GENDER GAPS IN PERU AN OVERVIEW GENDER GAPS IN PERU AN OVERVIEW © 2018 International Bank for Reconstruction and Development / The World Bank 1818 H Street NW Washington DC 20433 Telephone: 202-473-1000 Internet: www.worldbank.org This work is a product of the staff of The World Bank with external contribu- tions. The findings, interpretations, and conclusions expressed in this work do not necessarily reflect the views of The World Bank, its Board of Executive Directors, or the governments they represent. The World Bank does not guarantee the accuracy of the data included in this work. The boundaries, colors, denominations, and other information shown on any map in this work do not imply any judgment on the part of The World Bank concerning the legal status of any territory or the endorsement or acceptance of such boundaries. Rights and Permissions The material in this work is subject to copyright. Because The World Bank encourages dissemination of its knowledge, this work may be reproduced, in whole or in part, for noncommercial purposes as long as full attribution to this work is given. Any queries on rights and licenses, including subsidiary rights, should be addressed to World Bank Publications, The World Bank Group, 1818 H Street NW, Washington, DC 20433, USA; fax: 202-522-2625; e-mail: pubrights@worldbank.org. TABLE OF CONTENTS List of figures 5 ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS 7 INTRODUCTION AND OVERVIEW 9 1.1. Purpose and scope 9 1.2. Methodology 10 1.3. Overview findings 11 CHAPTER 1: THE AGENCY OF WOMEN 17 1.1 The legal and institutional framework for gender equality 17 1.2 Manifestations of the lack of agency 20 1.2.1 Political representation 20 1.2.2 Violence against women 22 1.2.3 Social attitudes towards women and 27 aspirations CHAPTER 2: ENDOWMENTS 33 2.1 Health 33 2.1.1 Life expectancy, mortality and 33 morbidity 2.1.2 Fertility trends 34 2.1.3 Maternal mortality and access to health 35 services 2.1.4 Contraceptive use and teenage pregnancy 38 2.2 Education 41 2.2.1 Literacy 41 2.2.2 Gender gaps in enrolment 41 2.2.3 Attainment/dropout and performance 42 2.2.4 Factors that explain differences in completion 43 CHAPTER 3: ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITIES 45 3.1 Labor force participation 45 3.2 Unemployment 47 3.3 Quality of employment 48 3.4 Entrepreneurship and access to finance 49 3.5 Time use 51 3.6 Earnings 52 CONCLUSIONS 55 References 57 Annex 1: The legal and institutional framework 59 for gender equality in Peru LIST OF FIGURES Figure 1: Key take-aways and priorities identified 11 Figure 2: Gender Inequality Index value 2015 12 Figure 3: Main developments and persistent gender 15 gaps in Peru Figure 4: Social Institutions and Gender Index value, 18 LAC 2014 Figure 5: National representation of women (%) 20 Figure 6: National representation of women in 21 Andean countries (%) Figure 7: Local representation of women (%) 23 Figure 8: Share of women who experienced violence 24 by partner, 2014 Figure 9: Share of women who ever experienced 26 physical violence by spouse or partner 2015 Figure 10: World Values Survey responses on gender 29 attitudes 2013 and 2006 Figure 11: Fertility rate, total (births per woman) 34 Figure 12: Fertility rate by location, level of 35 education and wealth quintile Figure 13: Maternal mortality rate (per 100,000 36 women), modeled estimate Figure 14: Percentage of births attended by skilled 36 staff – rural and urban areas Figure 15: Contraceptive use prevalence 39 Figure 16: Adolescent fertility rate 40 Figure 17: Share of young women (15-19) who have 40 a child or are pregnant Figure 18: Tertiary education enrolment rates, net 41 Figure 19: Reasons not to be enrolled in education 43 (basic and higher) 2016 Figure 20: Labor force participation LAC 2015 46 Figure 21: Labor force participation by location 46 Figure 22: Labor force participation by civil status 47 and children Figure 23: Type of employment 48 Figure 24: Female/male with an account at a 50 financial institution Figure 25: Female/male with an account at a 50 financial institution LAC Figure 26: Unpaid working time 2010, hours 51 Figure 27: Labor income 52 (hourly income in nominal LCU) Figure 28: The objectives of the National Plan on 62 Gender Equality 2012-2017 ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS This note was prepared under the Gender Analysis work pro- gram (P164267) by Carmen de Paz (Consultant) and Miriam Muller (TTL, Social Scientist). Gonzalo Rivera Gallegos (Consul- tant) provided valuable research assistance. The note benefitted from the inputs from Ana Maria Oviedo (Senior Economist), Ve- ronica Cronembold (Consultant) and peer reviewers Maria Beat- riz Orlando (Lead Social Development Specialist) and Elizaveta Perova (Senior Economist). INTRODUCTION AND OVERVIEW 1.1 PURPOSE AND SCOPE Closing the existing gender gaps will be required to boost shared prosperity and maximize poverty reduction efforts in Peru over the coming years. Gender inequities are not only unfair from an ethical and social perspective, but also econom- ically inefficient. Greater gender equality can raise overall pro- ductivity, improve development outcomes, especially of the next generation, and lead to more representative decision making.1 According to a study by Teignier and Cuberes (2016), only the long term average per capita income loss stem- ming from excluding women from labor markets amount- ed to 13.56 percent in Peru in 2011. Access to economic op- portunities by women is particularly important in the context of a rapidly unfolding demographic transition characterized d by the end of the demographic dividend and population ageing in the country. This review of gender issues aims to uncover the main gender gaps in the country, and to identify potential pol- icy recommendations that could help closing them in the coming years. The note is an input to the development of a Gender Action Plan for the Andean Countries under the Gender Analysis Work Program (P164267). As such the note lays out a descriptive overview of gender gaps in endowments, economic 1 World Bank 2012 9 opportunities and agency – the explanation of sentation and violence against women, time the observed situation is outside the scope of use, and attitudes towards women; Chapter 2 this note. provides an overview the situation with regards to the main endowments of health and educa- 1.2 METHODOLOGY tion; and Chapter 3 deals with the existing gen- der gaps in economic opportunity – labor force The note applies the analytical framework participation and unemployment, the quality devised by the WDR 2012 on Gender Equal- of employment, earnings, entrepreneurship ity and Development. Chapter 1 covers the and access to finance. The main sources of legal and institutional framework and the issue data used for the analysis are outlined below. of the agency of women – e.g. political repre- Sources of data for the analysis • The World Development Indicators World Bank database has been used for the sections on health and education, entrepreneurship and access to finance. • The SEDLAC (Socio-Economic Database for Latin America and the Caribbean) database has been used for the education and labor markets section. • The ECLAC database has been used for political representation and legislation. • The HHS – Encuesta Nacional de Hogares - ENAHO has been used in the sections on ed- ucation and labor markets. • DHS - Encuesta Demográfica y de Salud Familiar ENDES - data has been used for the sec- tion on gender-based violence and on health. • A dedicated survey - National Time Use Survey 2010 – has been used in the section on time use. • World Values Survey data (last wave) have been used in the section on gender attitudes. • Estimations from the UN have been used in the section on contraception use. Gender Gaps 10 in Peru an overview This draft review is the result of the first stage in the assessment process. The 1.3 OVERVIEW note mainly reflects an initial descriptive exer- FINDINGS cise, and will be revised after the completion Peru has made substantial progress in the of stakeholder consultations in the countries; promotion of gender equality in recent the results of such consultations will not only decades, particularly in access to educa- help identify additional literature and research tion and health services. With regards to on specific issues, but also help to prioritize the education, the small existing differences in ed- key gender gaps to be addressed based on the ucational attainment and completion at the way discussions on the issue are currently tak- secondary and tertiary levels are to the detri- ing place in the country. ment of boys. Maternal mortality rates, access Figure 1: Key take-aways and priorities identified KEY TAKE-AWAYS AND PRIORITIES IDENTIFIED • Rural and indigenous women’s access to education and health services remains a chal- lenge. • Teenage pregnancy rates remain high among the poorer segments of the population and among rural women. • The quality of women’s labor force participation remains a problem (high informality, low wage employment, sectoral and occupational segregation and lower earnings). • Women’s representation in decision-making, both in politics and in companies is low. • Violence against women is a severe problem in the country and effective access to ser- vices remains low – hence women’s protection from violence is not guaranteed. • Women carry the burden of unpaid work. • Traditional gender norms are perpetuating the existing gender gaps in the country. 11 Figure 2: Gender Inequality Index value 2015 0,7 0,6 0,5 0,4 0,3 0,2 0,1 0 Uruguay Cuba Costa Rica Chile Trinidad and Tobago Mexico Saint Lucia Argentina El Salvador Peru LAC Ecuador Colombia Brazil Bolivia (Plurinational … Panama Venezuela (Bolivarian … Honduras Nicaragua Paraguay Dominican Republic Guatemala Haiti Source: UNDP 2016 ** 1 imparity, 0 parity to contraception and adolescent fertility have in most dimensions considered including ma- evolved positively and compare favorably to ternal mortality, labor force participation and other Andean countries. Peru has also made access to secondary education.3 Peru fares bet- important advances in the development of an ter than other Andean countries including Ec- adequate legal and institutional framework for uador, Bolivia and Venezuela.4 gender equality, and with regards to female la- However, some very important differ- bor market inclusion – the country shows one ences between women and men still per- of the highest rates of FLFP in LAC. sist in the country (see Figures 1 and 3). Evidencing these improvements, Pe- More specifically, gender gaps are still large in ru´s UNDP gender inequality index2 value access to quality jobs and in entrepreneurship. in 2015 was below – if only slightly – the Women´s access to financial products is one average in LAC (see Figure 2); this indicates a of the lowest in the world. In addition, women comparatively lower level of gender inequality continue being under-represented in politics, 2 The UN Gender inequality index focuses on maternal 3 The country ranked 87 out of 188 countries included in the mortality ratios, adolescent birth rate, share of women index worldwide. in parliaments, population with at least some secondary 4 LC6 Andean Countries include Peru, Bolivia, Chile, Venezu- education, and labor force participation rates. ela and Ecuador. Gender Gaps 12 in Peru an overview regardless of the existing 30 percent quota for cases, rural women tend to be more disadvan- candidates’ lists, and in firms´ management. taged than women living in cities. However, There are also important differences between national aggregates ignore these very relevant men and women regarding the use of time intersections.5 and the distribution of household and caring In addition, gender-based violence con- tasks; this, together with the disproportionate tinues being a major social issue, largely in representation of women in informal work ex- connection with the lack of adequate en- plain the existing large gender wage gaps. En- forcement of the existing norms. According trenched traditional gender norms, which may to the most recent DHS data (2014) 70.8 percent have strengthened over time in the country, of women who have had a partner reported suf- underpin the persistence of the observed gaps. fering some kind of violence by the husband or Moreover, national data hide very rel- partner. Moreover, women victims appear to be evant rural-to-urban and ethnic gender largely helpless; most of them do not search differences. There is evidence that gender for assistance, in particular institutional, due to inequality combines with other social factors the perception of lack of effective