheInterviews This exercise-performed like a game and with no theoretical pretensions-was used by the authors to identify the main factors that the people in the groups consulted considered to be part of their concept of "living well." This was supplemented with interviews that had a structure similar to the workshop. During the interview, people individually did their own exercise of identifying factors, evaluatingand weighting them. A total of 98 guided interviews were conducted. Each interview was conducted according to a guide that the interviewer had and was tape-recorded. The interviewers were almost always African-Colombian or indigenous. Of the interviews, 51 were conducted corresponded with African-Colombians and 47 with indigenous persons. Among the African-Colombians, 35 interviews were conducted in Bogota with displaced persons and migrantsof which there were 30 women and five men, for the most part from Nariiio, Cauca, Chocd and Valle. The rest of African-Colombians lived in the municipality of Port Caicedo in Putumayo-16 interviews-7 women. 47 indigenous people were interviewed Cubeo, Pasto, Wayu, Cocama, Witoto, Muiname, Embera, Tatuyo (PirB Paranb), Muruy, Tikuna, Puinave, Sicuani, Arhuaco, Inga, Kamentza The results of the interviews were compiled in a response table and analyzed according to the frequency of the elements as illustratedbelow. 49 THEGAPMATTERS:POVERTYAND WELL-BEINGOFAFRO-COLOMBIANS AND INDIGENOUSPEOPLES Table A.1.3: Group Concepts of "Living Well" IndigenousResponse Table Frequency Health 14 Housing 10 Education 13 Goodrelations 5 Self-governance 7 Chaman 7 Food 8 Identity 7 Territory 10 Spiritual 1 No armed forces 2 Exercise of own law 2 Money 1 Family 3 Security and peace 1 Recreation 2 Work 6 Health 7 Communication 1 Political participation 1 Table A.1.4: Frequency of "Living Well" Elements Order of Priority 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 Housing 3 4 3 2 Health 5 6 4 1 Education 1 3 5 Food 3 1 1 Good relations 1 Self-governance 1 2 Territory 4 Identity 2 3 1 1 Safety 1 1 Communication 1 Own language 1 Work 2 1 1 The interviews are rich in concepts that were used in the preparation of this report. To illustrate these interviews, one i s transcribed that was conducted with a Sikuani indigenous: 50 Annex 1 1.What doeslivingwell meanfor you or your community? Reply. Living inpeace with nature and others. Having good relations with your parents and friends. For these relations to be permanent. Livinghas more of a spiritual than material sense. Having a spiritual life means havinggood relations inthe community and this i s living well. 2. What does livingbadly mean? Reply. Living with envy-like Siquirriri, a mythic character of Sikuani-Vivir origin; it is badto be far from the community 3. Tell me what is necessaryfor a community to live well? Reply. 0 Having a territory where you can live in safety 0 Have a good education 0 Culture as a pattern that guides the life of the community, particularly education 0 Have enough food 0 Health 0 A good relationshipwith nature 4. Let's take the things that you have said andrankthemaccordingto their importance Reply. 1. Havinga safeterritory 2. Food 3. Culture 4. Education 5. Health 5. Which of these things could a community do without and which could it not do without for it to Reply. The territory i s the life of the community. Culture and education go together. Currently, the culture i s more threatened than the territory. The community cannot do without any of the things Ihave mentioned. 6. What are the principal needs of your community? 51 THE GAPMATTERS: POVERTYAND WELL-BEINGOFAFRO-COLOMBIANS AND INDIGENOUS PEOPLES Organization. We have many problems in organizingourselves into communities and regional organizations and indigenous zones. 