34206 Agricultural Trade Reform and the Doha Development Agenda Agricultural Trade Reform and the Doha Development Agenda Edited by Kym Anderson and Will Martin A copublication of Palgrave Macmillan and the World Bank ©2006 The International Bank for Reconstruction and Development / The World Bank 1818 H Street NW Washington DC 20433 Telephone: 202-473-1000 Internet: www.worldbank.org E-mail: feedback@worldbank.org All rights reserved. 1 2 3 4 09 08 07 06 A copublication of The World Bank and Palgrave Macmillan. Palgrave Macmillan Houndmills, Basingstoke, Hampshire RG21 6XS and 175 Fifth Avenue, New York, NY 10010 Companies and representatives throughout the world Palgrave Macmillan is the global academic imprint of the Palgrave Macmillan division of St. Martin's Press, LLC and of Palgrave Macmillan Ltd. Macmillan® is a registered trademark in the United States, United Kingdom and other countries. Pal- grave is a registered trademark in the European Union and other countries. 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Kym Anderson and Will Martin. p. cm. Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN-13: 978-8-2136-2399-5 ISBN-10: 0-8213-6239-9 1. World Trade Organization. 2. Agriculture and state. 3. International trade. I.Anderson, Kym, 1950­ II. Martin,Will, 1953­ HG3881.5.W57A345 2005 382'.41--dc22 2005050742 Cover photos: Mark Henley/Panos; Ray Witlin/The World Bank. Contents Acknowledgments xiii Contributors xv Abbreviations and Acronyms xvii Part I SETTING THE SCENE 1 Agriculture, Trade Reform, and the Doha Agenda 3 Kym Anderson and Will Martin 2 What Is at Stake: The Relative Importance of Import Barriers, Export Subsidies, and Domestic Support 37 Thomas W. Hertel and Roman Keeney 3 Special and Differential Treatment for Developing Countries 63 Tim Josling Part II AGRICULTURAL MARKET ACCESS 4 Consequences of Alternative Formulas for Agricultural Tariff Cuts 81 Sébastien Jean, David Laborde, and Will Martin 5 Reducing Tariffs Versus Expanding Tariff Rate Quotas 117 Harry de Gorter and Erika Kliauga 6 Is Erosion of Tariff Preferences a Serious Concern? 161 Antoine Bouët, Lionel Fontagné, and Sébastien Jean v vi Contents Part III EXPORT SUBSIDIES AND DOMESTIC SUPPORT 7 Removing the Exception of Agricultural Export Subsidies 195 Bernard Hoekman and Patrick Messerlin 8 Rethinking Agricultural Domestic Support under the World Trade Organization 221 Chad E. Hart and John C. Beghin 9 Consequences of Reducing Limits on Aggregate Measurements of Support 245 Hans G. Jensen and Henrik Zobbe 10 Reducing Cotton Subsidies: The DDA Cotton Initiative 271 Daniel A. Sumner Part IV DOHA REFORM SCENARIOS 11 Holograms and Ghosts: New and Old Ideas for Agricultural Policies 295 David Orden and Eugenio Díaz-Bonilla 12 Market and Welfare Implications of Doha Reform Scenarios 333 Kym Anderson, Will Martin, and Dominique van der Mensbrugghe Index 401 Figures 1.1 The Declining Share of Agriculture and Food in Merchandise Exports for World and Developing Countries, 1970­2003 4 1.2 Agricultural Producer Support in High-Income Economies, by Value, Percent, and Type of Support, 1986­2003 7 1.3 Agricultural Producer Support in High-Income Economies, by Country, 1986­2003 8 2.1 Welfare Gains for Developing Countries from Freeing Trade in Services and from Trade Facilitation Compared with the Standard Removal of Merchandise Tariffs and Subsidies 55 4.1 Converting the Harbinson Formula into a Tiered Formula 85 4.2 A Tiered Tariff-Cutting Formula without Discontinuities 86 5.1 In-Quota Imports with and without Quota Fill 124 5.2 Imports with Quota Full or Underfilled 125 5.3 Out-of-Quota Imports with and without Quota Fill 126 Contents vii 5.4 Overquota Imports 127 6.1 European Union Trade Policy, 2004 166 6.2 U.S. Trade Policy, 2004 167 7.1 The Incidence of All Notified Export Subsidies 202 7.2 The Incidence of Quad Export Subsidy Commitments 203 Tables 1.1 Import-Weighted Average Applied Import Tariffs, by Sector and Region, 2001 5 1.2 Import-Weighted Average Agricultural Import Tariffs, by Region, 2001 6 1.3 Effects on Economic Welfare of Full Trade Liberalization by Economy and Products, 2015 12 1.4 Distribution of Global Welfare Impacts from Removing All Agricultural Tariffs and Subsidies, 2001 13 1.5 Welfare Effect of Alternative Doha Reform Scenarios, 2015 14 1.6 Effects on Bilateral Merchandise Trade Flows of Adding Nonagricultural Tariff Cuts to Agricultural Reform under Doha, 2015 16 1.7 Annual Average Growth in Output and Employment from a Comprehensive Doha Reform as Compared with the Baseline Rate, by Region, 2005­15 18 1.8 Decreases in the Number of Impoverished under Full Trade Liberalization and Alternative Doha Scenarios, 2015 19 2.1 Modeled Regions by Type of Economy 41 2.2 Agricultural Domestic Support in Selected High- Income Economies 42 2.3 Average Applied Import Tariffs, by Sector and Region, 2001 43 2.4 Average Import Tariffs in Developing Countries 45 2.5 Percentage Change in Developing-Country Imports from Removing All Tariffs and Agricultural Subsidies 46 2.6 Percentage (and Volume) Change in Developing-Country Exports from Removing All Tariffs and Agricultural Subsidies 48 2.7 Regional Welfare Effects of Removing All Agricultural Tariffs and Subsidies 49 2.8 Developing Countries' Welfare Gains from Removing All Agricultural Tariffs and Subsidies 52 2.9 Developing Countries' Welfare Gains from Removing All Nonagricultural Tariffs, Agricultural Assistance, and Merchandise Trade Distortions 54 2.10 Welfare Effects of Liberalizing All Merchandise Trade 56 2.11 Welfare Decomposition from Merchandise Trade Liberalization for Developing Countries 58 viii Contents 3.1 Flexibility for Developing Countries in the URAA 69 3.2 Categories of Special and Differential Treatment in Agriculture in the July Framework Agreement 71 4.1 Key Features of Applied Agricultural Tariffs, by Selected Countries and Regions, 2001 89 4.2 Bound and Applied Agricultural Tariff Rates, by Selected Countries and Regions, 2001 91 4.3 Summary Description of the Agricultural Reform Scenarios 93 4.4 Base Level and Reductions in Average Bound Duties, by Agricultural Reform Scenario 96 4.5 Reductions in Base Tariffs for Average Applied Tariffs, by Agricultural Reform Scenario 98 4.6 Cross-Product Coefficient of Variation of the Power of MFN Tariffs: Base and Reduction by Agricultural Reform Scenario 100 4.7 Implications of Alternative Formulas for Market Access, Base Tariffs, and Reductions by Agricultural Reform Scenario 106 4.8 Implications of Alternative Scenarios for Protection by Commodity: Reductions in Global Average Tariff 110 5.1 Value of Production for TRQ versus Non-TRQ Commodities in OECD Countries, 2000 120 5.2 Value of Trade for TRQ versus Non-TRQ Commodities in OECD Countries, 2000 122 5.3 Value of Trade by Regime 128 5.4 Effects of Trade Liberalization on Value of Trade 130 5.5 Estimates of Water in the Tariff for Selected TRQs 132 5.6 Value of In-Quota Trade and Fill Rates by TRQ Admnistration Method 138 5.7 Value of In-Quota Trade and Fill Rates by TRQ Additional Regulation 140 5.8 Fill Rate by Administration Method and Additional Regulation 142 5.9 Value of TRQ Trade by Economy 144 5.10 Value of Trade by Commodity 148 5.11 Changes in Admnistration Methods 153 5.12 STE, Domestic Policy Responses, and Rice Tariff Quota in Japan 156 6.1 Decomposition of the Average Duty Faced by Each Exporting Country, 2001 168 6.2 Average World Applied and MFN Tariff Protection Rates, 2001 171 6.3 Average True Preferential Margin by Country, by Sector and Commodity 173 Contents ix 6.4 Simulation of the Impact of a Proportional Cut in Bound Duties under Scenarios 1 and 2 175 6.5 TRQ Rents Received by Developing Country, in 2001 and after Scenarios 1 and 2 177 6.6 Sectoral and Geographical Breakdown in the Simulation Exercise 180 6.7 Simulated Impact of Two Alternative Agricultural Tariff Cut Scenarios on World Trade and Welfare 182 6.8 Simulated Impact of Two Alternative Agricultural Tariff Cut Scenarios on International Prices of Developing-Country Exports 183 6.9 Simulated Impact of Scenario 1 on Welfare, Terms of Trade, and Returns to Land, by Region 184 6.10 Detailed Impact of Two Tariff-Cutting Scenarios on Selected Sub-Saharan Countries 185 7.1 WTO Commitments and Notifications of Used Export Subsidies, 1995­2000 198 7.2 WTO Commitments and Notifications of the EU, by Product, 1995­2000 204 7.3 Export Subsidy Rates for Selected WTO Members, by Commodity 206 7.4 EU Export Subsidies and OECD PSEs, 1996­2002 208 7.5 EAGGF Subsidies by Commodity, 1995­2002 210 7.6 EAGGF Export Subsidies as a Share of All Subsidies, 1995­2002 213 7.7 EU Subsidization Rates (Relative to Value of Production), 1995­2002 214 7.8 EAGGF Refunds as a Percentage of EU Farm Exports, 1995­2002 216 7.9 Export Subsidy Equivalents for Major Users 217 8.1 Reported Domestic Support from the United States, 1995­2001 226 8.2 Reported Domestic Support from the European Union, 1995­2000 227 8.3 Reported Domestic Support from Japan, 1995­2000 228 8.4 Reported Domestic Support from Brazil, 1995­98 228 8.5 Market Price Support as a Percentage