support. The such as residence and ethnicity in Peru. Women prevalence of patriarchal social norms often with an indigenous background, for instance, leads women victims to stay with their abus- tend to be much more disadvantaged than ers. Institutions appear to lack the necessary non-indigenous women across all dimensions capacity to curtail this phenomenon, and the analyzed. The rural-urban background also enforcement of related regulations is poor. contributes to shaping gender gaps: In most 5 World Bank 2011 13 Some key takeaways from Consultations held in March 2018 After completion of a first draft of the gender notes for the Andean countries, consultations were held in Bolivia, Ecuador and Peru with local stakeholders (CSO, academia, develop- ment partners) to gather insights, data and information on the key gender gaps and validate the information provided in the notes. The folloring priorities emerged during those consultations: • Gender-based violence, teenage pregnancy, and the low quality economic opportunities were highlighted as priority areas. • The importance of persistent and traditional social norms that identify the role of women in the home as caregivers and not as actively pursuing work and income was referred to strongly and multiple times as one of the drivers behind some of the most pervasive gen- der inequalities observed. • More attention is needed to diminish inequalities between rural and urban women: In fact, national or regional average data may not speak to the many different realities of different women (intersectionality). Knowledge gaps and areas to focus more: • The impact of climate change and resulting migration on gender relations was raised in all three countries as one area where more evidence and knowledge is needed. • Better use of data: Even if gender disaggregated data may be available in countries, sta- tistical offices may not have the capacity to process and analyze it sufficiently. Valuable information hence remains underexplored. • The importance of better data on gender-based violence, including the support in setting up a comprehensive information system between different service providers was also mentioned. • Promoting women’s economic opportunities may have positive preventive effect on gen- der-based violence – which as mentioned is among the key gender priorities in all the three countries visited. • The importance of gender-sensitive infrastructure was also raised. Gender Gaps 14 in Peru an overview Figure 3: Main developments and persistent gender gaps in Peru PERU STATUS OF GENDER ISSUES IN LC6 COUNTRIES ENDOWMENTS ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITIES AGENCY SUCCESSES AND PROGRESS • Educational gaps in primary and secondary • Female labor force participation • With the exception of the criminalization of education enrollment have been closed. is among the highest in the abortion, the legal and institutional framework for region; the gender gap in labor gender equality in Peru appears to be advanced. • Significant reductions in maternal mortality and force participation is also Significant increases in female political now comparable to regional standards. comparatively small. representation in the past two decades both at • Increase in births attended by skilled staff from 60 natonal and local levels. percent (2000) to 90 percent (2014). • Adolescent fertility rate has decreased and remains below the LAC average. NEW AND PERSISTING CHALLENGES • Contraception use remains comparatively • Gender gaps in labor force particiaption are • Female political represenattion remains slightly low. larger when there are childern in the HH, below the regional standards, despite the 30 per- especially when they are younger. cent quota in all candidates’ lists, probably in con- • Significant urban-rural and also ethni- nection with the lack of a zipper system. cal divides exist in access to maternal • Gender differences persist with regards to num- services. ber of hours worked and the types of occu- • In addition, violence against women is a persis- pations or sectors. tent and concerning social issue. • Reverse gender gaps (to the advantage of girls) can be identified in completion • The share of women in wage employment, • Most women victims do not search for assis- and in secondary and tertiary education wich is associated with higher benefits and sta- tance, and even less so for institutional aid. The enrolment. bility, is much lower than that of men. share of women victims of violence that searched for assistance is low and has been constant for most of • At the tertiary level, a growing and large • Women are disproportionately represented the period: In 2004, 40.7 percent of women who ex- gap can be observed to the advantage of in informal work, part-time jobs, and in tra- perienced any form of violence searched for assistan- women. ditionally female sectors and occupations. ce in ther close environment, and only 24.2 percent • The reasons for boys and girls to drop • Large earning gaps persist, much above those turned to institutions for help. Carazas et al. 2015 out differ: work is more important for observed in other LAC countries. Wage differen- • Traditional patriarchal social norms contribute boys, and household chores for girls. ces are mostly driven by informal employment to perpetuating teh existing gender gaps. (almost no gap in formal wage employment). • In line with regional trends, the incidence • A majority of unpaid work is carried out by wo- of ttenage preganancies is higher in • The presence of women in management or men in Peru (17hs per week by men versus 42.5hs rural areas among poorer women. ownership of firms is low for regional standards, by women). These differences are more pronoun- as well as their access to financial products ced in rural areas, in the presence of children (e.g., bank accounts and loans) and among working age women-men. 15 Gender Gaps 16 in Peru an overview CHAPTER 1: THE AGENCY OF WOMEN 1.1 THE LEGAL AND INSTITUTIONAL FRAMEWORK FOR GENDER EQUALITY The legal framework for gender equality appears to be comparatively advanced in Peru. Peru ranks low in the OECD Social Institutions and Gender Index 2014 (SIGI)6 7 - 31 out of 108 countries worldwide. This indicates a relatively high level of in- stitutional gender equality, especially with regards to son bias, restricted physical integrity and restricted civil liberties. LAC on average shows good results in the SIGI, and Peru still lags behind many countries in the region. In particular, the country ranks medium in the areas of discriminatory family law and access to resources (see Figure 4 below). However, Peru´s ranking in this area is above that of other Andean comparator countries such as Ecuador, Bolivia and Venezuela. 6 The OECD Development Centre’s Social Institutions and Gender Index (SIGI) is a cross-country measure of discrimination against women in social institutions (formal and informal laws, social norms, and practices). The index covers five dimensions of discriminatory social institutions, spanning major socio-economic areas that affect women’s lives: discriminatory family code, restricted physical integrity, son bias, restricted resources and assets, and restricted civil liberties. The SIGI’s variables quantify discriminatory social institutions such as unequal inheritance rights, early marriage, violence against women, and unequal land and property rights. 7 The SIGI comparison is included in this section because it has a strong focus on legal and institutional gaps. 17 Figure 4: Social Institutions and Gender Index value, LAC 2014 0,18 0,16 0,14 0,12 0,10 0,8 0,6 0,4 0,2 0 Argentina Cuba Trinidad And … Dominican … Panama Venezuela Ecuador Brazil El Salvador Costa Rica Bolivia Paraguay Peru Colombia Honduras Guatemala Jamaica Haiti Nicaragua Source: OECD ** 1 imparity, 0 parity No substantial legal differences appear located to its implementation across sectors – to exist between women and men in the e.g. judiciary, police, etc. The National Program country. Peru is one of the 18 countries cov- against Family and Sexual Violence received 59 ered (out of 173) in the Women, Business and percent more money in 2017 than in 2016, but the Law report where no legal differences were this is mainly devoted to the emergency centers identified between men and women. 8 The and telephone hotline. The same sources indi- country has signed and ratified all the most cate that not only resources but also capacity relevant international instruments in this area, building will be required to improve the imple- and passed national legislation mandating or mentation of the law by institutions such as the promoting gender equality in all key spheres of police. 9 Additional analysis on the adequate life (see annex 1). enforcement of gender equality legislation However, enforcement issues seem to would be necessary. persist. Some sources for instance indicate that the new law on Violence against Women 9 Constitutional lawyer Beatriz Ramírez and spokesperson remains ineffective due to the lack of budget al- of Flora Tristán, a specialized NGO, Diana Miloslavich - http://rpp.pe/politica/gobierno/la-ley-no-es-suficiente- para-detener-la-violencia-contra-las-mujeres-en-el-peru- 8 World Bank 2016 noticia-1090472 Gender Gaps 18 in Peru an overview Institutions for gender equality The Regional Councils for Women are present in 19 Regional Governments as consultative and interlocution spaces with women. As a response to the endemic problem of violence against women in the country, the Pe- ruvian Ministry for Women and Vulnerable Populations decided to create in 1999 the Cen- tros Emergencia Mujer as part of the National Program against Sexual and Family Violence. During the period 1999-2014, the number of WJC centers has grown from 13 in the first year to 226 by the end of 2014, covering 100% of the 24 regions of Peru and 96% of the provinc- es. The WJC centers are specialized police or judicial institutions whose main purpose is to improve access to justice to victims of domestic violence by providing legal, psychological and medical support. 10 The Observatory of Violence against Women established by the Law N°. 30364 on Violence against Women, is in the process of being developed. The main objectives of the Observa- tory will include monitoring, collecting, producing and systematizing public policies and international commitments adopted by the State on gender equality. The Ministry for Women and Vulnera- for the promotion and protection of gender ble Populations is the main agency in the equality exist in the country (see below). 12 area of gender equality in Peru.10Created by MESAGEN (Mesa de Género de la Coop- Decree Nº 1098, the Ministry is in charge of the eración Internacional en el Perú) also plays an integral development of women, the strength- important role in advancing women’s rights. ening of families and of equality of opportu- This is an international assistance and coordi- nity between men and women. The law on its nation group that promotes gender equality Organization and Functions specifically estab- and empowerment of women, girls, and ad- lishes that the Ministry is the ruling agency with olescents in Peru through collaboration with regards to the national and sector policies on public, private, and civil society organizations. women, 11 which revolve around the National The organization operates in three ways: 1) pro- Plan on Gender Equality 2012-2017 (see Annex mote international assistance on gender equal- 1 for further details). Other relevant institutions ity and rights for women, girls, and adolescents; 10 Kavanaugh et al. 2017 11 Source: Plan Nacional de Igualdad de Género 2012 - 12 Source: Plan Nacional de Igualdad de Género 2012 - 2017 2017 19 Figure 5: National representation of women (%) % of women in parliament % of women ministers 60 100 50 80 40 60 30 20 40 10 20 0 0 1990 1998 2000 2002 2004 2006 2008 2010 2012 2014 2016 I II III Peru LAC Men Women Source: ECLAC ** I: 2006-2009 II:2009-2013 III:2013-2017 2) create spaces of dialogue between interna- tional assistance and public, private, and civil 1.2 MANIFESTATIONS society organizations; and 3) carry out joint ac- OF THE LACK OF tivities on gender equality and rights of women, AGENCY girls, and adolescents. MESAGEN’s main priori- ty areas are gender-based violence prevention, 1.2.1 Political representation political participation of women, gender main- Despite its steady growing trend with the streaming in public policy, and gender sensitive establishment of a 30 percent quota, the educational policies.13 share of women represented in Parliament is still low in Peru compared to the LAC aver- age and relative to other Andean countries. The Peruvian legislation mandates a quota of at least 30 percent of women in candidate lists. 