7. What does the following mean for you Reply. To be able to have enough food. This i s havingenough and a variety of food products from hunting,fishingand from the Conuco (garden plot) b) To have good housing? Reply. It needs to be large, to hold several families. For us, a small dwelling i s a sign of small- mindedness. Housing is inrelation with the Conuco, the crop fields and it i s important for the Conuco to be large and varied. c) What does healthmean for you and what does good health mean? Reply. Health i s more spiritual than physical.To have good health i s to have a good spiritual life, to be without fear. d) What does education mean for you and what does havinga goodeducation mean? Reply. Goodeducation i s part of one's culture. But one shouldbe bicultural so we can learn things from white people that we need. e) What does having good worldemployment relations mean for you? Reply. It means having sufficient territory, where it i s possible to have a good conuco. f) To haveagood recreation? 52 Annex 2 Predominantly African-Colombian Communities Considered inthe Study, According to Population and Region Valle del Cauca Buenaventura 4 227.478 14.40% Choco QUIBDO 3 102;003 35.39% Magdalena Cienaga 3 130,610 49.29% Nariiio TUMACO 3 115,674 49.48% Antioquia Apartado 2 67,591 16.66% Antioquia Chigorodo 2 38,660 22.77% Antioquia El Bagre 2 38,792 37.28% Antioquia Murind6 2 2,329 38.64% Antioquia Nechi 2 9,463 31.59% Atlantico Polo Nuevo 2 11,224 18.67% Atlantico Sabanagrande 2 17,027 6.33% Atlantico Sabanalarga 2 66,309 34.03% Bolivar San Estanislao 2 14,161 27.47% Bolivar San Juan Nepomuceno 2 31,245 36.22% Bolivar Soplaviento 2 12,327 38.67% Bolivar Turbana 2 10,361 20.16% Bolivar Villanueva 2 13,151 18.69% Cauca Puerto Tejada 2 38,249 10.34% La Guajira Riohacha 2 97,289 20.77% La Guajira San Juan del Cesar 2 30,052 27.35% Magdalena El Banco 2 54,992 33.08% Magdalena Fundacion 2 51,251 29.14% Magdalena Plato 2 48,629 39.26% Sucre Buenavista 2 7,449 26.51% Sucre San Onofre 2 38,931 35.74% Sucre To16 2 28,424 37.86% Vale del Cauca Jamundi 2 48,145 31.21% Antioquia Arboletes 1 20,260 62.86% Antioquia Belmira 1 5,114 72.74% Antioquia Carepa 1 26,951 56.09% Antioquia Mutatd 1 10,542 73.23% Antioquia Necocli 1 28,125 77.00% Antioquia Pueblorrico 1 9,198 51.23% Antioquia San Juan De Uraba 1 15,989 54.29% Antioquia San Pedro De Uraba 1 23,226 69.87% Antioquia Turbo 1 78,529 60.82% Antioquia Vigia Del Fuerte 1 7,219 66.32% Atlantico Ponedera 1 13,961 46.29% Bolivar Mahates 1 18,412 62.39% Bolivar Maria la Baja 1 36,474 62.56% Bolivar San Fernando 1 9,207 82.78% Bolivar San Martin de Loba 1 29,001 79.87% Bolivar San Pablo 1 20,965 56.22% Bolivar Talaigua Nuevo 1 21,446 79.85% Cauca Buenos Aires 1 14,624 93.25% Cauca Caloto 1 31,709 90.07% Cauca El Tambo 1 38,073 92.80% Cauca Guapi 1 23,505 57.51% Cauca La Vega 1 22,201 93.33% Cauca Lopez 1 17,289 91.42% Cauca Padilla 1 8,705 64.01% Cauca Santander de Quilichao 1 69,660 56.52% Cauca Suarez 1 20,177 62.95% 53 THE GAP MATTERS:POVERTYAND WELL-BEINGOFAFRO-COLOMBIANS AND INDIGENOUSPEOPLES Cauca 1 Cesar Astrea 1 16,323 63.01% Cesar Pelaya2 1 13,812 40.91% Cesar Tamalameque2 1 13,134 72.16% Choc6 ACANDI 1 10,056 58.27% Choco ALTO BAUDO (PIE DE PATO) 1 17,394 90.93% Choc6 BAGADO 1 13,596 76.06% Choc6 BAHIA SOLAN0 (MUTE) 1 7,505 63.56% Choco BAJO BAUDO (PIZARRO) 1 20,862 75.95% Choco BOJAYA (BELLAVISTA) 1 9,173 92.24% Choco CONDOTO 1 15,914 51.12% Choco ISTMINA 1 31,011 61.95% Choco JURADO 1 4,280 56.71% Choco LITORAL DEL SAN JUAN 1 7,667 88.91% Choco LLORO 1 9,489 82.97% Choco NOVITA 1 8,150 82.13% Choc6 NUQUI 1 5,176 49.00% Choco RlOSUClO 1 28,635 83.61% Choc6 SIP1 1 2,063 91.27% Choc6 TAD0 1 20,551 66.12% Choc6 UNGUIA 1 11,666 73.36% Cordoba Canalete 1 11,829 82.73% Cordoba Moiiitos 1 17,686 80.66% Cordoba Puerto Escondido 1 10,887 74.88% C6rdoba Puerto Libertador 1 16,207 56.37% Cordoba Sahagljn 1 92,069 57.77% Cordoba San Andres Sotavento 1 41,885 89.83% Cordoba San Antero 1 17,669 41.72% Cordoba San Bernard0 Viento 1 24,555 71.46% Cordoba San Pelayo 1 31,746 84.96% La Guajira Barrancas 1 24,264 53.29% Magdalena Cerro San Antonio 1 17,992 72.18% Magdalena Chivolo 1 14,067 43.21% Magdalena El Piiion 1 14,867 70.80% Magdalena Guamal 1 19,920 70.21% Magdalena Pedraza 1 12,669 81.68% Magdalena Pivijay 1 43,850 55.35% Magdalena Puebloviejo 1 15,164 42.08% Magdalena Remolino 1 11,966 52.20% Magdalena San SebastianDe Buenavista 1 15,551 73.61% Magdalena SantaAna 1 28,838 