of Reported AMS, 1995­2001 231 8.6 U.S. Sugar Program AMS Calculations with External Reference Prices, 1995­2001 232 8.7 U.S. Sugar Program AMS Calculations with Actual World Prices, 1995­2001 233 8.8 U.S. Sugar Program AMS Calculations with Actual Domestic and World Prices, 1995­2001 233 x Contents 9.1 Current Total AMS, 1999, by Country and Commodity 248 9.2 Payments Not Included in Current Total AMS Due to de Minimis, 1999, by Country and Commodity 250 9.3 EU15 AMS Notifications, by Commodity, 2000/01 252 9.4 United States AMS Notifications, by Commodity, 2001 253 9.5 Domestic Support Base Levels, New Commitments, and Latest WTO Notifications 254 9.6 Domestic Support Reductions Needed 260 9.7 Agenda 2000 and MTR Intervention Price Reduction 261 9.8 EU15 AMS Adjusted for Intervention Price Changes 262 9.9 U.S. AMS Adjusted for Administered Dairy Price and Market Loss Assistance Payments 263 9A.1 Domestic Support Reductions for Selected Countries 265 11.1 Alternative Reform Strategies 299 11.2 Value of the U.S. Peanut and Tobacco Buyouts 303 11.3 Cost of Possible Buyouts of the Main U.S. 2002 Farm Bill Support Payments 308 11.4 Average Tariff Protection Applied, by Economy or Region, Early 2000s 320 12.1 Effects of a Tiered Formula Cut in Agricultural Domestic Support, 2001 339 12.2 Import-Weighted Average Applied Tariffs, by Sector and Region, 2001 343 12.3 Import-Weighted Average Applied Tariffs, by Sector and Country, 2005 345 12.4 Impacts on Real Income from Full Liberalization of Global Merchandise Trade, by Country or Region, 2015 346 12.5 Impacts on Selected Trade Indicators from Full Liberalization of Global Merchandise Trade, 2015 347 12.6 Regional and Sectoral Sources of Gains from Full Liberalization of Global Merchandise Trade, 2015 349 12.7 Change in Developing Countries' Shares of Global Output and Exports under Full Global Merchandise Trade Liberalization, by Sector, 2015 349 12.8 Impacts of Full Global Trade Liberalization on Agricultural and Food Output and Trade, by Country/Region, 2015 351 12.9 Impact of Full Liberalization of Global Merchandise Trade on Self-Sufficiency in Food and Agricultural Products, Selected Regions, 2015 354 12.10 Impacts of Full Global Merchandise Trade Liberalization on Real Factor Prices, 2015 356 12.11 Impact of Full and Partial Liberalization on Agricultural Value Added, 2015 358 Contents xi 12.12 Summary of Doha Partial Liberalization Scenarios Considered 360 12.13 Average Applied Tariffs for All Goods by Country/Region, for 2001 and 2015 Baselines and Doha Scenarios by 2015 362 12.14 Change from Baseline in Real Income under Alternative Doha Scenarios, 2015 370 12.15 Welfare Effect of Retaining Agricultural Export and Domestic Subsidies, 2015 374 12.16 Changes from Baseline in Bilateral Trade Flows from Full Global Liberalization and from Doha Scenario 7, 2015 377 12.17 Average Annual Agricultural Output and Employment Growth under Alternative Scenarios, 2005­15 378 12.18 Share of Agricultural and Food Production Exported, by Country or Region under Alternative Scenarios, 2001 and 2015 380 12.19 Changes in Poverty under Alternative Scenarios, 2015 382 12.20 Impacts on Real Income from Full Liberalization of Global Merchandise Trade with and without Endogenous Productivity Growth, 2015 384 12A.1 Applied Tariffs by Sector for Selected Importing Regions, GTAP 6.05 (2001) Compared with GTAP5 (1997) 388 12A.2 Global Average Top-Level Armington Elasticities in the GTAP-AGR and LINKAGE Models, by Product 392 12A.3 Comparison of Base Case in 2015 versus Comparative Static Cases in 2001 for the Effects on Real Incomes of Full Liberalization of Global Merchandise Trade, by Country or Region 393 ACKNOWLEDGMENTS The editors are extremely grateful to all the contributors to this volume for the collegiate way in which they worked so effectively as a team to produce a unified analysis of this important issue. Our thanks also extend to the Opening Discus- sants who participated in the workshop in The Hague, 1­2 December 2004, where first drafts were examined. In addition to the authors of the chapters, they include Nicolas Imboden, Sam Laird, John Nash, Carlos Primo Braga, Wyatt Thomson, Rod Tyers, and Frank van Tongeren. Three referees also provided useful com- ments on the entire manuscript. We are grateful also to the major funder of this research project, namely the United Kingdom's Department for International Development. As well, the Dutch agricultural economics research institute, Landbouw Economisch Instituut (LEI), is to be thanked for superb local organizing of the December 2004 workshop in The Hague; and the authors of chapters 4 and 6 are thankful to the European Commission for supplementary financial support provided to the Centre d'E- tudes Prospectives et Informations Internationales (CEPII). The usual disclaimer applies, that is, the material in this volume represents the authors' own views and not necessarily those of their employers or of the World Bank Group, its Board of Executive Directors, or the governments those Directors represent. xiii Contributors Kym Anderson, Lead Economist (Trade Policy), Development Research Group, World Bank, on extended leave from his position as Professor of Economics and Executive Director, Centre for International Economic Studies (CIES), University of Adelaide, Adelaide, Australia John C. Beghin, Professor of Economics, Head of Trade and Agricultural Policy Division in the Center for Agricultural and Rural Development (CARD), and Director, Food and Agricultural Policy Research Institute (FAPRI), Iowa State University, Ames, Iowa Antoine Bouët, Former Economist, Centre d'Etudes Prospectives et d'Informa- tions Internationales (CEPII), Paris, France, but since finishing this project he has joined the International Food Policy Research Institute, Washington, DC Eugenio Díaz-Bonilla, Executive Director for Argentina and Haiti, Inter-American Development Bank, Washington, DC Lionel Fontagné, Director, Centre d'Etudes Prospectives et d'Informations Inter- nationales (CEPII), Paris, France Harry de Gorter, Professor, Department of Agricultural Economics, Cornell University, Ithaca, New York Chad E. Hart, Research Scientist, Center for Agricultural and Rural Development (CARD), and U.S. Policy and Insurance Analyst, Food and Agricultural Policy Research Institute (FAPRI), Iowa State University, Ames, Iowa ThomasW.Hertel, Distinguished Professor,Department of Agricultural Economics, and Research Director, Center for Global Trade Analysis, Purdue University, West Lafayette, Indiana xv xvi Contributors Bernard Hoekman, Senior Advisor, Development Research Group, World Bank, Washington, DC Sébastien Jean, Economist, Centre d'Etudes Prospectives et d'Informations Internationales (CEPII), and Organisation for Economic Co­operation and Development (OECD), Paris, France Hans G. Jensen, Research Fellow, Danish Research Institute of Food Economics, Royal Veterinary and Agricultural University, Copenhagen, Denmark Tim Josling, Senior Fellow, Stanford Institute for International Studies and Professor Emeritus, Stanford University, Stanford, California Roman Keeney, Assistant Professor, Department of Agricultural Economics, Pur- due University, West Lafayette, Indiana Erika Kliauga, Graduate Research Assistant and Ph.D. student, Department of Agricultural Economics, Cornell University, Ithaca, New York David Laborde Debucquet, Economist, Centre d'Etudes Prospectives et d'Infor- mations Internationales (CEPII), Paris, France Will Martin, Lead Economist, Trade Unit, Development Research Group, World Bank, Washington, DC Dominique van der Mensbrugghe, Lead Economist, Development Prospects Group, World Bank, Washington, DC Patrick Messerlin, Professor, Institut d'Etudes Politiques de Paris, and Director, Groupe d'Economie Mondiale, Paris, France David Orden, Senior Research Fellow, International Food Policy Research Institute, Washington, DC, and Applied Professor of Agricultural Economics, Virginia Poly- technic Institute and State University, Blacksburg, Virginia Daniel A. Sumner, Frank H. Buck, Jr. Professor, Department of Agricultural and Resource Economics, and Director of the Agricultural Issues Center, University of California, Davis, California Henrik Zobbe, Associate Professor, Danish Research Institute of Food Economics, Royal Veterinary and Agricultural University, Copenhagen, Denmark Abbreviations and Acronyms ACP African, Caribbean, and Pacific Group of States AGOA African Growth and Opportunity Act (of the United States) AMS Aggregate measure of support ANZ Australia and New Zealand ANZCERTA ANZ Closer Economic Relations Trade Agreement ASEAN Association of South East Asian Nations AVE Ad valorem equivalent CAP Common Agricultural Policy (of the EU) CBI Caribbean Basin Initiative CEPII Centre d'Etudes Prospectives et d'Informations Internationales CES Constant elasticity of substitution CGE Computable general equilibrium CGIAR Consultative Group on International Agricultural Research CPI Consumer price index CRP Conservation reserve program CSE Consumer subsidy equivalent DDA Doha Development Agenda EAGGF