14 As shown in Figure 5 below (left-hand graph), until the introduction of the gender quotas in 1997 the representation of women in the Pe- ruvian Parliament barely exceeded 10 percent; 13 http://mesagen.pe/ 14 Rodríguez Olivari 2013 Gender Gaps 20 in Peru an overview Figure 6: National representation of women in Andean countries (%) Female MPs, 2016 Women ministers 2016 53,08 37,96 60,9 27,69 72,6 72,2 70,8 83,7 22,16 15,83 39,1 27,4 27,8 29,2 16,3 Chile Venezuela Perú Ecuador Bolivia Venezuela Perú Ecuador Bolivia Chile Female Male Source: ECLAC after the adoption of this measure the share of en the position of women in political parties, female MPs increased to above regional aver- increase the number of capable, educated age levels for most of the period. 15 The share women with the necessary professional expe- of female parliamentarians, however, also rience in the field of politics and management showed a significant upward trend in LAC as of states and have a symbolic function in terms a whole, faster than that of Peru since 2011. In of women’s political participation.16 However, 2016 the percentage of women parliamentari- the existing quota in Peru is low compared to ans reached 27.7 percent in the country com- those established in other countries in the re- pared to 28.8 percent in LAC. Peru shows lower gion. Moreover, this measure is not effectively shares of women parliamentarians than other enforced in the country, since parties often po- Andean countries with lower income levels in- sition most women candidates at the end of cluding Ecuador and Bolivia (see Figure 6). their lists. The National Office for Electoral Pro- The comparatively poorer representa- cesses, among others, promotes a legal reform tion of women in Peru is probably related that mandates a zipper system of alternate to the lower existing quota and the lack of male-female candidates in all lists to ensure a zipper system. Quotas generally strength- that quotas are effective. 15 Poskočilová 2015 16 Poskočilová 2015 21 The share of women ministers has in- in Peru since 1998, and much below that ob- creased in the last legislature, but is also served in LAC on average (2.9 compared to 13.4 relatively low. The percentage of women percent in 2016) (see Figure 7, left-hand graph). appointed as ministers has grown from 2006- This is likely to be a result of the lack of alterna- 2011 to 2011-2016, and then declined again in tion in candidates´ lists, and to the prevalence 2016 (see Figure 5, right-hand graph). In 2017, of social norms preventing women from partic- 31.6 percent of the ministries were occupied by ipating at the local level, reflected for instance women (INEI 2017). Most of them are in charge in violence and harassment towards female of areas more traditionally associated with politicians. 19 Although the share of women in women´s social roles (e.g., Ministry of Women local councilor positions has been higher than and Vulnerable Populations, Health, Develop- that observed in the rest of the region for much ment and Social Inclusion, Environment and of the period, it became lower – at around 28 Justice and Human Rights).17 A recent study percent – since 2014 (see Figure 7, right-hand has connected the increase in female minis- graph). The share of women in top judiciary ters with factors related to parliamentary quo- bodies in Peru is also substantially lower than tas, such as the enhanced bargaining power of that observed in LAC on average – around 15 women, more suitable female candidates with percent compared to almost 30 percent as re- contacts, a more evident support from voters gional average. to having women represented in government, the decreased risk of negative impacts on the 1.2.2 Violence against women credibility of the government and the possibili- Femicide20 is a concerning phenomenon in ty to reflect on the advantages of having better all LAC countries. An escalating number of balanced political institutions. 18 Yet, the share violent female homicides committed by men of women ministers in Peru is lower than that in the last two decades have compelled Latin observed in other Andean countries with low- American countries to adopt specific measures er income levels including Ecuador and Bolivia to curtail this phenomenon, especially after the (see Figure 6). Convention of Belém do Pará, such as the in- The local representation of women in lo- clusion of “femicide” as a specific aggravated cal bodies as well as their presence in top crime in countries’ legislation. Despite the dif- courts is also lower than the regional aver- ficulties in measuring and comparing the inci- age, especially among mayors. The percent- 19 https://peru21.pe/politica/peru-5-alcaldes-son-mu- age of women mayors has kept almost constant jeres-186301 20 Femicide is generally understood to involve the 17 INEI 2016 intentional murder of women because of their sex, 18 Poskočilová 2015 and most usually by their current or former partners. Gender Gaps 22 in Peru an overview Figure 7: Local representation of women (%) of women mayors % of women local councilors 20 70 60 15 50 40 10 30 5 20 10 0 0 1998 2000 2002 2004 2006 2008 2010 2012 2014 2016 1998 2000 2002 2004 2006 2008 2010 2012 2014 2016 Peru LAC Peru LAC Source: ECLAC dence of these types of crimes across countries, decreased from 19 to eight during that same related to the lack of capacity, under-reporting, period.24 However, the available data in this re- etc., the region appears to have one of the high- gard are not reliable and may not offer an ac- est rates of femicide in the world. curate picture about the real incidence of this This is also the case in Peru. Between phenomenon. Indeed, the Ministry for Women 2009 and 2016, 952 cases of femicides were re- and Vulnerable Populations highlighted that ported.21 According to the existing official data, since the Law on Violence against Women was the femicide rate, close to 0.6 percent in 2016, passed in 2015 the number of femicides has in- has been constantly decreasing over the last creased – the number registered in 2017 rela- ten years, and remains low for regional stan- tive to that of 2015 was 32 percent higher. This dards.22 For example, the cases of intimate fe- may be related to the enhanced easiness to micide23 decreased from 135 in 2009 to 92 in identify these types of crimes, although further 2016. In addition, non-intimate femicide cases analysis would be necessary in order to under- stand the drivers of this change. Data from the 21 INEI 2017 22 ECLAC - however, comparability of this data remains ques- 2017 INEI report on gender gaps also revealed tionable given the potential differences in capacity and that in 2016, 64 percent of victims of femicide efforts to register and monitor these murders as femicides were between the ages of 18 and 34, and more 23 Intimate femicide refers to femicide committed by partner, ex-partner, or family member while non-intimate femicide refers to femicide committed by a stranger such as neighbor, friend, or client, as defined by INEI 24 INEI 2017 23 There are also economic costs of domes- Figure 8: Share of women tic violence. One study by GIZ (2013) found who experienced violence by that intimate partner violence has high costs partner, 2014 for businesses, and affects the labor produc- tivity of the victims, as well as their abusers Sexual violence 7,9 and colleagues. The authors examined various data including from the 2011 Demographic and Psychological violence 69,4 Health Survey regarding women’s experienc- es of violence, and found that the total annu- Physical violence 32,3 al costs of domestic violence were estimated at $6.7 billion and equivalent of 3.7% loss of Source: DHS GDP driven by diminishing productivity. Anoth- er study found that 71.2% of female owners of microenterprises experienced intimate partner than half of the cases between 2009 and 2016 violence at least once during the relationship.28 occurred inside of the house. Peruvian microenterprises lose between 1,982 Domestic violence can have important and 2,417 millions of dollars per year, which is repercussions for the entire household, the equivalent of 1.2% of national GDP, from in- especially for children. For instance, a re- timate partner violence. Other conclusions on cent study found that exposure of the mother the economic impact of gender based violence to such violence increases the probability of include the following: female victims of inti- grade repetition for children below 11 years of mate-partner violence lost between 42.9 and age.25 Exposure to domestic violence can be 47.3 productive days by year; female owners psychologically harmful to children, and is of- of microenterprises that experienced intimate ten associated with physical violence against partner violence in the last month worked 1.6 children and neglect.26 This type of violence has times slower than usual; 98.3% of the female for instance been associated with internalizing victims had to use out-of pocket expense for behaviors in children, with decreased parental their physical and mental health in the past ability – and mental health – of mothers par- month; and female owners who experienced tially mediating this relationship in a sample of violence in the past month were 1.6 times more urban migrants in Peru.27 likely to miss or not open their business be- cause of sickness (Ibid). 25 Alcazar and Ocampo 2016 26 UNICEF 2016 27 Kohrt et al. (2015) 28 GIZ 2015c Gender Gaps 24 in Peru an overview Domestic violence remains a concern- graph). Physical violence also appears to be ing social problem in Peru. According to the more common among women in the middle most recent DHS data (2014) 70.8 percent of quintiles of income (II, III and IV), and particular- women who have had a partner reported suf- ly low among women in the wealthiest quintile. fering some kind of violence by the husband However, domestic violence is not restricted to or partner, including psychological or verbal low-income households: With the exception of abuse (67.4 percent), physical violence (32 per- the wealthiest quintile, the share of women re- cent), and sexual abuse (7.9 percent) (see Fig- porting some form of violence across quintiles ure 8). At the same time, the number of cases is remarkably similar.30 A recent study using of family violence registered by the police has DHS (ENDES) data (2016) confirmed that low grown steadily, by around 78 percent, between educational attainment, low socioeconomic 2005 and 2014. The increase in reported cases status and urban residence increased the like- may be a reflection of improvements in social lihood of abuse; however, the most significant awareness on the issue, progress in women´s risk were having witnessed parental domestic empowerment or higher trust in institutions, violence and having experienced physical pun- although further analysis would be required to ishment during childhood.31 identify these associations. Moreover, it must Most women victims do not search for be noted that official data is likely to underesti- assistance, and even less so for institu- mate the real incidence of this problem.29 tional aid. The share of women victims of vi- Violence tends to be more common olence that searched for assistance is low and among middle-lower income, urban and has been constant for most of the period: In less educated women, and among those 2014, 40.7 percent of women who experienced who have witnessed or experienced do- any form of violence searched for assistance in mestic violence in childhood. The percent- their close environment, and only 24.2 percent age of women who ever experienced physi- turned to institutions for help. 32 In addition, cal violence by a spouse or partner is higher while 91.5 percent of female owners of micro- among urban than rural populations (Figure enterprises that experienced violence sought 9, left-hand graph), and lower among women help from family members, only 18.6 percent with higher education (see Figure 9, right-hand went to the police.33 This is largely related to the perception that institutions will not provide 29 The rates reflected in the DHS compare favorably to the WHO 2005 survey, which used a more suited 30 World Bank 2017 methodology to capture the prevalence of violence. Moreover, the under-reporting of gender-based 31 Castro et al. 2017 violence is common across countries, often leading 32 Carazas et al. 2015 to substantial under-estimations in official data. 33 GIZ 2015c 25 Figure 9: Share of women who ever experienced physical violence by spouse or partner 2015 By location By level of education 32,7 Higher 24,5 29,9 Secondary 35 Primary 35,3 No education 35,2 Urban Rural Source: ENDES adequate help, and to the prevalence of patri- believed that if they were not poor, institutions archal social norms preventing women from would be more responsive to their needs.35 trying to change their situation. Social barriers to leaving abusers are Institutions do not provide effective also persistent. According to a qualitative support to women´s victims. On the state study, although Peru was one of the first Latin level, women’s emergency centers and shel- American countries to criminalize domestic vi- ters are chronically underfunded. According to olence, women still face substantial personal a recent qualitative study34, various institutions and institutional barriers to leaving their abus- have failed to help in particular impoverished ers. Personal obstacles include the attitudes women to leave their abusers, either because of family members who put pressure on these they are indifferent to the abuse (police, pros- women to stay in their relationships and cultur- ecutors), inaccessible to victims (governmen- al ideals of what it means to be a “good” wife tal agencies), or have inadequate resources to and mother.36 Indeed, out of the femicide cases provide assistance (shelters). Many of the wom- registered over the last four years less than a en interviewed attributed the difficulties they fourth ended up in a condemnatory sentence; had in accessing resources to poverty—they in half of these cases the sentence was lower than 15 years in prison.37 35 Alcalde 2010 34 Based on qualitative interviews with 38 Peruvian women, 36 Alcalde 2010 the majority of whom were indigenous or mestizas. 