70.40% Magdalena Tenerife 1 18,746 70.73% Nariiio BARBACOAS 1 22,071 79.27% Nariiio EL CHARCO 1 15,806 74.56% Nariiio MAGUI 1 8,883 76.36% Nariiio MOSQUERA 1 8,040 72.14% NariAo OLAYA HERRERA 1 21,495 68.81% Nariiio PIZARRO 1 7,075 47.27% Nariiio ROBERTO PAYAN 1 8,903 90.19% Nariiio SANTA BARBARA 1 15,476 77.37% San Andres Providencia 1 3,840 65.89% Sucre Caimito 1 8,875 75.10% Sucre Coloso 1 8,152 56.78% Sucre La Union 1 8,400 58.54% Sucre Majagua1 1 27,998 75.70% Sucre Toluvieio 1 18,610 72.68% Valle del Cauca Candelaria I 52,783 67.35% Source: Basedon DNP 2001 and DANE 1993 54 Annex 3 Index of Living Conditions and their CorrespondingPoint System VARlABLE POINTS VARIABLE Points EducationandHumanCapital 39.44 Access and quality of services 27.42 1.Levelofeducationattainedbythe headofthe household 7. Sanitary service None 0.00 Doesnot have sanitary service 0.00 Elementaryincomplete 3.46 Latrine 2.78 Elementarycomplete 7.37 Shallow water 2.97 Secondaryincomplete 9.41 Bathroom with connectionto sewer or septic Secondarycomplete 10.53 tank 1.14 College incomplete 11.42 8. Water supply College completeor more 11.52 River or stream 0.00 2. Average educationlevel, persons12 andolder Well, cistemor drilledwell 0.78 None 0.00 Coveredtank or public well 4.01 Elementary incomplete 2.39 Elementary complete 6.54 Secondaryincomplete 9.68 Secondarycomplete 11.54 Coal, oil, cookingoil - 4.83 College incomplete 12.11 Gas or electricity 6.67 College completeor more 12 31 10.Waste collection 3. Children12-18who attendsecondaryschool or the Throw it in ahole, ditch or dump 0.00 university Bum or bury it 1.59 None 0.00 Throw inthe river or bumed 2.59 At leastone attends 4.37 Collected by trash service 6.62 No childrenof this age 5.66 Size andcompositionof the home 20.25 11.Children6or underinthe home None 0.00 Morethan2 children6 or under for each3 0.00 At leastone attends 0.00 peopleinthe home No childrenof this age 5.69 Between 1and2 childrenunder 6 for each3 *peopleinthe home 0.72 All attend 9.95 No children under 6 7.45 Qualityof housing 12.90 5. Materialof thedwelling's walls 7 or more peopleper room 0.00 No walls, guadua, cane 0.00 6 peopleper room 2.47 Roughwood 0.59 5 peopleper room 3.73 Bahareque 0.71 4 peopleper room 5.01 Zinc, canvas, cardboard 1.64 3 peopleper room 5.84 Mudwall or adobe 2.29 2 peopleper room 7.78 Block, brick, stone, pre-fabricated 6.11 Fewerthan 2 peopleper room 12.80 6. Predominantflooring materialof the dwelling lMAxIpvnrmpoINTs 100.00 Dirt 0.00 Source: DNP, Social mission. Roughwood, boards,planks 3.18 Cement 4.33 Tile, finishedwood, vinyl, brick, carpet, marble. 6.79 55 THE GAPMATTERS: POVERTY AND WELL-BEINGOFAFRO-COLOMBIANSAND INDIGENOUSPEOPLES 56 Annex 4 The Forced Displacement of Ethnic Groups InformationonDisplacedEthnic Populations Statistical information on forced displacement in Colombia i s very relevant for the evaluation of this phenomenon given the difficulty of establishing actual figures that can be easily proven regarding the number of persons displaced, their characterization and their current situation. There are various systems for calculating the displaced population, including the Information System of Displaced Persons (SISDES), used by the Consultancy for Human Rights and Displacement (CODHES), the Information System on the DisplacedPopulation of the Episcopal Conference of Colombia known as RUT and the System for Estimating Forced Displacement by Contrasting Sources (SEFC). Some of the methodological problems raised by these systems in collecting information on forced displacement of ethnic groups are related to the following factors: the mobility of the displaced population that moves continuously constantly before finally settling down; the resistance of people to register as displaced either for fear of retaliation from armed forces or other causes that result inthe person remaining anonymous. problems associated with the initial collection of information, through official forms or other information systems. the problem of ethnic self-recognition in the collection of information. The only declaration form has shown that the question of