European Agricultural Guidance and Guarantee Fund (of the EU) EBA Everything But Arms (agreement of the EU) EC European Community EFTA European Free Trade Agreement EPA European Partnership Agreement EU European Union GATS General Agreement on Trade in Services GATT General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade xvii xviii Abbreviations and Acronyms GEP Global Economic Prospects (World Bank annual publication) GSP Generalized System of Preferences GTAP Global Trade Analysis Project HS6 Harmonized System version 6 (trade classification) IMF International Monetary Fund ISI Import substitution industrialization ITC International Trade Centre (in Geneva) LAC Latin American and the Caribbean LDC Least developed countries MAcMap Trade and protection database from CEPII and ITC MFA Multifibre Arrangement MFN Most favored nation MPS Market price support MTN Multilateral trade negotiations NAFTA North American Free Trade Agreement OECD Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development PSE Producer subsidy equivalent, or producer support estimate PTA Preferential trade agreement Quad Canada, European Union, Japan, and the United States R&D Research and development RER Real exchange rate REER Real effective exchange rate ROO Rules of origin SACU South African Customs Union SADC Southern African Development Community SDT Special and differential treatment SSA Sub-Saharan Africa SSM Special safeguards mechanism STE State trading enterprise TIM Trade Implementation Mechanism (of the IMF) TRQ Tariff rate quota UNCTAD United Nations Conference on Trade and Development UR Uruguay Round URAA Uruguay Round Agreement on Agriculture WTO World Trade Organization Part I SETTING THE SCENE 1 Agriculture, Trade Reform, and the Doha Agenda Kym Anderson and Will Martin Agriculture is yet again causing contention in international trade negotiations. It caused long delays to the Uruguay Round in the late 1980s and 1990s, and it is again proving to be the major stumbling block in the World Trade Organization's (WTO) Doha Round of multilateral trade negotiations (formally known as the Doha Development Agenda, or DDA). For example, it contributed substantially to the failure of the September 2003 Trade Ministerial Meeting in Cancún to reach agreement on how to proceed with the DDA, after which another nine months passed before a consensus was reached on a Doha work program, in the July Framework Agreement (WTO 2004). It is ironic that agricultural policy is so contentious, given its small and declining importance in the global economy. The sector's share of global gross domestic product (GDP) has fallen from around one-tenth in the 1960s to little more than one-thirtieth today. In developed countries the sector accounts for only 1.8 percent of GDP and only a little more of full-time equivalent employment. Mirroring that decline, agriculture's share of global merchandise trade has fallen by more than half since 1970, dropping from 22 percent to 9 percent. For developing coun- tries, agriculture's importance in exports has fallen even more rapidly, from 42 to 11 percent (figure 1.1). So Why All the Fuss over Agriculture? Because policies affecting this declining sector are so politically sensitive, there are always self-interested groups suggesting it be sidelined in trade negotiations--as indeed it has been in numerous subglobal preferential trading agreements, and 3 4 Agricultural Trade Reform and the Doha Development Agenda FIGURE 1.1 The Declining Share of Agriculture and Food in Merchandise Exports for World and Developing Countries, 1970­2003 45 40 35 percent 30 exports, 25 of 20 share 15 10 Agricultural 5 0 19701972197419761978198019821984198619881990199219941996199820002002 Developing Global Source: COMTRADE data in the WITS database (www.wits.worldbank.org). Note: Developing countries here do not include East Asia's newly industrialized economies of Hong Kong (China), Republic of Korea, Singapore, and Taiwan (China). was in the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT) prior to the Uruguay Round.1 To do so, however, would be a major disservice to many of the world's poorest people, namely, those in farm households in developing countries. It is precisely because agricultural earnings are so important to a large number of developing countries that they are targeting the highly protective farm policies of a few wealthy countries in the WTO negotiations: Better access to rich countries' markets for their farm produce is a high priority for these developing countries.2 Some developing countries have been granted greater access to developed- country markets for a selection of products under various preferential agree- ments. Examples are European Union (EU) provisions for former colonies in the Africa, Caribbean, and Pacific (ACP) program and more recently for least devel- oped countries under the Everything But Arms (EBA) agreement. Likewise, the United States has its Africa Growth and Opportunity Act (AGOA) and Caribbean Basin Initiative (CBI). These schemes reduce demands from preference-receiving countries for farm policy reform in developed countries, but they exacerbate the concerns of countries excluded from such programs and thereby made worse off Agriculture, Trade Reform, and the Doha Agenda 5 through worsened terms of trade. Such schemes may even be harmful, reducing, rather than improving, aggregate global and even developing-country welfare. Apart from that, many in developing countries say they did not get a good deal out of the Uruguay Round. From a mercantilistic view, the evidence seems to support that claim: Finger and Winters (2002) report that the average depth of tariff cut by developing countries was substantially greater than that agreed to by high-income countries.3 As well, developing countries had to take on costly com- mitments such as those embodied in the SPS (Sanitary and Phytosanitary) and TRIPS (Trade-Related Aspects of Intellectual Property Rights) agreements (Finger and Schuler 2001). These countries therefore have been insisting in the Doha Round on significantly more market access commitments from developed coun- tries before they contemplate opening their own markets further. Market access opportunities for developing-countries exporters, and especially for poor producers in those countries, are to be found much more in agriculture (and to a lesser extent in textiles and clothing) than in other sectors. A glance at table 1.1 TABLE 1.1 Import-Weighted Average Applied Import Tariffs, by Sector and Region, 2001 (percent, ad valorem equivalent) Importing economies Exporting economies High-income Developing World Agriculture and food High-income 18 18 17.8 Developing 14 18 15.6 Textiles and wearing apparel High-income 8 15 12.0 Developing 7 20 9.3 Other manufactures High-income 2 9 4.1 Developing 1 7 2.5 All merchandise High-income 3 10 5.4 Developing 3 10 4.9 Source: GTAP Database Version 6.05 (www.gtap.org). Note: High-income countries include the newly industrialized East Asian economies of Hong Kong (China), Republic of Korea, Singapore, and Taiwan (China) as well as Europe's transition economies that joined the EU in May 2004. The import-weighted averages for developing countries incorporate tariff preferences provided to developing countries, unlike earlier versions of the GTAP database. 6 Agricultural Trade Reform and the Doha Development Agenda shows that even after taking preferences into account, developing-country exporters face an average tariff of 15.6 percent for agriculture and food, and 9.3 percent for textiles and clothing, compared with just 2.5 percent for other manufactures. The average tariff on agricultural goods imported by developing countries themselves is high too, suggesting even more reason why attention should focus on that sec- tor (along with textiles) in the multilateral reform process embodied in the DDA. If agriculture were to be ignored in the Doha negotiations, there is the risk that agricultural protection would start rising again. That is what happened throughout the course of industrial development in Europe and Northeast Asia (Anderson and others 1986; Lindert 1991). It was only with the establishment of the WTO in 1995 that agricultural trade was brought under multilateral disciplines through the Uruguay Round Agreement on Agriculture (URAA). The URAA was ambitious in scope, converting all agricultural protection to tariffs, and limiting increases in virtually all tariffs through tariff bindings. Unfortunately, the process of converting nontariff barriers into tariffs (inelegantly termed "tariffication") provided numerous opportunities for backsliding that greatly reduced the effectiveness of the agreed disciplines (Hathaway and Ingco 1996). In developing countries, the option for "ceiling bindings" allowed countries to set their bindings at high levels, frequently unrelated to the previously prevailing levels of protection. Hence agricultural import tariffs are still very high in both rich and poor countries, with bound rates half again as high as most-favored-nation (MFN) applied rates (table 