37 https://thewire.in/165270/ill-tell-story-violence-wom- Gender Gaps 26 in Peru an overview Access to justice seems to be very rele- 1.2.3 Social attitudes towards vant in this regard. A recent study found that providing better access to justice for women women and aspirations can reduce domestic violence, femicides and Patriarchal social norms are persistent in female hospitalizations for assault and have relevant areas such as labor markets and positive spillovers on children’s human capi- decision-making. Around 17.6 percent of tal. After the opening of the Centros Emergen- participants in the 2013 World Values Survey cia Mujer 38, femicides and hospitalizations for in Peru agreed with the statement that men assault declined by 2-7 percent and children should be given priority over women at times improved their school attendance by 2 percent. of jobs scarcity. In addition, around 19 percent Moreover, larger benefits are seen in girls at agreed that men make better political leaders school. In addition, women resort more to for- than women, while around 14 percent believe mal institutions in case of violence, suggesting that men are better business executives. More an increase in trust on state institutions which strikingly, violence against women is justified might lead also to an improvement in women’s by a still large share of the population.41 Only intra-household bargaining power.3940 65.5 percent of the surveyed population an- swered that beating a wife is never justified in en-peru/ 38 WJC centers are specialized police or judicial insti- 2013. In addition, over 50 percent considered tutions whose main purpose is to improve access to abortion never justifiable and 23 percent held justice to victims of domestic violence by providing the same view with regards to divorce (see Fig- legal, psychological and medical support. 39 Kavanaugh et al. 2017 ure 10). Social norms also play a considerable 40 During consultations, GIZ shared Information about role in determining education policy.42 their regional program ComVoMujer (“Combatir la Vi- olencia contra las Mujeres en Latinoamérica”) which aims to promote collaboration among the state, non- children have been educated on the topic and 1,800 state, and private sectors in fighting gender-based teachers have been trained. violence in Peru, Bolivia, Ecuador, and Paraguay. 41 One report by the GIZ found that found that the tradition- The project improves exchange of experiences, les- al roles of men and women in society throughout history sons learned, and cooperation between regional contribute to the root causes of violence against wom- and national actors, and promotes partnership with en. Similarly, another report by GIZ highlighted that the the private sector. The initiative seeks to reduce vi- change of attitudes on gender and masculinity during the olence against women (with a focus on preventive 18th century played a significant role in the reduction of violence against women during that time. approaches) through a regional orientation involving actors from different sectors (private sector, govern- 42 Social norms are also relevant to education. For example, in 2016, the “Con mis hijos no te metas” movement oc- ment institutions, universities, civil society, women’s cured in response to policies by the Peruvian government organizations and networks, and media). Results of on implementing a gender approach in schools. Conse- the project include: “Ruta Participativa: ¡De salto en quently, the gender curriculum had to be taken out of salto a la violencia ponemos alto!” The program is di- schools and is pending final vote from the Supreme Court, rected at boys and girls between the ages of 6 and 9 reflecting the influence of radical and conservative views on the topic of violence prevention. More than 17,000 in hindering progress on gender equality. 27 The evolution of the survey results Social norms may give shape to wom- between 2006 and 2013 suggests that en´s aspirations or internal drivers of these traditional gender norms may have agency. Having the possibility of overcoming strengthened in Peru.43 For instance, the a gender gap through, say, the availability of a share of respondents who disagreed with the specific service, does not necessary entail that statement that men should be given priority at women will have effective access to it; indeed, times of job scarcity was higher in 2006 than in aspirations, self-esteem or knowledge are all 2013: 71 percent compared to 63 percent. It is important aspects operating as internal con- also noteworthy that while in 2006 80 percent of straints to agency; these therefore deserve sim- respondents disagreed with the statement that ilar attention in intervention design, and are men make better political leaders than women, often shaped to a large extent by the existing this share declined to 75 percent in 2013 (see social norms in the close entourage of wom- Figure 9).The CEDAW Committee has expressed en and girls. Interventions aimed at improving its concern over the prevalence of such dis- specific female development outcomes may at criminatory social norms in its last recommen- the same time improve their agency by focus- dations. Further research in this area would be ing on internal aspects of agency. Perova and necessary to adequately assess changes in so- Vakis (2013) offer several examples of interven- cial perceptions over the period. tions where the agency of women has been improved directly or indirectly for the specific Peruvian context. 44 43 Traditional gender attitudes are seen at schools. For example, gender curriculum had to be taken out of the school and is pending final vote from the Supreme Court. Radical and conservative positions have gained relevance and power in the country making progress in this area more difficult. Manifes- tations under the slogan ‘Con mi hijo no te metas’ are reflective of their opposition to the curriculum. 44 Perova and Vakis (2013) Gender Gaps 28 in Peru an overview Figure 10: World Values Survey responses on gender attitudes 2013 and 2006 When jobs are scarce, men should have more When jobs are scarce, men should have more right to a job than women - 2013 right to a job than women - 2006 71,2% 63,4% 17,6% 16,1% 17,3% 9,3% 1,1% 1,9% 2,1% Agree Neither Disagree No Don’t 2006 Agree Neither Disagree No answer know answer If a woman earns more money than her husband, Having a job is the best way for a woman to it's almost certain to cause problems - 2013 be an independent person - 2013 60,9% 43,9% 25,1% 26,4% 18,2% 16,9% 1,2% 3,4% 1,4% 2,7% Agree Neither Disagree No Don’t Agree Neither Disagree No Don’t answer know answer know On the whole, men make better On the whole, men make better political leaders than women do - 2013 political leaders than women do - 2006 69,1% 44,8% 30,3% 14,8% 14,7% 4,1% 4,2% 11,1% 1,8% 2,3% 2,7% Agree Agree Disagree Strongly No Don’t Agree Agree Disagree Strongly No strongly disagree answer know strongly disagree answer 29 A university education is more important A university education is more important for for a boy than for a girl - 2013 a boy than for a girl - 2006 51,5% 70,6% 30,5% 5,3% 9,0% 14,7% 1,7% 2,0% 10,5% 1,9% 2,3% Agree Agree Disagree Strongly No Don’t Agree Agree Disagree Strongly No strongly disagree answer know strongly disagree answer On the whole, men make better business On the whole, men make better business executives than women do - 2013 executives than women do - 2006 51,5% 68,9% 28,2% 11,5% 12,0% 14,0% 3,3% 1,4% 4,0% 1,8% 3,2% Agree Agree Disagree Strongly No Don’t Agree Agree Disagree Strongly No strongly disagree answer know strongly disagree answer When a mother works for pay, the Being a housewife is just as children suffer - 2013 fulfilling as working for pay - 2013 44,7% 36,8% 29,4% 29,2% 17,4% 13,8% 8,9% 7,1% 5,6% 1,6% 3,6% 2,0% Agree Agree Disagree Strongly No Don’t Agree Agree Disagree Strongly No Don’t strongly disagree answer know strongly disagree answer know Gender Gaps 30 in Peru an overview Never Never Never justificable justificable justificable 57,4% 65,5% 23,3% 2 2 2 13,8% 7,3% 10,9% 3 3 3 6,5% 6,1% 5,5% 4 4 4 4,1% 6,5% 4,9% 5 5 5 3,3% 16,4% 8,8% 6 6 6 1,4% 7,8% 2,1% 7 7 7 0,6% 6,5% 2,1% Divorce - 2013 Abortion - 2013 8 8 8 1,2% 7,8% 2,1% A man to beat his wife - 2013 9 9 9 0,6% 4,6% 0,8% Always Always Always justificable 1,2% justificable 9,9% justificable 2,1% No answer 0,6% No answer 1,6% No answer 1,5% 1,9% Don’t know 1,0% Don’t know 2,2% Don’t know 31 Improving the agency of women in Peru Juntos is a CCT program implemented in Peru since 2005; it offers eligible families a month- ly cash transfer conditional on attending regular health controls for children under 5, school attendance of children 6-14 and attending prenatal and post-natal check-ups. Corredor Puno-Cusco is focused on the promotion of savings through incentives among rural women with low incomes; for that purpose, it provides technical assistance in the use of financial services. The Innovative Socio-economic Interventions against Tuberculosis (ISIAT) project offers TB affected families integrated community and household socio-economic interventions aim- ing to enhance uptake of TB care and reduce poverty. As part of the project, Community workshops focusing on gender equality were pragmatically complemented with the facilita- tion of income-generating activities for both sexes; and with the promotion of TB screening for women as well as for men during all community and household events. The existing research suggests that these programs have achieved their objectives. Juntos has increased welfare outcomes of beneficiary families, as well as their utilization of medical services (Perova and Vakis, 2009); the Corredor Puno-Cusco program improved the financial inclusion of rural indigenous women (Trivelli and Yankari, 2008); while ISIAT interventions have shown positive impacts on a number of TB related outcomes (Rocha et al., 2011). While these programs were successful in achieving their goals, the evidence suggests that they also contributed to enhancing the agency of their beneficiaries. In some cases, the programs jointly lifted external and internal constraints. In other cases, the programs only affected one component of agency – external or internal – and the beneficiaries’ agency expanded due to a joint effect of the program and some additional factor, which addressed the other component. As an example, econometric analysis suggests that enrollment in the Juntos program is associated with a 9 percent decrease in physical violence and an 11 percent decrease in emotional violence, (Perova, 2009). In addition, evidence from the qualitative studies sug- gests that participating in the Corredor program significantly raised the ahorristas’ level of control over resources. Source: Perova and Vakis (2013) Gender Gaps 32 in Peru an overview CHAPTER 2: ENDOWMENTS 2.1 HEALTH 2.1.1 Life expectancy, mortality and morbidity Life expectancy and mortality rates show the usual trend for a LAC upper-middle income country. Life expectancy is higher for women than men, and it has been increasing steadi- ly since 1996 for both groups. Female life expectancy in Peru, at 77.4 years in 2015, is however slightly lower than the LAC average of 78.4.45 Mortality rates for both men and women have been de- creasing over the last two decades. The gender gap in mortality is small in Peru for regional standards largely because male mor- tality is much lower. Both male and female mortality are higher in Peru than the UMI average, although the gender gap is similar. The main cause of death among women is cancer: 22.6 percent of deaths in 2014 compared to 20.7 percent among men. Acci- dents, on the contrary, account for 13.2 percent of deaths among men compared to only 5.2 percent among women. Circulatory illness is the second cause for both groups, accounting for 14.8 of deaths among women and 16.6 percent of deaths among men.46 Some gender gaps can be observed in morbidity, al- though the reasons for these trends are not clear. The share of women with chronic health conditions is much higher than 45 WDI 46 INEI 2016 33 that of men and it has been rapidly growing over the last years. In 2016, 40.6 percent of Figure 11: Fertility rate, total women reported having chronic health prob- (births per woman) lems compared to only 32.2 percent of men.47 3,5 Potential factors explaining this trend include 3 the long and growing working hours of wom- 2,5 2 en, or more frequent health checkups among 1,5 women than men. However, further research 1 would be necessary in order to confirm these 0,5 associations. Although the risk to suffer mental 0 1996 1997 1998 1999 2000 2001 2002 2003 2004 2005 2006 2007 2008 2009 2010 2011 2012 2013 2014 2015 illness is the same among men and women, the incidence of serious depression is higher Peru LAC UMI among the later. 