ethnicity has had problems with regard to the lack of clarity, the way the question i s asked andthose who declare their ethnicity. TheData Of all the displaced personsbetween January 2000 andJune 2002, it i s estimated that 17.72% are black population and 3.75% are indigenous. Thus, 20.5% of the displaced population over two and a half years are from ethnic groups3'. This situation, which becomes more acute with the intensification and dynamics of the armed conflict, has lead to estimates that the figures on displacement of ethnic groups for the period 2003, have increased without these statistics being brokendown. One of the main reasons that supports the increase in the displacement of this population i s the armed confrontation in the indigenous and African-Colombian collective territories occupied by 30CODHES (SISDES)2003 statistics. 57 THE GAPMATTERS: POVERTY AND WELL-BEINGOFAFRO-COLOMBIANS AND INDIGENOUS PEOPLES outside armed forces seeking refuge and territorial control. The majority of these territories are located in strategic zones where the different interests and forces come into play with regard to the natural resources(gold, oil, silver, biodiversity), the paths of access and communication, illicit crops, etc. For the year 200031,CODHES inthe map of regional assignment, showed at least three corridors of intense confrontation, where indigenous and African-Colombian peoples are located: "One North-South axis is particularly critical in the disputefor the Pacific and the south of the country; another EastNest axis that goes from Urabri to Catatunbo (North of Santander), both border zones; and a third axis of displacementthat goesfrom theformer zone of expansion to the center of the country". Accordingly, considering the significance of the territorial component in the displacement of ethnic groups, the study should point out that one of the most important factors in this context is the conflict between the ownership of the land and the economic interests related to the territory. The design, development and execution of agricultural, agro-industrial and livestock projects, and large infrastructure projects (construction of strategic highways, hydroelectric dams, etc.); the territorial appropriation of illegal activities such as drug traffic and the extracting activities of soil and subsoil resources; are some of the main factors that affect the displacements of ethnic groups considering the violence involved inland appropriation for the carrying out of these activities. This situation has resulted in increased pressure from armed forces on indigenous and African- descendant people who live inthese strategic zones, leading to assassinations and disappearances of leaders, massive displacements, and the break-up of social and cultural processes, etc. The ethnic groups most affected by this situation32have been the indigenous embera, inthe regions of the high SinG (C6rdoba) and UrabB, in Juradb (Chocb), the indigenous Uwa in the north of Boyacfi, the indigenous people of the High Naya (Cauca), the indigenous peoples of the Sierra Nevada of Santa Marta and Highland del Perija and the African-Colombian communities in the Urabfichocoano, the low and middle Atrato (Chocb), Montes de Maria and the south of Bolivar33. The Social Solidarity Network (RSS) and CODHES agree that those directly responsible for these violent actions that have affected the indigenous and African-Colombian peoples, and which have resulted in their displacement are the guerrilla groups, paramilitaries, official armed forces and cross fire among these forces. The percentages of the responsibility of each of these groups are imprecise and vary according to each source. Impact of the Displacementamong the Indigenous and African-Colombian Peoples It is a reality that the forced displacement in Colombia has given rise to an unlimited number of consequences that are increasingly visible in Colombian society. For the specific case of indigenous and African-Colombian peoples, the impact of this phenomenon i s closely related to their affect on the social and community structures of these peoples and the consequences thereof. Listed below are some fundamental aspects are established indicating the violent actions of the armed forces as a whole on the ethnic groups and which have resulted intheir displacement: The breaking of the community ties of life and the maintenance and running of theforms of the communities' intemal government. These effects are caused by the contradictions, conflicts and 3144 CODHES Bulletin. 