1.2). TABLE 1.2 Import-weighted Average Agricultural Import Tariffs, by Region, 2001 (percent, ad valorem equivalent) MFN Actual Economies Bound tariff applied tariff applied tariffa Developed 27 22 14 Developing 48 27 21 Least developedb 78 14 13 World 37 24 17 Source: Jean, Laborde, and Martin (2006). Note: Weights are based on imports. a. Tariffs include preferences and in-quota TRQ rates where relevant, as well as the ad valorem equivalent of specific tariffs. Developed countries include the transition economies of Eastern Europe and the former Soviet Union. The developing economies definition used here is that adopted by the WTO and so includes East Asia's four newly industrialized economies, which accounts for the differences in the percentages for applied tariffs given in this table and table 1.1. b. Least developed is a subset of developing. Agriculture, Trade Reform, and the Doha Agenda 7 FIGURE 1.2 Agricultural Producer Support in High-Income Economies, by Value, Percent, and Type of Support, 1986­2003 250 50 241 238 200 40 37 US$ 150 30 31 PSE billion % 100 20 PSE 50 10 11.5 8.5 0 0 1986­88 2001­3 PSE billion US$ Total % PSE PSE due to "decoupled" payments Source: OECD database (see www.oecd.org). As well,agricultural producers in some countries are supported by export subsidies (still tolerated within the WTO only for agriculture) and by domestic support meas- ures. Together with tariffs and other barriers to agricultural imports, these measures support farm incomes and encourage agricultural output to varying extents. The market price support component also typically raises domestic consumer prices of farm products. Figure 1.2 shows the value and the percentage of total farm receipts from these support policy measures, called the producer support estimate, or PSE, by the secretariat of the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD).4 For OECD members as a group, the PSE was almost the same in 2001­3 as in 1986­88, at about $240 billion a year. But because of growth in the sector, the value of the PSE as a percentage of total farm receipts (inclusive of support) fell from 37 to 31 percent. Figure 1.2 also shows a significant increase in the proportion of that support coming from programs that are somewhat "decoupled" from cur- rent output, such as payments based on area cropped, number of livestock, or some historical reference period; these decoupled programs have less effect on current production than do measures that raise product prices. Agricultural protection levels remain very high in these OECD countries, espe- cially considering that the 1986­88 period had historically low international food prices and hence above-trend PSEs. And, as figure 1.3 shows, the PSEs have fallen 8 Agricultural Trade Reform and the Doha Development Agenda FIGURE 1.3 Agricultural Producer Support in High-Income Economies, by Country, 1986­2003 80 70 60 receipts 50 farm 40 total of 30 20 Percentage 10 0 Zealand AustraliaPolandTurkeyCanada StatesMexico OECD Republic Republic Hungary UnionJapan KoreaIcelandNorway of Switzerland New United Slovak Czech European Republic 1986­88 2001­3 Source: OECD database (see www.oecd.org). Note: In the 1986­88 period, data for the Czech Republic, Hungary, Poland, and the Slovak Republic are for 1991­93. Austria, Finland, and Sweden are included in the average for both periods and also in the EU average for the 2001­3 period. least in the most-protective OECD countries. By contrast, tariff protection for OECD manufacturing has fallen over the past 60 years from above 30 percent nominal rate of protection (a level similar to that for OECD agriculure today) to only about 3 percent now. This gap in tariff protection means far more resources have been retained in agricultural production in developed countries--and hence fewer in developing countries--than would have been the case if protection had been phased down in both sectors simultaneously. Nonetheless, the achievements of the Uruguay Round Agreement on Agricul- ture provide some scope for optimism about what might be achieved through the WTO as part of the Doha Development Agenda and beyond. The current Doha Round has the advantage over the Uruguay Round of beginning from a frame- work of rules and disciplines already agreed to in the Uruguay Round. In particu- lar, that framework has the three clearly identified "pillars" of market access, export subsidies, and domestic support on which to focus. True, it took more than Agriculture, Trade Reform, and the Doha Agenda 9 three years to agree on a framework for the current negotiations, reached at the end of July 2004 (WTO 2004), but that July Framework Agreement is likely to guide the negotiations for some time. It therefore provides a strong basis for undertaking ex ante analysis of various options potentially available to WTO members during the Doha negotiations. What Differentiates This Book from Others? This study builds on numerous recent analyses of the Doha Development Agenda and agricultural trade, including five very helpful books that appeared in 2004. One, edited by Aksoy and Beghin (2004), provides details of trends in global agri- cultural markets and policies, especially as they affect nine commodities of inter- est to developing countries. Another, edited by Ingco and Winters (2004), includes a wide range of analyses based on papers revised following a conference held just before the aborted WTO Trade Ministerial Meeting in Seattle in 1999. The third, edited by Ingco and Nash (2004), provides a follow-up to the broad global per- spective of the Ingco and Winters volume: it explores a wide range of key issues and options in agricultural trade reform from a developing-country perspective. The fourth, edited by Anania, Bowman, Carter, and McCalla (2004), is a compre- hensive, tenth-anniversary retrospective on the Uruguay Round Agreement on Agriculture and numerous unilateral trade and subsidy reforms in developed, transition, and developing economies. And the fifth, edited by Jank (2004), focuses on implications for Latin America. All of those studies were completed well before Doha Round negotiators reached the July Framework Agreement in the early hours of August 1, 2004. The studies also preceded the public release in December 2004 of a new version of Purdue University's Global Trade Analysis Project (GTAP) database. That Version 6.05 database is a major improvement over the previous version for several reasons. One is that it includes global trade and protection data as of 2001, whereas the previous database had data for 1997. Another is that the new protection data include, for the first time, nonreciprocal as well as reciprocal tariff preferences, the ad valorem equivalents of specific tariffs (which are plentiful in the agricultural tariff schedules of many high-income, high-protection countries), and the effects of tariff rate quotas. In addition, WTO-bound tariffs and key trade policy reforms occurring irrespective of the outcome of the Doha negotiations have been added, namely, the commitments associated with accession to WTO by such economies as China and Taiwan (China), the implementation of the last of the Uruguay Round commit- ments (including the abolition of quotas on trade in textiles and clothing at the end of 2004, and final agricultural tariff reductions in developing countries), and the enlargement of the European Union from 15 to 25 members in May 2004. 10 Agricultural Trade Reform and the Doha Development Agenda Hence what distinguishes the current volume from others is that its ex ante analy- sis focuses on the core aspects of the July Framework Agreement from the viewpoint of agriculture and developing countries but also takes account of what might happen to nonagricultural market access and the other negotiating areas. Furthermore, the analysis does so in an integrated way by using the new GTAP Version 6.05 database, which we have amended to include bound tariffs and to account for key protection changes agreed to before 2005 and related global economywide models.5 What Questions Are Addressed in This Study? This volume is the result of an intense program of integrated research undertaken during the latter half of 2004 and early 2005 by a complementary set of well- informed scholars from four continents. Among the core questions this volume addresses are the following: · What is at stake in this Doha Round, in terms of efficiency gains forgone by the various regions of the world because of current tariffs and agricultural subsidies? · How much are each of the three pillars of agricultural distortion (market access, export subsidies, and domestic support) contributing to those welfare losses, compared with nonagricultural trade barriers? · How might the demands for special and differential treatment (SDT) for developing and least developed countries be met without compromising the potential gains from trade expansion for those economies? · What are the consequences of alternative formulas for cutting bound agricul- tural tariffs for applied tariffs, trade, national income, and income distribution? · In