48 HIV/AIDS is more frequent Source: WDI among men than women; yet the number of reported cases among women who have been infected by their partners has been increasing the age structure of the population, and are re- in recent years. 49 Girls generally show better lated to shifts in values, life styles, and sexual health outcomes than boys. For instance, girls and marital behaviors, such as the increasing have a lower incidence of chronic malnutrition use of contraceptives and the postponement in and lower incidence of anemia. 50 the age of marriage and childbirth. 51 Moreover, the drop in fertility explains the progressive in- 2.1.2 Fertility trends corporation of women to the labor market in The marked drop in fertility rates appears Peru. According to a recent study, 27 percent of to have been a major driver of women´s the total increase in women’s rate of employ- labor market inclusion in Peru. The fertility ment between 1993 and 2007 can be attributed rate in Peru has decreased from above 3 births to the reduction in fertility rates.52 per woman in 1996 to less than 2.5 in 2015 (see Fertility is higher among rural women, Figure 11). However, it is higher than that regis- women with lower educational attainment tered on average for the LAC region and among and those from the poorest quintiles. There upper-middle income countries. Changes in is a substantial gap in fertility rates between fertility partly explain the ongoing changes in rural and urban areas (see Figure 12, left-hand 47 INEI 2017 graph). In 2015 women in rural areas had 3.3 48 INEI 2016 49 INEI 2016 51 INEI 2016 50 World Bank 2017 52 Jaramillo 2016 Gender Gaps 34 in Peru an overview Figure 12: Fertility rate by location, level of education and wealth quintile 8 8 By location By level of education 6 6 4 4 2 2 0 0 1991/19992 2000 2012 2013 2014 2015 1991/19992 2004/2006 2010 2012 2013 2014 2015 Rural Urban No education Primary Secondary Higher Source: DHS children on average compared to 2.3 in urban though still far from the UMI average. The areas. However, fertility rates are falling much maternal mortality rate in Peru was much high- faster in rural areas. In 2015, women with no er than the LAC average in 1996; however, since education had an average of 3.7 children com- then and up to 2012-2015 it has converged to pared to only 2.1 children among women with regional levels. Yet it still remains much above higher than secondary education (see Figure the UMI average (see Figure 13). 12, right-hand graph). In addition, it is women This trend is likely to be the result of the from the poorest quintile that show the highest increase in access to maternal health ser- fertility rates over time: In 2015, women in this vices, especially in urban areas; indicators quintile had on average 3.5 children compared in rural areas, however, lag behind. The to 1.9 among women in the wealthiest quintile. share of births attended by skilled staff has in- creased from around 60 percent in 2000, much 2.1.3 Maternal mortality and below the LAC average, to almost 94 percent in access to health services 53 201654. The same trend can be observed with re- Maternal mortality rates in Peru have gards to the share of women receiving prenatal dropped significantly over time and are for caring for the elderly and children when they are sick. In the public system, the lack of an appointment system now comparable to regional standards, al- and frequent stock-outs lead to much loss of time, result- ing in a disproportionate loss of productivity for women, 53 Poorly performing health services disproportionately af- as cited by the World Bank report.] fect women. Mothers and daughters often are responsible 54 INEI 2017 35 Figure 13: Maternal mortality Figure 14: Percentage of births rate (per 100,000 women), attended by skilled staff – rural modeled estimate and urban areas 250 120 200 100 150 80 60 100 40 50 20 0 0 2000 2010 2013 2014 2015 1996 1997 1998 1999 2000 2001 2002 2003 2004 2005 2006 2007 2008 2009 2010 2011 2012 2013 2014 2015 Rural Urban Peru LAC UMI Source: WDI Source: DHS care, which has substantially increased reaching dition, differences in preferences among eth- almost 100 percent in 2013 since 1996. However, nic groups that concentrate in rural areas can in 2016, 79.9 births per 100 000 live births in rural also partly account for these discrepancies. For areas were attended by skilled health personnel instance a qualitative study among Kukama (an increase from 44.9 in 2004/2006) compared Kukamiria women found that a preference for to 98.5 births in urban areas (which slightly in- traditional care exists, and is justified based on creased from 91.9 in 2004/2006) (INEI 2017). feelings of neglect and vulnerability at institu- The different use in these services in ru- tionalized health centers, resulting from the ral areas can be associated with different lack of consideration by the health services for factors, including differences in preferenc- the cultural and well-being specificities of this es among indigenous peoples groups. The group. Another qualitative assessment found lack of adequate services in remote areas, dis- that cultural barriers were important among tance to facilities and scarce or inappropriate ethnic women, leading the Government to de- infrastructures may be some of the explicative velop and implement some targeted measures factors of rural-urban gaps (see below). In ad- (see below). 55 55 Avellaneda Yajahuanca et al. 2013 Gender Gaps 36 in Peru an overview Reducing maternal mortality in rural areas of Peru Maternal and peri-natal mortality are closely related to the coverage of institutional births (IBs) (and to the capacity of health care facilities to adequately attend childbirth). Even though on average 70 percent of births were IBs in 2005, this varied between over 90 percent in urban areas and under 50 percent in rural areas; falling as low as 25 percent in some re- gions. Education level, wealth index, area of residence, and affiliation to a health insurance affect the probability of having an institutional delivery. However, there might be non-monetary barriers on the demand side, such as cultural fac- tors. In order to understand the role of cultural beliefs in seeking birth care, a qualitative assessment was carried out in 2008 in four rural districts of extreme poverty in the Sierra region –two districts located in mainly Quechua speaking areas, and two in Aymara speak- ing zones. This assessment suggests that some indigenous women might perceive IBs as ‘inappropriate’ and not respectful of their cultural preferences and standards. Related to that, the Government has implemented several important policy actions which, if sustained and fully implemented, are likely to reinforce the positive trend in IB coverage. MINSA has promoted culturally-informed practices related to the birthing process, such as allowing a vertical birthing position, use of outer clothing, presence of family members, the participation of unrelated males, specific foods, light and others, as well as the disposition of the placenta by the mother. In 2005 Peru adopted the Technical Norm for Attention of Vertical Intercultural births. The norm was further strengthened by the 2006 Technical Health Norm for Crosscutting Focus on Human Rights, Gender Equity, and Interculturality in Health which promotes respect for cultural diversity by health workers. Finally, in 2008 the National Health Strategy for Indigenous Peoples was approved providing for modification of health services and facilities such that they are more culturally appropriate, which is particularly relevant to childbirth. Maternal waiting homes, where pregnant women and their relatives can live in the weeks before the birth, have been developed since 1997, to bring maternal care to women facing access barriers. The World Bank Peru REACT Development Policy Loan represents a good reference of gen- der mainstreaming in this area. This issue of low levels of IBs in rural areas and particularly amongst indigenous women is explicitly mentioned as an objective: Increasing institution- al births coverage in the 10 poorest regions by over 40 percent between 2005 and 2011. In 37 addition, MINSA is monitoring and reporting on compliance with the norm for culturally adequate birth attention. Among the expected outcomes, there are two related to these objectives. Women living in remote areas have lim- 2.1.4 Contraceptive use and ited access to health services. A study on women at La Pampa, an illegal gold mining teenage pregnancy in Peru’s Madre de Dios region of the Amazon The prevalence of contraceptive use has in- found that the public health care system had creased at a slow pace to higher-than-LAC limited coverage for temporary female migrant average levels in 2015. The use of contracep- workers.56 The authors analyzed the female tives in Peru, at 65 percent in 2015, is above the composition, especially women subject to la- LAC average; in particular, use prevalence is bor and sexual exploitation at this zone and high compared to other Andean countries such found limited access to and use of health ser- as Ecuador, Chile, Bolivia and Venezuela (see vices among this group of women. High inci- Figure 15). Although much positive progress dences of disease among the surveyed women has been made over time, in 2015 there was from the study caused by high levels of female still an unsatisfied demand for family planning exploitation were also identified. of over 10 percent of women. The use of mod- ern contraceptives is higher in urban areas (by It must be noted in this regard that abor- 7.5 percentage points), while that of traditional tion is still considered a crime in the coun- methods is more common in rural areas (by 6.9 try. Abortion is considered a crime against life, percentage points).57 the body and health in the Criminal Code of 1991 and is only allowed in Peru based on ther- Furthermore, there have been improve- apeutic reasons up to 22 weeks. A recent (2015) ments in reproductive health rights, es- attempt to decriminalize abortion in cases of pecially for the poor who do not have the rape and forced pregnancy was not successful financial means to buy medication out of (the bill was rejected in Parliament) but raised pocket. For example, in August 2016, the First a controversial public debate on the issue that Constitutional Court of Lima ordered through keeps the Peruvian civil society divided. a precautionary measure that the emergency oral contraceptive (EOC or morning-after pill) be made effective in all public health centers 56 Arriarán and Chávez 2017 57 INEI 2016 Gender Gaps 38 in Peru an overview Figure 15: Contraceptive use prevalence 100 80 60 40 20 0 Guatemala Panama Argentina Bolivia Chile Venezuela El Salvador Ecuador Mexico LAC Honduras Peru Uruguay Paraguay Colombia Costa Rica Brazil Nicaragua Any method Modern method Unmet demand for family planning Source: UN 201558 in the country free of charge. This reversed a income and rural women. At the same time, 2009 judgement by the Constitutional Tribu- the adolescent fertility rate has decreased sig- nal that prohibited free distribution of the EOC, nificantly since 1996, always remaining below although it allowed paid distribution in the the average for LAC (see Figure 16, left-hand private sector. Following this new judgment, graph). The adolescent fertility rate currently Ministry of Health started offering emergency stands at 48.5 (births per 1000 women age 15- contraception free of charge.58 19) compared to 63.7 for the region. The rate of Adolescent fertility has decreased over teenage pregnancy in Peru is much lower than time, and is lower than the LAC average, al- that observed in most of the LAC countries, and though its incidence is higher among lower especially other Andean countries including Ecuador, Bolivia and Venezuela (see Figure 16, 58 This report presents a concise, descriptive analysis of right-hand graph). However, the rate of teen- levels and trends in key family planning indicators from age pregnancy differs among groups.59 In 2015, Model-based Estimates and Projections of Family Planning Indicators 2015 and the data set World Contraceptive Use 24.9 percent of the young women (15-19) in the 2015, representing 195 countries or areas. The Population poorest quintile were mothers or pregnant (see Division of the Department of Economic and Social Affairs of the United Nations Secretariat provides regular updates Figure 17, left-hand graph). In the same year, the of the estimates and projections of family planning share of rural young women who were mothers indicators as part of its contribution to global monitoring of progress on internationally-agreed targets to achieve universal access to sexual and reproductive health. 