32The ethnic groups cited herein, are those that have been most characterized and identified, which does not exclude the existence of other cases of equal or greater degree of influence. 33Report from the HighCommission of the United Nations 2000. 58 Annex 4 divisions that those responsible for the disturbance bring into the communities: the demand for young people (young men and women) to recruit to their detachments; the self-proclamation of the armed forces as agents of justice or the government, replacing community authorities; the destruction of the traditional values and internal orders and their replacement by the orders and rules imposed by the newly arrived. The effect i s all the more serious as the imposition of the new conditions are supported, far from any ethical validation, in a whimsical willingness of the commanders or agents of the drugtraffic. The disturbance of the economic life and the forms of traditional work practiced by the communities. This disturbance i s experienced in a number of ways. One of the more significant ways i s by taking family members away from traditional daily activities, due to the demands of the armed groups or drug trafficking agents for the local people to occupy positions in their groups. Another i s the forced exodus of entire communities to urban centers, with the abandonment of their land, housing and belongings. One other, among many, i s the forced abandonment by many families of their methods of shared work (minga (collaboration), exchange of labor, etc.) due to the general upset andthe divisions and conflicts among neighbors caused by the armed forces. The breaking oflfrom the traditional ways of managing nature and use of the natural resources and defense of the ecosystems. The followingpartly the occurrence of this effect: the introduction inthe regional economy of illicit crops as a source for financing the armed conflict andenriching other sectors that sponsor it; the support granted by the agents of the armed groups, and on a number of occasions, the tolerance of the government officials for illegal activities carried out in the forests and mines, frequent forced contributors of the armed groups; the changes in values and the ways of working among families of the communities, that inducethem to easy enrichment. Deterioration of the conditions of people's and communities' quality of life. The consequences of the armed confrontation, the territorial battles and the heavy pressure of the armed forces on the population, has altered the traditional patterns of life of the indigenous and African-Colombian peoples and communities, diminishingthe conditions of their quality of life. Factors such as food and health have been seriously affected by the violent actions inflicted on the collective communities, as detailedbelow. The loss and deterioration of the cultural identity: The breakdown of the social structures and the cultural references of the ethnic groups that have been affectedby the violent actions of the armed forces has resulted in an accelerated process of loss and deterioration of cultural identity. This situation i s reflected inthe absence of a common imagery. Specificities of the Indigenousand African-Colombian Displacement One of the most significant aspects on the topic of displacement of indigenous groups i s the characterization of each of these populations and their specific situations of displacement. There are particular cultural characteristics of each ethnic group that influence their behavior vis-&vis the forced displacement and that in the end must be considered when establishing programs for their assistance. Table A.5.1 shows some of these differences. 