the case of products whose imports are subject to tariff rate quotas, what are the tradeoffs between reducing out-of-quota tariffs and expanding the quota volumes or the in-quota tariffs? · Since MFN trade liberalization by developed countries erodes the value of tariff preferences, to what extent would this erosion reduce the developing countries' interest in agricultural and other trade reform? · What should be done about agricultural export subsidies, including those implicit in export credits, food aid, and arrangements for state trading enterprises? · Based on recent policy changes in key countries, how might domestic farm support measures be better disciplined in the WTO? · If domestic support commitments made in the Uruguay Round were reduced, what would be the effects on the actual domestic support levels currently pro- vided to farmers? · In particular, how might reductions in cotton subsidies help developing-coun- try farmers in West Africa and elsewhere? Agriculture, Trade Reform, and the Doha Agenda 11 · What are the effects of expanding market access for nonagricultural products at the same time as access is expanded for farm goods under a Doha agreement? · For which developing countries would farm output and employment fall as a result of such a Doha agreement? · Taking a broad brush, and in the light of past experience and our understanding of the political economy of agricultural policies in rich and poor countries, how might reform of those policies best be advanced during the Doha negotiations? · What would be the overall market and welfare consequences by 2015, for vari- ous countries and regions as well as globally, of the alternative Doha reform commitments considered in addressing each of the above questions? What Have We Learned? In answering these questions, the following are among the key messages that emerge. The potential gains from further global trade reform are huge. Global gains from trade reforms implemented after 2004 are estimated to be large even if dynamic gains and gains from economies of scale and increased competition are ignored.6 Freeing all merchandise trade and eliminating agricultural subsidies are estimated to boost global welfare by nearly $300 billion a year by 2015. Additional gains would come from whatever productivity effects that reform would generate. Developing countries could gain disproportionately from further global trade reform. The developing countries would enjoy 45 percent of the global gain from completely freeing all merchandise trade (table 1.3a), well above their current share of one-fifth of global GDP. Their welfare would increase by 1.2 percent, compared with an increase of just 0.6 percent for developed countries. The devel- oping countries gain a higher share than developed countries partly because they have relatively high tariffs themselves (so they would reap substantial efficiency gains from reforming their own protection) and partly because their exporters face much higher farm and textile tariffs in developed-country markets than do exporters from developed countries themselves (see table 1.1)--notwithstanding nonreciprocal tariff preferences for many developing countries. Benefits could be as much from South-South as from South-North trade reform. Trade reform by developing countries is as important economically to those coun- tries as is reform by developed countries, including from agricultural liberalization (see table 1.3b). Hence choosing to delay their own reforms, or reforming less than developed countries and thereby holding back South-South trade growth, could substantially reduce the potential gains to developing countries. 12 Agricultural Trade Reform and the Doha Development Agenda TABLE 1.3 Effects on Economic Welfare of Full Trade Liberal- ization by Economy and Products, 2015 (percent) a. Distribution of effects on global welfare Full liberalization of: Agriculture Textiles and Other Economy and food clothing merchandise All goods High-income 46 6 3 55 Developing 17 8 20 45 All 63 14 23 100 b. Distribution of effects on developing economies' welfare Full liberalization of: Agriculture Textiles and Other Economy and food clothing merchandise All goods High-income 30 17 3 50 Developing 33 10 7 50 All 63 27 10 100 Source: Anderson, Martin, and van der Mensbrugghe (2006, table 12.6). Note: High-income economies include Europe's transition economies that joined the EU in April 2004 as well as the four newly industrialized economies in Asia. Agriculture is where cuts are needed most. To realize the potential gain from opening up goods markets, by far the greatest cuts in bound tariffs and subsidies are required in agriculture. That is because of the very high rates of assistance in the agricultural sector relative to other sectors. Food and agricultural policies are responsible for more than three-fifths of the global gain forgone because of mer- chandise trade distortions (first column of table 1.3a) even though agriculture and food processing account for less than 10 percent of world trade and less than 4 percent of global GDP. Agriculture is just as important for the welfare of devel- oping countries as it is for the world as a whole: their gains from global agricul- tural liberalization represent almost two-thirds of their total potential gains, which compares with gains of one-quarter from textiles and clothing and one- tenth from other merchandise liberalization (table 1.3b). Subsidy disciplines are important, but increased market access in agriculture is crucial. Much of the attention in the negotiations has focused on the abolition of export subsidies. The framework agreement envisages their complete abolition and only partial reform of agricultural tariffs. However, extremely high applied tariffs on farm products relative to nonfarm products are the major reason that Agriculture, Trade Reform, and the Doha Agenda 13 TABLE 1.4 Distribution of Global Welfare Impacts from Removing All Agricultural Tariffs and Subsidies, 2001 (percent) Agricultural Benefiting economy liberalization component High-income Developing World Import market access 66 27 93 Export subsidies 5 -3 2 Domestic support 4 1 5 All measures 75 25 100 Source: Summarized from Hertel and Keeney (2006, table 2.7). Note: High-income economies include the newly industrialized East Asian economies of Hong Kong (China), Republic of Korea, Singapore, and Taiwan (China) as well as Europe's transition economies that joined the EU in April 2004. food and agricultural policies contribute 63 percent of the welfare cost of current merchandise trade distortions. Subsidies to farm production and exports are only minor additional contributors: 4 and 1 percentage points respectively, compared with 58 points attributable to agricultural tariffs.7 This is even truer for developing countries than for developed ones (compare first two columns of table 1.4), where Panagariya (2004) has pointed to the risk of some developing countries losing from abolition of export subsidies. Disciplining those domestic subsidies and phasing out export subsidies is nonetheless very important. Large cuts in domestic support commitments are needed to erase binding overhang. Commitments on domestic support for farmers are currently so much higher than actual support levels that the 20 percent cut in the total bound aggregate measure of support (AMS) promised in the July Framework Agreement as an early installment would require almost no actual support reductions. Indeed, a cut as large as 75 percent for those with the most domestic support is needed to get some action, and even then only four industrial countries would be required to make significant cuts from 2001 actual levels of domestic support: the United States (by 28 percent), the European Union (by 16 percent), Norway (by 18 percent), and Australia (by 10 percent). Reforms by the EU and Australia since 2001 have already delivered cuts that would satisfy those requirements, so only the United States and Norway would need to make further adjustments. Large cuts in bound rates also are needed to erase binding overhang in agricultural tariffs. In turning from potential gains to what might be achievable under a partial reform package, it is clear the devil is going to be in the details. Table 1.2 shows a 14 Agricultural Trade Reform and the Doha Development Agenda substantial binding overhang in agricultural tariffs: the average bound rate in developed countries is almost twice as high as the average applied rate; in devel- oping countries, the ratio is even greater. Thus large reductions in bound rates are needed before any improvement is made in market access. To bring the global average actual agricultural tariff down by one-third, bound rates would have to be reduced for developed countries by at least 45 percent, and by as much as 75 percent for the highest tariffs, under a tiered formula. A complex tiered formula may be little better than a proportional tariff cut. Because of the large binding overhang, a tiered formula for cutting agricultural tariffs would not generate much more global welfare--and no more