59 Cunningham et al 2008. 39 Figure 16: Adolescent fertility rate DOM 90 NIC GTM 80 VEN 70 ECU PAN 60 BOL 50 BRA SLV 40 HND 2015 ARG 30 MEX 20 PRY CRI 10 URY 0 PER CHL 1996 1998 2000 2002 2004 2006 2008 2010 2012 2014 CUB HTI TTO Peru LAC UMI 0 50 100 150 Source: WDI Figure 17: Share of young women (15-19) who have a child or are pregnant By wealth quintile By location 40 30 30 20 20 10 10 0 0 Poorest II III IV Richest 2004/2006 2010 2013 2014 2015 2004/2005 2015 Rural Urban Source: DHS or pregnant was 22.5 percent compared to 10.8 By region, the highest rates of adoles- percent in urban areas (see Figure 17, right- cent fertility is found in the Amazon. In 2016, hand graph).60 23.3 percent of adolescents who were mothers or pregnant for the first time were from the Am- 60 INEI 2016 Gender Gaps 40 in Peru an overview azon, 14.4 percent were from the coastal part of the country (not including Lima), and 12.6 Figure 18: Tertiary education percent were from the mountain range.61 Only enrolment rates, net 8.6 percent were from the metropolitan area of 50 Lima (province of Lima and Callao).62 40 30 2.2 EDUCATION 20 10 2.2.1 Literacy 0 The literacy rate is still larger among men 2003 2004 2005 2006 2007 2008 2009 2010 2011 2012 2013 2014 2015 than women, especially in rural areas and Female Male among indigenous populations. Literacy rates have steadily increased among women Source: SEDLAC, ENAHO and men in Peru over the last decades; the gender gap has also decreased, from 11.7 to 6 percentage points between 2003 and 2015 – 2.2.2 Gender gaps in among 25-65 year olds. As expected, the gender enrolment gap is larger among older age groups: 29.9 per- There are no overall gender gaps in access cent among women compared to 9.1 percent to primary and secondary education in among men in the 60+ year old group were il- Peru; however, women from the poorest literate in 2015. The differences are also much quintile are much less likely to enroll in more pronounced in the case of native-speak- secondary education. Around 99 percent of ing (i.e. indigenous) populations, and among both girls and boys were enrolled at the prima- those populations living in rural areas. For na- ry level in 2015, up from less than 97 percent in tive women living in rural areas, in particular, 2004. In addition, there are no differences in illiteracy rates reached 33.6 percent compared access based on socio-economic background, to 9.2 among men.63 which indicates that equity has been attained at this educational level.64 Slightly below 90 percent of both girls and boys were enrolled in secondary education in 2015, up from under 70 percent among girls in 2003 and around 74 per- 61 INEI 2017 cent for boys in the same year. However, at this 62 INEI 2017 63 INEI 2016 64 INEI 2016 41 level substantial gaps between the poorest and women. Indeed, 43 percent of women com- wealthiest quintiles are identified: While 91.2 pared to 34 percent among men were enrolled percent of women in the richest quintile were at this level in 2015. This reverse gender gap has enrolled in 2015, this percentage declines to been increasing since 2007, which calls for at- 72.6 for women in the poorest quintile. Among tention (See Figure 18). men the difference was not as pronounced, although it also exists: 74.3 percent of men in 2.2.3 Attainment/dropout and the poorest quintile compared to 88.8 percent performance in the wealthiest quintile were enrolled in sec- Primary and secondary education comple- ondary education in 2015.65 tion rates in 2015 appear to be much higher Moreover, women from the lowest quin- among girls than boys. Primary completion tile are also less likely to attend secondary rates have been higher among girls than boys school. While the primary school attendance since 2005; this reverse gender gap was close to rates were similar for women from the poorest the LAC average in 2015. A similar pattern can and wealthiest quintiles (91.0 percent and 92.9 be observed in lower secondary completion percent, respectively66), the differences were rates. Completion rates are below 90 percent at much higher for secondary school attendance this level, with girls outperforming boys both in rates. For example, in 2016, only 72.9 percent Peru and LAC; both girls and boys show higher of women from the poorest quintile attended completion rates at the lower secondary level secondary school compared to 89.4 percent of in the country compared to the LAC average. women from the richest quintile.67 For men, the The gender gap in educational attain- primary school attendance rates were also sim- ment at the post-secondary level has dis- ilar and actually favored men from the poorest appeared over time. Only slightly over 20 per- quintile (93.1 percent vs. 90.8 percent), howev- cent of the population older than 25 years old er, differences were more pronounced in sec- has completed post-secondary education in ondary school rates (76.0 percent of men in the Peru. The existing gender gap to the detriment poorest quintile compared to 92.7 percent in of women seems to have closed since 2009: In the wealthiest quintile).68 2015, the share of women and men with such At the tertiary level, a growing and large educational level were very similar. When gap can be observed to the advantage of observing the number of years of education 65 INEI 2016 among both men and women by age group, it 66 INEI 2017 appears evident that the existing gap has been 67 INEI 2017 closed for the younger groups. Indeed, in the 68 INEI 2017 Gender Gaps 42 in Peru an overview Figure 19: Reasons not to be enrolled in education (basic and higher) 2016 Other reasons Dedicated to household chores Not interested in studying Family Problems Work Economic Problems Finished studies / in Vacation / In … 0 5 10 15 20 25 30 35 40 Female Male Source: ENAHO? group of 15-19 year olds, women have a slight sons not to be enrolled in education for boys in advantage. 69 Peru in 2016 – other than having finished stud- Important gender gaps appear to exist ies, being in vacation or in pre-university acad- in educational performance. Based on the emies – were work and economic problems; for national second-grade test (ECE) and interna- girls, however, economic problems and work tional exams such as TERCE or PISA, boys out- were as important as dedication to household perform girls in mathematics, while girls out- chores (See Figure 19). The gender gaps in at- perform boys in language. This is a common tainment are also much higher in rural than ur- pattern across LAC countries. 70 ban areas of the country, while both female and male years of education are much lower in rural 2.2.4 Factors that explain than urban areas. differences in completion The reasons for both boys and girls not to “Beca Doble Oportunidad” by Peru’s Ministry of Education provides scholarships for students between the ages of 17 be in school are different.71 The main rea- and 25 who have not completed secondary school, and at the same time, trains them to enter the labor market. 69 INEI 2016 The scholarship aims to help at-risk youth who are behind 70 World Bank 2017 in school achieve basic education and receive technical 71 However, there are programs in place to help boys and training needed to improve their employability and partici- girls who have not finished secondary school. For instance, pation in the labor market (PRONABEC 2017). 43 Gender Gaps 44 in Peru an overview CHAPTER 3: ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITIES 3.1 LABOR FORCE PARTICIPATION Peru is among the countries in LAC where female labor force participation rates are highest, and the gender gap is the smallest in the region. The gap in labor force partici- pation between men and women in Peru has remained almost constant for the last decade, although it is comparatively small. Female labor force participation is almost 77 percent compared to male labor force participation rates of 95 percent in 2015 (see Figure 20). There is evidence that the drop in fertility rates has been a major driver of the increase in female labor force partici- pation in recent years. Gaps in participation are larger among married people, those with children, and among Afro-Peruvian popula- tions; FLFP is higher among indigenous than non-indige- nous peoples. The gender gap in LFP is similar in rural and ur- ban areas; however, the labor force participation of both men and women tends to be higher in rural areas (see Figure 21). Gender gaps are also lowest among those women and men who never married as compared to married and cohabiting people (Figure 22, left-hand graph); in addition, the gender gap is larger when there are children, especially when they are younger (Fig- ure 22 right-hand graph). The gap tends also to be smaller with 45 Figure 20: Labor force participation LAC 2015 120 100 80 60 40 20 0 Guatemala (2014) Honduras Mexico (2014) Dominican Rep. El Salvador Costa Rica Nicaragua (2014) Chile Argentina Ecuador Brazil (with Rural … Panama Bolivia Paraguay Colombia Uruguay Peru Female Male Source: SEDLAC age (younger age groups do not seem to have Figure 21: Labor force such large gaps in participation); the gap is larg- participation by location est among the 55-64 years old group. Women 100 and men living in female-headed houses also 90 80 face smaller differences as compared to those 70 living in male-headed households. The female 60 50 labor force participation is higher among in- 40 30 digenous than non-indigenous populations: 20 10 71.5 compared to 63.6 percent in 2015. On the 0 2012 2013 2014 2015 contrary, the gender gap in participation is also larger for Afro-Peruvian populations.72 Rural Women Rural Men Urban Women Urban Men Source: ENAHO? 72 World Bank 2017 Gender Gaps 46 in Peru an overview Figure 22: Labor force participation by civil status and children 120 100 100 80 80 60 60 40 40 20 20 0 0 Cohabitants Married Divorced, Never Without With With With children separated, Married children<=15 children<3 children btw btw 7-15 in widowed (i.e single) in the HH in the HH 3-6 in the HH the HH Male Female Male Female Source: ENAHO? 3.2 UNEMPLOYMENT women who are neither working nor studying (ni-nis) is over twice that of men in the group Unemployment rates have been substan- of 15-29 year olds: 23.6 vis-à-vis 11.9 percent in tially higher among women than men since 2015. The gender gap tends to grow with age. 2003, up till 2015 when the difference be- Most of male ni-nis are single, while 41 percent came very small. Unemployment rates have of the women ni-nis live with their partners and substantially declined for both men and wom- 8.5 percent are married. It must be however en since 2003. The gap in favor of men has been noted that the share of women ni-nis in Peru is large over the period and up till 2014 and 2015, much lower than the average for LAC, and the when it narrowed substantially. In 2015, the un- gender gap is much smaller. 