59 THE GAP MATTERS:POVERTYAND WELL-BEINGOFAFRO-COLOMBIANS AND INDIGENOUSPEOPLES Table A.5.1: Displacementof EthnicGroups Displacementof ethnic groups ~~ Indigenouspopulation African-Colombian population Seeks to returnto their territory of The probability of returning to the origin place of origin i s less. Seeks other indigenous communities. Moves by stages seeking large cities. Their displacement is generally from Their migration generally takes placed ruralzonesto ruralzones from rural zones to urban zones. Has serious problems inadapting Are more adept at adapting and culturally inthe urbanzones becoming integrated to urban life Can be more easily assimilated into The displacement is worsened as a cities result of the exclusion due to racism Migrates with the entire family, for phenotypical and cultural reasons. The indigenous displacement i s The displacement takes place first massive and temporary with some members of the family, wherein the wife i s very important Direct violence i s the main reasonfor the displacement. The displacement i s generally drop- by-drop and seeks to settle down The indigenous populationtends to permanently. resist outside pressuremore. The displacement does not only occur The mobility in space has resulted in for reasons associatedto violence, but the indigenous being less vulnerable also for conditions of poverty and the when for reasons of Force Majeure search for opportunities. Occasionally, they have to move to refuge sites it is difficult to differentiatewhen it Seeks relatives inother communities involves forced or economic of the zone displacement. The black population i s more prone to conditions of terror. They are more susceptible to economic blockages, which results ina large displacement Black communities do not have a cultural tradition of migration as a group, which makesthem vulnerable faced with a forced displacement Seeks relatives and same age group in cities. 60 Annex 4 TheAfrican-Colombian Displacement 34 Different sources affirm that the African-Colombian population has been one of the human groups most affected by the phenomenon of forced displacement in Colombia, principally by being located in the zones of major armed confrontation of the country. For the year 2002, CODHES reported that Chocb-with 73.4% of its population composed of African-Colombian communities-is the department that leads in the expulsion (4,498/100,000 inhabitants) and reception of population (3,678/100,000 inhabitants). The Atrato river valley, in this department, with an expulsion rate higher than that of the department (6,648/100,000 inhabitants), i s the region of the country with the second highest expulsion rate, followed by Catatumbo (14,007/100,000 inhabitants). For the year 2002 and 2003 [sic], the solidarity network does not have official displacement figures of the African-Colombian population. For the same periods, CODHES reported that at least 33% of the total population expelled in Colombia, i.e., 83,650 people, were African- Colombian. These figures show that the period of 2002 was a dramatic year for the displacement of black communities, during which massacres occurred as the one recorded in the municipality of Bojayfi andVigia del Fuerte -Choc6 inthe first period of 200235. According to CODHES estimated data, in their annual report36that contains a detailed study of the situation of the forced displacement, the expulsion rate of African-Colombian communities i s 20% higher than the rest of the country: whereas at the national level, 586 people are expelled for every one hundred thousand inhabitants, the rate of the African-Colombia communities reached 736 for each one hundredthousand. These figures that quantify the reality of the forced displacement in communities of African- descent explain the growing social and cultural impact that this sector of the population i s currently dealing with. There does not appear to be a satisfactory response from the public consideringthat special programs with a differential focus neither been planned nor implemented. Moreover, there has not been a precise study that characterizes the situation of the forced