welfare for developing countries as a group--than a proportional cut of the same average size (scenarios 1 and 4 of table 1.5).8 This suggests there may be little value in arguing over the finer details of a complex tiered formula just for the sake of reducing tariff escalation. Instead, a simple tariff cap of, say, 100, or even 200, percent could achieve many of the same objectives. TABLE 1.5 Welfare Effect of Alternative Doha Reform Scenarios, 2015 (percent difference from baseline) Scenario Scenario Scenario Scenario Scenario Scenario Economy 1 4 5 6 7 8 High-income 0.20 0.18 0.05 0.13 0.25 0.30 Middle-income 0.10 0.10 0.00 0.01 0.15 0.21 of which: China -0.02 -0.01 -0.05 -0.04 0.07 0.06 Low-income 0.05 0.04 0.01 0.00 0.18 0.30 World total 0.18 0.16 0.04 0.10 0.23 0.28 2001 US$ billions 74.5 66.3 17.9 44.3 96.1 119.3 Source: Anderson, Martin, and van der Mensbrugghe (2006, table 12.14). Note: All six scenarios assume elimination of agricultural export subsidies and cuts in actual domestic support as of 2001 of 28 percent in the United States, 18 percent in the EU, 16 percent in Norway, and 10 percent in Australia. In scenarios 1 and 4, the applied global average tariff on agricultural products is cut by roughly one-third, with larger cuts in developed economies, smaller cuts in developing economies, and zero in least developed economies. In scenario 1 there are three tiers for developed economies and four for developing countries, following Harbinson (WTO 2003) but each tier is 10 percentage points higher. Scenario 5 is the same as scenario 4 except that it allows an exemption from the tariff cuts for sensitive and special products. Scenario 6 is the same as scenario 5 but also includes a 200 percent cap on tariffs. Scenario 7 is the same as scenario 1 except it also expands market access for nonagricultural goods, cutting tariffs by 50 percent for developed economies, 33 percent for developing economies, and zero in least developed economies. Scenario 8 is the same as scenario 7 except that developing (including least developed) economies cut all their tariffs as much as developed economies. Scenarios 2 and 3 described in Anderson, Martin, and van der Mensbrugghe (2005) are not shown here. High-income countries include the newly industrialized East Asian economies of Hong Kong (China), Republic of Korea, Singapore, and Taiwan (China) as well as Europe's transition economies that joined the EU in April 2004. Agriculture, Trade Reform, and the Doha Agenda 15 Even large cuts in bound tariffs will accomplish little if exceptions are allowed for sensitive products. If members succumb to the political temptation to put limits on tariff cuts for the most sensitive farm products, most of the prospective gains from Doha could evaporate. Allowing for just 2 percent of agricultural tariff lines to be designated as sensitive products (4 percent in developing countries, to incorporate their demand for exceptional treatment also for special products), and subjecting them to just a 15 percent cut, would shrink welfare gains from agri- cultural reform by three-quarters. Allowing those exceptions but capping bound tariff rates at 200 percent would offset some of the losses from the exemptions, shrinking the welfare gain by only one-third (scenarios 5 and 6 in table 1.5). TRQ expansion could provide additional market access. Only a small number of farm products are subject to tariff rate quotas, but they protect more than half of all production in developed countries and 44 percent of their agricultural imports (de Gorter and Kliauga 2005). Bringing down (out-of-quota) MFN bound tariffs for those products could be supplemented by lowering their in- quota tariff or expanding the size of the quota itself. While doing so might increase the aggregate rent attached to those quotas and hence resistance to even- tually removing them, the binding overhang is so large that quota expansion may be the only way to increase market access for some TRQ products in the Doha Round--especially for products designated as sensitive and hence subject to smaller cuts in their bound tariffs. High binding overhang in developing countries means they would have to make few cuts. Given the high binding overhang of developing countries, even with their high tariffs and even if tiered formulas are used to cut highest bindings the most-- relatively few of them would have to cut their actual tariffs and subsidies at all. That is even more the case if some special products are subjected to smaller cuts, and if developing countries exercise their right, as laid out in the July Framework Agree- ment, to undertake smaller cuts (zero in the case of least developed countries) than developed countries. Politically, high binding overhang makes it easier for develop- ing and least developed countries to offer big cuts on bound rates, but it also means the benefits to them are smaller than if they had a smaller binding overhang. Cuts in cotton subsidies would help cotton-exporting developing countries. The removal of cotton subsidies (which have raised producer prices by well over 50 percent in the United States and the EU) would raise the export price of cotton (although not equally across all exporters because of product differentiation). If those subsidies were removed as part of freeing all merchandise trade, that export price is estimated to rise 8 percent for Brazil and less for Sub-Saharan Africa on average. However, the value of cotton exports from Sub-Saharan Africa would be 16 Agricultural Trade Reform and the Doha Development Agenda 75 percent greater than it is now, and the share of all developing countries in global cotton exports would be 85 percent instead of 56 percent in 2015, vindicat- ing those countries' efforts to ensure cotton subsidies receive specific attention in the Doha negotiations. Expanding nonagricultural market access would add substantially to the gains from agricultural reform. A 50 percent cut in nonagricultural tariffs by developed coun- tries (33 percent by developing countries and zero by least-developed countries) added to the tiered formula or proportional cut to agricultural tariffs would double the gains from Doha for developing countries. It would also account for about one- third of the nearly $300 billion potential welfare gain from full liberalization. Adding services reform would of course boost that welfare gain even more. Adding nonagricultural tariff reform to agricultural reform helps to balance the exchange of "concessions." A reduction of nonagricultural tariffs also would help balance the exchange of concessions between developed and developing countries: devel- oping-country exports to high-income countries would then be $62 billion greater, compared with the estimated $55 billion increase in high-income-country exports to developing countries. With only agricultural reform, high-income country bilateral export growth to developing countries would be little more than half the export growth in the opposite direction (table 1.6). TABLE 1.6 Effects on Bilateral Merchandise Trade Flows of Adding Nonagricultural Tariff Cuts to Agricultural Reform under Doha, 2015 (US$ billion increase over the baseline in 2015) Imports Agriculture and Agriculture reform onlya nonagriculture reformb High-income Developing High-income Developing Exports economies economies economies economies High-income 20 11 80 55 economies Developing 18 5 62 16 economies World total 38 16 142 71 Source: Anderson, Martin, and van der Mensbrugghe (2006, table 12.16). Note: High-income economies include the newly industrialized East Asian economies of Hong Kong (China), Republic of Korea, Singapore, and Taiwan (China) as well as Europe's transition economies that joined the EU in May 2004. a. Scenario 1 in table 1.5. b. Scenario 7 in table 1.5. Agriculture, Trade Reform, and the Doha Agenda 17 Most developing countries gain in our Doha scenarios, and all would if they par- ticipated more fully in the reforms. Our simulations of alternative scenarios for possible outcomes of the Doha negotiations show that middle-income countries certainly stand to gain, but so too would poorer developing countries so long as they do not exercise their claims to special and differential treatment in the form of lesser requirements to reform. An important part of this result comes from the increases in market access on a nondiscriminatory basis by other developing countries. Preference erosion may be less of an issue than commonly assumed. Some least developed countries in Sub-Saharan Africa and elsewhere appear to be slight losers in our Doha simulations when developed countries cut their tariffs and these poor countries choose not to reform at all. Our simulations overstate the benefits of tariff preferences for least developed countries, however, since they ignore the trade-dampening effect of complex rules of origin and the grabbing of much of the rents by developed-country importers. Even if least developed countries were to be losers after correcting for those realities, it remains true that preference-receiving countries could