73 employment rate among women reached 2.2 percent, 0.2 percentage points above that of Among other factors, the ni-ni phenom- men. Among 15-24 year olds this gap reverses: enon appears to be related to gender roles In 2015, unemployment rates for male youth and time use patterns. Women in the 18- reached 7 percent compared t 6.3 percent 29 years old group dedicate an average of 37 among women. hours and 38 minutes per week to non-remu- Women are disproportionately repre- 73 De Hoyos et al. 2016: http://www.bancomundial.org/es/ sented among the ni-nis. In Peru, the share of topic/poverty/lac-equity-lab1/labor-markets/youth-outco- mes 47 Figure 23: Type of employment 60 50 2004 40 2008 30 2010 20 2012 10 2013 0 2014 Women Men Women Men Women Men Women Men 2015 Employeer Waged Self-employed Nonremunerated employee family work Source: ENAHO nerated activities compared to 13 hours and 27 minutes among men. The time burden appears 3.3 QUALITY OF to increase with age forcing women to choose EMPLOYMENT between studying, working or dedicating full The share of women in waged employ- time to domestic chores.74 Indeed, the share of ment is much lower than that of men. Wom- women 14+ in Peru who do not have their own en are frequently self-employed or engaged in income was 32.2 percent in 2015, compared to non-remunerated family work: 34.8 and 17.8 only 12.5 percent among men. This gap is much percent of women were in these types of occu- larger in rural areas, where the percentage of pations in 2015. However, the share of women women without an income increases to 47.7 in wage employment, which is associated with percent, compared to 13.3 percent of men.75 higher benefits and stability, is much lower than that of men: 38.3 percent of women com- pared to 53.2 percent of men (see Figure 23). That is likely to explain to a certain extent the observed differences in access to any pension 74 Scheerens 2016 75 INEI 2016 Gender Gaps 48 in Peru an overview system: 26.9 percent of women compared to 39.1 percent of men. 76 3.4 Women are also more frequently found ENTREPRENEURSHIP in informal jobs than men. The share of AND ACCESS TO women and men in informal jobs has de- FINANCE creased since 2003; over the period, a larger Peru is one of the LAC countries that offer share of women than of men has been engaged a more favorable environment for female in informal work – 5 percentage points higher in entrepreneurship. According to a recent rank- 2015. Informality is much higher among both ing exercise, with its robust business networks men and women in rural than in urban areas.77 and technical support programs for SMEs, For example, in 2016, 96.4 percent of women PERU ranked a close second in the region in and 94.5 percent of men in rural areas worked the environment for female entrepreneurship, in the informal sector compared to 69 percent only after Chile. 80 In 2014 women made up 40 of women and 61.4 percent of men in urban ar- percent of all formal entrepreneurs, nearly all eas.78 Jobs in the informal sector are character- micro and small businesses. The number of ized by low productivity and protection levels, formal female entrepreneurs increased by 31 and lower salaries. percent between 2004 and 2014; female owned Gender differences persist with regards business however tend to earn significantly less to the number of hours worked and the than their male-owned counterparts and they types of occupations or sectors. The number tend to remain informal, which significantly of weekly hours in all jobs has been systemati- constraints their growth potential. 81 cally higher among men than women. Men have Although the percentage of women with worked around 45 hours per week compared to an account in a financial institution has around 37 among women between 2003 and increased between 2011 and 2014 it still 2015. Most women are engaged in services and remains very low for regional standards. trade (40.5 and 25.6 percent respectively), while The share of both women and men with bank men concentrate in agriculture (27 percent), accounts is low for regional standards and the services (23.1 percent), trade (12.4 percent) and existing gender gap is large compared to the manufacturing (10.1 percent).79 LAC average (See Figures 24 and 25). Only 22 percent of women report having an account in 76 INEI 2016 80 https://www.iadb.org/en/news/news-releas- 77 INEI 2016 es/2013-07-25/women-entrepreneurs-in-latin-ameri- 78 INEI 2017 ca-and-the-caribbean%2C10518.html 79 INEI 2016 81 USAID and APEC 2016 49 Peru, one of the lowest rates in the world. The Figure 24: Female/male with lack of penetration of financial services appears an account at a financial to be related to the high costs of accessing fi- institution nancial services.82 60 50 Women who start enterprises generally 40 begin with their own funds, borrow from 30 friends or family, or seek other sources. 20 According to the WEVenture Scope Index 2013, 10 46.7 percent of capital investments and 20 per- 0 cent of the working capital of women-led micro 2011 2014 and small enterprises in Peru are financed by LAC female LAC male Peru female Peru male banks. Moreover, 52 percent of borrowers of microloans in Peru are women, representing Source: WDI Note: LAC excludes high 42 percent of the microfinance portfolio. Finan- income countries cial literacy remains an obstacle to grow wom- en-owned business. 83 82 World Bank 2017 83 USAID and APEC 2016 Figure 25: Female/male with an account at a financial institution LAC Female - 2014 MUS SRB CHN MKD BLR CRI ZAF RUS LBN DZA NAM BWA KAZ ARG BLZ ALB PER GAB TKM 0 20 40 60 80 100 Male - 2014 MUS SRB CHN MKD Gender Gaps 50 BLR in Peru an overview CRI ZAF RUS LBN DZA NAM BWA KAZ BLR CRI ZAF RUS LBN DZA NAM BWA KAZ ARG BLZ ALB PER GAB TKM 0 25: Female/male Figure 20 with at a financial an account 60 40 80 institution LAC 100 Male - 2014 MUS SRB CHN MKD BLR CRI ZAF RUS LBN DZA NAM BWA KAZ ARG BLZ ALB PER GAB TKM 0 20 40 60 80 100 Source: WDI 3.5 TIME USE Figure 26: Total paid and unpaid A majority of unpaid work is carried out by working time per week 2010, women in Peru. According to the last (2010) hours/minutes time use survey while men dedicate 15 hours 80 and 54 minutes per week to unpaid work activ- ities, the amount of hours among women more 60 39,28 15,54 than doubles: 39 hours and 28 minutes. Men 40 also dedicate more time to paid work activities 50,46 than women: 50 hours and 46 minutes vs. 36 20 36,27 hours and 27 minutes (see Figure 26). 0 Women Men These differences are more pronounced Paid Unpaid in rural areas, in the presence of children and among working age populations. The Source: Time use survey 2010 and INEI 2017 gender differences in the load of unpaid work- 51 ing time are even larger when there are chil- dren under 5 years old, followed by those cases Figure 27: Labor income (hourly where there are children under 15 years old in income in nominal LCU) the household. The hours of non-remunerated 9 working time are more numerous among both 8 women and men in rural areas, and the gender 7 gap is larger. In rural areas, women spent 47 6 5 hours and nine minutes and 29 hours and six 4 minutes on unpaid and paid work, respectively, 3 compared to 20 hours and 11 minutes and 44 2 hours and 37 minutes for men.84 .85 The gender 1 0 gap in non-remunerated working time is the 2003 2004 2005 2006 2007 2008 2009 2010 2011 2012 2013 2014 2015 largest among the 25-59 and 75+ year olds, al- Female Male though it persists across all age groups. Source: SEDLAC 3.6 EARNINGS In 2015 women made around 19 percent wages of both men and women in Peru have in- less than men in hourly income.86 While the creased since 2003, the gap between them has 84 INEI 2017 also widened (See Figure 27). A recent study 85 INEI 2016 controlling for different factors found that be- 86 In his study on gender and ethnic disparities in la- ing male is associated with an additional 30 bor earnings in the region, Hugo Ñopo analyzed the gender wage gap in Peru between 1997 and 2009, and percent in hourly earnings on average. Women found that women earned an average of 21 percent are also 140 percent more likely than men to be less than men in hourly income. Using data from Peru’ low earners in 2015; this gap has doubled since s national household survey (ENAHO) conducted by the National Institute of Statistics and Informatics, he 2004.In 2015, one in four women had earnings found that the gender earnings gap fluctuated around below the poverty line compared to one in ten 21 person, with the exception of the years 2007 and 2009 during which women earned more than men. In men. In addition, women tend to work longer addition, the measures of the gap (multiples of aver- hours to compensate this gap and make earn- age hourly earnings for women) were crude data, and considered all men and equal regardless of differenc- ings that are above the poverty line.87 es in observable characteristics. Ñopo’s study also found that the gender wage gap increased at around the age of 30 and peaked between the ages of 45 and 54. Finally, his other findings revealed that the largest among “best rewarded occupations, directors, and gap occurred among people with university degrees, upper-level managers. in urban areas, for people who worked part-time, and 87 World Bank 2017 Gender Gaps 52 in Peru an overview Different factors appear to contribute to declines for professional and technical occu- the existing gender differences in earnings. pations.88 Ethnicity also appears to be an im- By level of education, the hourly gender gap in portant factor: Indigenous women show a 40 earnings tends to be higher among those with percent gap in earnings over men.89 Differences basic education, while it decreases slightly for in earnings appear to be largely explained by a those with higher education. By occupation, higher incidence of informal work among wom- the gap is much larger among those women en than men; therefore, anti-discrimination and men engaged in trade and services, and it laws are largely ineffective in this area. 88 INEI 2016 89 World Bank 2017 53 Gender Gaps 54 in Peru an overview CONCLUSIONS Key messages: • Peru has made substantial progress in granting women ac- cess to reproductive health services, as well as granting them equal access to education services. Peru has also placed an adequate legal and institutional framework for gender equa- lity. In addition, female labor force participation rates are high for regional standards, in connection with lower fertility rates and a more advanced stage in the demographic transition re- lative to other Andean countries. • However, the representation of women in political institutions remains comparatively low, probably due to the lower quota and the lack of a zipper system. Moreover, violence against women is a persistent social problem affecting over 70 per- cent of women with a partner. Institutions appear to lack the adequate capacity to provide support to women victims, and social norms most often lead them to stay with their abusers. Indeed, patriarchal norms regarding the role of women vis-à- vis that of men are persistent and may even have strengthe- ned in recent years. • Maternal health and sexual health indicators are also poo- rer among rural indigenous women, as well as educational outcomes. Teenage pregnancy rates also remain high in the country. • Although female labor market participation rates are com- paratively high, the quality of female employment remains a challenge. Women are over-represented among informal workers and a larger share of women than men are ni-nis. Women also bear the brunt of unpaid work. Although the 55 environment for female entrepreneurship generations? How are they shaping the in- appears to be favorable in Peru, women still ternal drivers of agency (e.g., aspirations), face specific constraints including deficient and thus central gender gaps in the country? access to financial resources. • In-depth information on the main drivers of Knowledge gaps: gaps in access to basic services among rural • Further information about the main challen- and indigenous populations and the main ges faced in the enforcement of laws and barriers faced by these populations would in the implementation of policies would be be very helpful to address them. useful. It would be necessary to better un- • It would also be interesting to gather more derstand what is behind weak enforcement detailed information on the main factors and capacity gaps in particular with regards driving the over-representation of women to gender-based violence. in lower quality jobs and among ni-nis, and • It would also be necessary to further explo- about the main obstacles faced by women re the persistence and evolution of social vis-à-vis men in entrepreneurial activities norms regarding the role of women in the and representation in firm´s decision ma- country. Are these changing among the new king positions. Gender Gaps 56 in Peru an overview References Alcalde M.C. (2010). The Woman in the Violence: Gender, Pover- ty, and Resistance in Peru. Nashville: Vanderbilt University Press, 2010. Alcázar, L. and Ocampo, D. (2016). Consecuencias de la violencia doméstica contra la mujer en el progreso escolar de los niños y niñas del Perú. GRADE, Doc. de Investigación No. 80. Arriarán, G. and Chávez, S. (2017). Espacios de frontera y excep- ción: Encuentros entre los servicios y las necesidades de salud de las mujeres en La Pampa. Lima: Centro de Pro- moción y Defensa de los Derechos Sexuales y Reproducti- vos-PROMSEX, 2017. Castro et al. (2017). Risk Factors of Violence against Women in Peru. Journal of Family Violence. Cunningham, W. et al. (2008). Youth at Risk in Latin America and the Caribbean Understanding the Causes, Realizing the Potential. World Bank 2008. Delphine Scheerens (2016). La población nini en Perú: una per- spectiva de género. Temas n. 87-88: 36-43, julio-diciembre de 2016. Esparta Polanco, D.J. (2013). Discriminación salarial por género según trabajadores asalariados e independientes en el Perú 2006 – 2010. Tesis Universidad Nacional del Callao. GIZ (2013). Los costos empresariales de la violencia contra las mujeres en el Perú GIZ (2015). La violencia contra las mujeres en el Perú: entre la levedad del discurso que la condena y la persistente fuerza de los hechos. 