displacement of African-Colombian communities, their different dynamics and the status of their settlement. Indigenous Displacement Indigenous peoples constitute another of the sectors significantly affected by the forced displacement in the country. As with African-Colombian communities, indigenous people live in zones strategic for the armed forces, who play out their territorial disputes in the territories in question. For the period 2002 and 2003, the Solidarity Network had no official figures with regard to indigenous displacement. There are estimates that show an increase in the displaced population in this period, which coincides with the figures reported by CODHES where it i s estimated that for the period 2002, approximately 12,649 indigenous people had to abandon their ancestral territories due to pressure from armed groups. 34Within the principal studies conducted until 2002 regarding the displacement of the African-Colombian displacement, are those conductedby the PopulationFocus Teamof the Social Solidarity Network in2000- 2001 andthe studies conductedby CODHES on ethnic groups in2001-2002. 35Report of the office in Colombia of the High Commission of the United Nations for Human rights regarding their observationmission inthe MiddleAtrato. 36Bulletin 44 of 2002. 61 THE GAP MATTERS: POVERTYAND WELL-BEINGOFAFRO-COLOMBIANS AND INDIGENOUS PEOPLES This figure represents 1.75% of the total of the indigenous population of the country, and corresponds to 5% of the total of those displaced in Colombia. The most critical situation is experienced by the Embera peoples, in the departments of Choc6 and C6rdoba; the peoples of KamtzB, Huitoto, Siona, Inga, Embera, AwB and Pasto, in the departments of CaquetB and Putumayo; and the peoples of Kankuamos, Wiwa, Kogui, Arhuacos and Yukpas of the Sierra Nevada de SantaMarta and Highland de PerijB. These figures increase according to the data managedby the indigenous organizations where it i s estimated that in 2002, more than 21,720 people were subjected to this type of forced confinement: 5,500 Kankuamos in the Sierra Nevada de Santa Marta (25%); 4,300 Nasas (Paeces) of the High Basin of the Naya river (20%); 4,000 Baris of the Highland of the Motilones, in the Basin of the Catatumbo (18%); 2,760 Emberas from the Middle Atrato, in the department of the Choc6 (13%); 2,500 Yukpas of the Highland of the PerijB (12%); 1,850 Emberas in Dabeiba, Antioquia (9%); and 800 Emberas of Carmen de Atrato, in the Andean subregion of the Chocd (4%). Figures provided by various sources regarding the magnitude of the indigenous displacement for 2002-2003, coincide as to the increase innumber of people and families displaced from ancestral territories, without however, there being a consolidation of official figures for this period. TheDifferentialFocus The Social Solidarity Network and the social institutions of the National System of Integral Assistance to the Population Displacedby Violence (SNAIPD) have recognized the need to adopt a differential focus with regard to the forced displacement of indigenous and African-Colombian peoples. The differential focus37,implies recognizing that each population group has different interests with respect to (`types, rhythms and purpose of productive activities and social reproduction; use and distribution of time; forms of use, production and distribution of knowledge; methods of territorial occupation and management; organization and purposes of community actions; forms of exercising power; the social infrastructure and production; forms of use of transportation; personal and professional services; personal and group safety; configuration and use of public and private space; recreation and leisure; nutrition, etc.; among others " Everything appears to indicate that there continues to be a methodological and programmatic lack regarding awareness of the indigenous and/or African-Colombian displaced person. Currently, awareness i s raised regardless of the group, which in practice goes against the application of a differential focus. 37CompleteGuide to the Displaced Population. Population Focus Chapter. 2001, 62