always be compensated for preference erosion through increased aid at relatively small cost to current preference providers, and in the process, other developing countries currently hurt by preferences for least developed countries would enjoy greater access to the markets of reform- ing developed countries. Farm output and employment would grow in developing countries under Doha. Although a few low-income countries lose slightly under our Doha scenarios, in all the developing countries and regions shown, the levels of output and employ- ment on farms expand. It is only in the most protected developed countries of Western Europe, Northeast Asia, and the United States that output and employ- ment levels would fall, and then only by small amounts, contrary to the predic- tions of scaremongers who claim agriculture would be decimated in reforming countries (table 1.7). Even if merchandise trade were completely liberalized, the developed countries' share of the world's primary agricultural GDP by 2015 would be only slightly lower, at 25 percent instead of 30 percent. (Their share of global agricultural exports would be diminished considerably more, however: from 53 to 38 percent.) Poverty could be reduced under Doha. Under the full merchandise trade liber- alization scenario, extreme poverty--those earning no more than $1 a day-- would drop by 32 million in developing countries in 2015 relative to the baseline level of 622 million, a reduction of 5 percent. The majority of the poor by 2015 are projected to be in Sub-Saharan Africa, where the reduction would be 6 percent. 9 18 Agricultural Trade Reform and the Doha Development Agenda TABLE 1.7 Annual Average Growth in Output and Employment from a Comprehensive Doha Reform as Compared with the Baseline Rate, by Region, 2005­2015 (percent) Output Employment Region Baseline Scenario 7 Baseline Scenario 7 Australia and New Zealand 3.5 4.3 0.4 1.0 Canada 3.5 4.0 0.2 0.6 United States 2.2 1.9 -0.8 -1.4 EU25 plus EFTA 1.0 -0.3 -1.8 -2.8 Japan 0.5 -1.4 -2.7 -4.1 Korea, Republic of, and 2.2 1.5 -1.3 -2.1 Taiwan (China) Argentina 2.9 3.5 0.9 1.5 Bangladesh 4.2 4.2 1.1 1.2 Brazil 3.3 4.4 1.1 2.2 China 4.3 4.3 0.8 0.8 India 4.3 4.4 1.0 1.0 Indonesia 3.0 3.0 -0.7 -0.6 Thailand -0.1 0.4 -4.6 -4.3 Vietnam 5.8 5.9 3.9 4.0 Russian Federation 1.5 1.4 -2.3 -2.4 Mexico 3.9 4.0 2.0 2.3 South Africa 2.5 2.6 0.0 0.1 Turkey 3.0 3.0 -0.5 -0.5 Rest of South Asia 4.8 4.9 2.0 2.1 Rest of East Asia and Pacific 3.7 3.8 0.2 0.3 Rest of Latin America and 4.4 5.3 1.9 2.6 the Caribbean Rest of Europe and 3.3 3.3 0.0 0.0 Central Asia Middle East and North Africa 4.0 4.0 1.5 1.5 Selected Sub-Saharan African 5.3 5.4 3.0 3.0 countries Rest of Sub-Saharan Africa 4.6 4.8 2.2 2.3 Rest of world 5.0 5.5 2.4 2.7 Source: Anderson, Martin, and van der Mensbrugghe (2006, table 12.17). Note: See table 1.5 for a description of scenario 7. Agriculture, Trade Reform, and the Doha Agenda 19 TABLE 1.8 Decreases in the Number of Impoverished under Full Trade Liberalization and Alternative Doha Scenarios, 2015 (millions of people) Base- Full Decrease from baseline under Region line 2015 liberalization Scenario 1 Scenario 7 Scenario 8 East Asia and 19 2.2 0.1 0.3 0.5 Pacific Latin America 43 2.1 0.3 0.4 0.5 and the Caribbean South Asia 216 5.6 0.2 1.4 3.0 Sub-Saharan 340 21.1 -0.1 0.5 2.2 Africa All developing 622 31.9 0.5 2.5 6.3 countries Source: Anderson, Martin, and van der Mensbrugghe (2006, table 12.19). Note: Poverty is defined as earnings of less than $1 a day. For description of scenarios, see table 1.5. Under the Doha scenarios reported in table 1.8, the poverty impacts are far more modest. The number of poor living on $1 a day or less would fall by 2.5 million in the case of the core Doha scenario 7 (of which 0.5 million are in Sub-Saharan Africa) and by 6.3 million in the case of Doha scenario 8 (of which 2.2 million are in Sub-Saharan Africa). This corresponds to the relatively modest ambitions of the merchandise trade reforms as captured in these Doha scenarios. If only agriculture was reformed (Doha scenario 1), there would be much less poverty alleviation globally and none at all in Sub-Saharan Africa. This shows the impor- tance for poverty of including manufactured products in the Doha negotiations. Key Policy Implications Among the numerous policy implications that are drawn out by the various chapter authors, the following are worth highlighting. Prospective gains are too large not to find the political will needed to negotiate agricultural trade reform under Doha. With gains on the order of $300 billion a year at stake from implementing the July Framework Agreement, even if no reforms are forthcoming in services, and even if the counterfactual would be the status quo rather than protectionist backsliding, the political will needs to be found to bring the round to a successful conclusion, and the sooner the better. Multilateral cuts in MFN bindings are also helpful because they can lock in 20 Agricultural Trade Reform and the Doha Development Agenda previous unilateral trade liberalizations that otherwise would remain unbound and hence vulnerable to backsliding. Implementation of the framework agree- ment can be used as an opportunity to multilateralize previously agreed prefer- ential trade agreements and thereby reduce the risk of trade diversion from those bilateral or regional arrangements. Because developed countries have the most dollars to gain, as well as the most capacity and influence, they need to show leadership at the WTO. The large developed countries cannot generate a successful agreement on their own, nor can the Doha Round succeed without a major push by the key traders. Their capacity to assist poorer economies could hardly manifest itself more clearly than in encouraging global economic integration through trade reform, and in particular by opening their markets to the items of greatest importance to poorer countries, namely, farm (and textile) products. The more that is done, the more developing countries will be encouraged to reciprocate by opening their own markets--accelerating South-South trade in addition to South- North trade. Abolishing agricultural export subsidies is the obvious first step. That would bring agriculture into line with the basic GATT rule against such measures, and in the process help to limit the extent to which governments encourage agricul- tural production by other means (since a ban on export subsidies would raise the cost of surplus disposal). China has already committed not to use export subsidies, and other developing countries can also find more efficient ways of stabilizing their domestic food markets than by dumping surpluses abroad. Domestic support bindings must be cut substantially to remove binding overhang. In so doing, the highest-subsidizing countries, namely, the EU, the United States, and Norway, need to reduce their support, not just for the sake of their own economies but also to encourage developing countries to reciprocate by opening their markets as a quid pro quo. An initial installment of a 20 percent cut is a good start, but nothing more than a start, toward eliminating that overhang.10 Even more important, agricultural tariff bindings must be cut deeply to remove binding overhang and provide some genuine market opening. Getting rid of the tariff binding overhang that resulted from the "dirty tariffication" of the Uruguay Round should be the first priority, but more than that is needed if market access is to expand. If a choice has to be made, reducing MFN bound tariffs in general would be preferable to raising tariff rate quotas, because the latter help only those lucky enough to obtain quotas and crowd out nonquota holders. (Because they run counter to the nondiscrimination spirit of the GATT, tariff rate quotas deserve the Agriculture, Trade Reform, and the Doha Agenda 21 same fate as textile quotas, which were abolished at the end of 2004.) Exemptions for even just a few sensitive and special products would be undesirable because they would greatly reduce the gains from reform and would tend to divert resources into, instead of away from, enterprises in which countries have their least comparative advantage. If it turns out to be politically impossible not to allow some exemptions, it would be crucial to impose a cap so that any sensitive or special product with a bound tariff in excess of, say, 100 percent had to reduce it to that cap rate. The tiered formula for cutting farm tariffs could be traded for a proportional cut with a cap. Should it prove to be too difficult or time-consuming to negotiate a complex, tiered tariff-reduction formula, our simulation results suggest that a proportional cut of nearly the same average magnitude plus a cap to bring down the very highest bound tariffs would be just as effective in raising welfare. Expanding nonagricultural market access at the same time that agricultural trade is reformed is essential. A balanced exchange of concessions is impossible without adding other sectors, and those sectors need to include more than tex- tiles and clothing (which also