57 GIZ (2015b). Síntesis del estudio: ¿Cómo preve- dential cabinet. Pensamiento Americano nir la violencia contra las mujeres en rela- Vol. 8 - No. 14 - Enero-Junio 2015 - Corpo- ciones de pareja? ración Universitaria Americana - Barran- GIZ (2015c). Los costos de la violencia contra quilla, Colombia. las mujeres en las micro-empresas for- PRONABEC (Programa Nacional de Becas y males peruanas Credito Educativo) (2017). “Beca Doble Gobierno de Perú (2012). Plan Nacional de Ig- Oportunidad” http://www.pronabec.gob. ualdad de Género 2012 – 2017. pe/2017_becaDO.php. INEI (2016). Perú: Brechas de Género 2016. Rodriguez Olivari, D. (2013).Political Represen- tation of Women and Indigenous: Evi- INEI (2017). Perú: Brechas de Género 2017: dence from the Peruvian Quotas. LSE. Avances hacia la igualdad de mujeres y hombres. Teigner and Cuberes (2016). Aggregate Effects of Gender Gaps in the Labor Market: A Jaramillo, M. (2016). Effects of fertility on wom- Quantitative Estimate. Journal of Human en’s working status. GRADE. Capital, 2016, vol. 10, no. 1. Kavanaugh et al. (2017). Inter-Generational UN (2015). Trends in Contraceptive Use World- Benefits of Improving Access to Justice wide 2015. for Women: Evidence from Peru. UNICEF (2016). Entender para prevenir: Violen- Kohrt et al. (2015). Domestic violence as a cia hacia las niñas, niños y adolescentes threat to maternal and child well-being in en el Perú. an urban migrant community in Peru. Rev Panam Salud Publica 37(4/5), 2015. USAID and APEC (2016). Women´s Economic Participation in Peru. Achieving APEC Pri- MESAGEN (Mesa de Genero de la Cooperación orities for Gender Equality. Internacional en el Peru) http://mesagen. pe/. World Bank (2011). Gender Note Peru. Nopo (2012). New Century, Old Disparities: Perova, E. and Vakis, R. (2013). Improving Gen- Gender and Ethnic Earnings Gaps in Latin der and Development Outcomes through America and the Caribbean. Agency. The World Bank. Poskočilová, P. (2015). Women in executive World Bank (2016). Women, Business and the positions. The influence of institutional Law. The World Bank. factors and gender stereotypes on wom- World Bank (2017). Systematic Country Diag- en’s representation in the Peruvian presi- nostic Peru. The World Bank. Gender Gaps 58 in Peru an overview Annex 1: The legal and institutional framework for gender equality in Peru Legal framework: International dimension Different international treaties - ratified and incorporated to the national legislation - operate as the framework for the integration of gender equality in government policies in Peru. The most relevant include: 90 1. The International Covenant for Civil and Political Rights, ratified in 1978, which established the commitment of the State to ensure that women and men enjoy equal political and civil rights. 2. The Convention on the Elimination of all Forms of Dis- crimination against Women (CEDAW) and its Protocol were passed in 1982, and mandate that member states adopt the necessary measures to prevent, investigate and punish discri- mination against women. 3. The Inter-American Convention to Prevent, Sanction and Eradicate Violence against Women - Convención Belém Do Pará91 - was approved in 1996, and recognizes that gender 90 Source: Plan Nacional de Igualdad de Género 2012 - 2017 91 The Belém do Pará Convention entered into force on March 5, 1995 and was the world’s first binding international treaty to recognize that violence against 59 based violence constitutes a serious viola- 10. The Action Framework of Dakar on educa- tion of human rights that the States need to tion adopted in 2000. prevent, punish and eradicate. 11. Inter-American program on the promo- 4. The statute of Rome for the Internatio- tion of the human rights of women and nal Court approved in 2001 recognizes any gender equality and equity adopted in sexual aggression and trafficking as crimes 2000 (OEA). against humanity. 12. The Mexico Consensus93 adopted in 2004. 5. The UN Convention against Organized 13. The Quito Consensus94, adopted in 2007. Crime approved in 2001 establishes the obligation of States to assist and protect the 14. The Brasilia Consensus95, adopted in 2010. victims of trafficking. Legal framework: National 6. ILO Conventions – Convention 100 on equality of remuneration, 111 on discrimi- dimension nation, 122 on employment policy and 156 The Constitution (1993) recognizes the on workers with family responsibilities. right to equality and non-discrimination 7. UN Declaration on Indigenous Women 93 Regional Consensus adopted after the Ninth Regional adopted in 2012. Conference on Women in Latin America and the Caribbean held in Mexico City in June 2004. The governments of the Other international commitments are: region renewed their commitment to continue adopting measures aimed at the advancement of women´s rights, 8. The Beijing Platform for Action92 adopted incorporating a gender perspective into public policies, adopting proactive policies for job creation, recognizing in 1995 and the new related measures adop- the economic value of domestic work, guaranteeing sexual and reproductive rights, curtailing violence against wom- ted in 2000. en, or addressing HIV/AIDS, among others. 9. The Millennium Development Goals 94 The Consensus followed the Tenth Regional Confer- ence on Women in Latin America and the Caribbean approved in 2000 and the Sustainable De- held in Quito, Ecuador, in August 2007. The Consen- velopment Goals approved in 2015. sus focused on two strategic issues: i) political par- ticipation and gender parity in decision-making at all levels, and ii) the contribution of women to the women constitutes a violation of human rights. As a legally binding treaty, the Belém do Pará Convention not economy and social protection, especially in relation only condemns violence against women as an assault to unpaid work. Representative governments estab- on human dignity but also outlines states’ obligations to lished specific measures to overcome gender dis- eliminate it. crimination in political participation, employment, 92 The Beijing Platform for Action, adopted at the UN’s education, health and the economy. Fourth World Conference on Women (Beijing, China, 1995), 95 Government leaders agreed to facilitate women’s access flagged 12 key areas where urgent action was needed to new technologies, promote a democratic and non-dis- to ensure greater equality and opportunities for women criminatory media, improve health and sexual and repro- and men, girls and boys. It also laid out concrete ways for ductive rights of women, and promote international and countries to bring about change. regional cooperation for gender equity. Gender Gaps 60 in Peru an overview based on sex. The text was reformed in 2002 7. Law on the Prevention and Sanction of when the principle of gender representation Sexual Harassment - Ley Nº 27942, publi- was introduced. In this way, the Constitution shed on February, 27 2003. makes the State responsible for the removal of 8. Law 29819 that modifies the Criminal obstacles to equality or discriminatory acts. 96 Code and incorporates femicide, publi- Other norms that guarantee the right to shed on December 27, 2011. equality between men and women include: 97 9. Law against Human trafficking - Ley Nº 1. Law on Equal Opportunities between 28950 published on January 16, 2007. women and men (Ley Nº 28983 de 16 de 10. Law that recognizes the right to pa- marzo de 2007), which constitutes the nor- ternity leave published on September 20, mative, institutional and public policy fra- 2009. mework in the area of gender equality. 11. Law on domestic work - Ley Nº 27986 pu- 2. Law on the Organization and Functions blished on June 3, 2003. of the Ministry of Women and Vulnerable Populations - Decreto Legislativo N° 1098, 12. Law No 29700 that includes non-remu- published on January 20, 2012. nerated work in national accounts publi- shed on June 4, 2011. 3. Law on the Promotion of Education among rural girls and adolescents - Ley 13. Law 29715 that modifies the regula- Nº 27558, published on October 31, 2001. tion of the process of judiciary filiations of extra-marital paternity published on 4. Law on the promotion of reintegration June 21, 2011. in school due to pregnancy - Ley N° 29600, published on October 15, 2010. Policies: 5. Law on Protection against Family Vio- The National Plan on Gender Equality 2012- lence published on June 27 1997. 2017 is the third national plan on the issue, 6. Law on the Prevention, Sanction and and the first one to be conceived under the Eradication of Violence against women umbrella of the new Law on Equality of and Members of the Family, enacted in Opportunity 2007. It develops eight strategic 2015. objectives to reach gender equality in those ar- eas where inequality especially affects women 96 Source: Plan Nacional de Igualdad de Género 2012 - and represents an obstacle for their access to 2017 97 Source: Plan Nacional de Igualdad de Género 2012 - 2017 61 Figure 28: The objectives of the National Plan on Gender Equality 2012-2017 • Objective 1: Promote and strengthen gender mainstreaming in the three government levels. • Objective 2: Strengthen a culture of respect and appreciation of gender differences. • Objective 3: Narrow the educational gaps between men and women. • Objective 4: Improve the health of women and guarantee sexual and reproductive rights. • Objective 5: Guarantee economic rights in equality conditions. • Objective 6: Reduce violence against women. • Objective 7: Increase the participation of women and men in decision making and political and civic activities. • Objective 8: Appreciate the contribution of women to the sustainable management of natural resources. development opportunities (see Figure 28). For Regional and local equal opportunity these, 60 outcomes are established. 98 plans also exist in Peru. One of the main ob- The National Plan on Violence against jectives of equal opportunity plans for women Women 2016-2021 is the third after those and men is the reduction of gender gaps in ac- approved for 2002-2007, 2009-2015. The cordance with the constitutional mandate of Plan establishes 2 main priorities and strate- the right to equality and non-discrimination gic objectives, and 7 and 6 actions within each, by sex. However, an analysis of seventeen re- respectively; the main priorities are: changing gional plans between 2006 and 2010 conclud- cultural values underlying patriarchal and dis- ed that the majority do not include elements criminatory social norms and behaviors that that ensure implementation in their design, justify and reinforce gender based violence and and are therefore not capable of facilitating the due attention to the victims of violence and the reduction of gender gaps at the regional lev- aggressors.99 el.100 Local equal opportunity plans have been approved in 56 local governments of Lima, An- cash y Cajamarca out of a total of 195 provincial 98 Source: Plan Nacional de Igualdad de Género 2012 - municipalities and 1637 district municipalities. 2017 99 https://www.mimp.gob.pe/homemimp/transparencia/ planes-nacionales-mimp.php 100 Beltrán Varillas 2014 Gender Gaps 62 in Peru an overview 63