benefit developing countries disproportionately), even though textiles and clothing are the other highly distorted sector. With other merchandise included, the trade expansion would be four times greater for both rich and poor countries and poverty in low-income countries would be reduced considerably more. South-South concessions also are needed, especially for developing countries, which means reconsidering the opportunity for developing countries to liberalize less. Because developing countries are trading so much more with each other than they once did, they are the major beneficiaries of reforms within their own regions. Upper-middle-income countries might consider giving least developed countries duty-free access to their markets (mirroring the recent initiatives of developed countries) but, rather than take such discriminatory action, it would be better for them to reduce their MFN tariffs. Even least developed countries should consider reducing their tariff binding overhang, since doing so in the context of Doha gives them more scope to demand "concessions" (or compensation for preference ero- sion or other contributors to terms of trade deterioration) from richer countries without requiring them to cut their own applied tariffs very much. What the Subsequent Chapters Contribute These findings and policy implications are described more fully in the following chapters. A brief description of key aspects of each chapter's analysis is given here. 22 Agricultural Trade Reform and the Doha Development Agenda What Is at Stake In chapter 2, Tom Hertel and Roman Keeney examine the potential implica- tions of trade reform. They estimate that eliminating all agricultural subsidies and moving to complete free trade in goods and services would boost global welfare by $151 billion a year.11 Developing countries would enjoy a dispropor- tionately large share of those gains at 23 percent, well above their current share of 16 percent of global GDP. The reason is twofold: they have relatively high tariffs themselves and, more importantly, their exporters face much higher tariffs in high-income markets than do exporters from the high-income countries themselves. What are the policy measures contributing most to those potential gains from full trade liberalization? First, although agriculture contributes only 4 percent to global GDP, policies for that sector are responsible for two-thirds of the global cost of merchandise protection. Almost four-fifths of that cost is attributable to high-income country policies, with only one-fifth due to farm policies of devel- oping countries. Not surprisingly, therefore, it is high-income countries that gain the most from reform of farm programs, but developing countries also gain a siz- able portion--removing restrictions on agricultural trade accounts for more than half the total gains to developing countries from removing all merchandise trade restrictions globally. Second, textiles and clothing liberalization would contribute only one-fifth as much to global welfare as agricultural reform. Their contribution to welfare in developing countries would be considerably greater though, equal to nearly three-quarters that from farm trade reform and accounting for most of developing- country gain from nonfarm merchandise reform. What happens when services trade reform is included? Estimates are much more difficult to obtain for this category, especially when foreign direct invest- ment (commercial presence) and temporary labor migration (movement of nat- ural persons) is potentially involved. Two important points about services can be drawn from Hertel and Keeney's results. One is that even with just a small subset of services included, the potential gains from trade reform are enhanced consid- erably, accounting for 44 percent of the total gains from goods and services reforms. That exceeds agriculture's 37 percent share of the total (with other mer- chandise accounting for just 19 percent). Second, reform of developing-country services policies contributes more than one-fifth of the gain from reform of serv- ices trade, again well above their 16 percent share of global GDP. So even though the bulk of the gain from services trade reform goes to high-income countries, developing countries would do well to embrace, rather than oppose, their inclu- sion in the Doha round. Agriculture, Trade Reform, and the Doha Agenda 23 Chapter 2 also exposes the relative importance of the three separate pillars of agricultural support programs: import market access inhibited by tariffs and tariff rate quotas, domestic support measures, and export subsidies. According to Hertel and Keeney's results, it is market access measures that deliver by far the greatest prospects for gains from agricultural reform--ten times the combined contribution of domestic support and export subsidies. Farm export subsidies are now of relatively minor importance globally, thanks to reductions following the Uruguay Round. But developing countries as a group would lose a little from the total elimination of export subsidies because some are net food importing countries. Agricultural exporting developing countries, in contrast, would gain from the removal of developed-country subsidies. Special and Differential Treatment for Developing Countries In chapter 3, Tim Josling first considers the institutional arrangements for special and differential treatment in the GATT/WTO. He points out that the concept of SDT is well-established, and that the July Framework Agreement refers to it in several situations, including provisions for longer implementation periods, lower reduction commitments, consistency with the provisions of the Ministerial Decision on Least Developed and Net Food Importing Countries, and the provi- sions on food and livelihood security in the agricultural annex to the framework. The key question for developing countries, however, is how they should seek to use these opportunities for SDT. Because the framework does not give quantita- tive magnitudes, these must be negotiated, and the results will depend on where, and to what extent, developing countries use their negotiating capital to achieve their objectives. Josling's key recommendation is that developing countries use an economic approach to evaluate where it is in their interests to push hard to avoid making commitments, and where they should use their negotiating capital to seek broader liberalization commitments from their trading partners. In partic- ular, he suggests that developing countries "sell off" assets that are of declining value such as preferential access to markets where protection is falling--and seek greater liberalization in areas, such as agriculture, textiles, and the movement of labor, that promise longer-term gains. Josling asks whether SDT can be meaningful when developing countries are self-designated and whether self-designation should continue. He concludes that there is little likelihood of changing this criterion, but considers the potential feasibility of Hoekman's (2005a, 2005b) suggestion that countries might be allowed to opt out of some provisions based on objective development-oriented criteria. 24 Agricultural Trade Reform and the Doha Development Agenda In market access, the framework envisages developing countries having to make smaller tariff reductions. Josling notes that developing countries tend to have much higher binding overhang than the industrial countries in agriculture and asks whether developing countries might offer to reduce this overhang as a way to ensure larger reductions in applied tariffs in the industrial countries. The framework also envisages that developing countries will have more flexible treat- ment on special products. Here, Josling argues that developing countries will face some major choices. Attempts to seek greater coverage of these products are likely to intensify industrial country demands for greater flexibility for their own sensitive products. Under domestic support, Josling argues that developing countries should avoid spending negotiating capital on longer implementation periods and lower reduction commitments, since virtually no developing countries will need to undertake reduction commitments. Inclusion of some specific measures, such as some credit subsidies, in the so-called Green Box (measures not subject to disci- pline) might be worthwhile. He questions, however, whether establishing a new specific Development Box would be worth a substantial amount of negotiating capital given that most such measures are already in the set of allowed measures in the Green Box. Agricultural Market Access Formulas In chapter 4, Sébastien Jean, David Laborde, and Will Martin examine the potential impact of the framework's tiered formula approach to increasing market access. They note that this approach is more ambitious in a critical way than the preceding reform proposals in that it requires proportionately greater reductions in higher tariffs. The formula set out in the framework is very general, however, and so con- siderable effort is likely to be needed to convert it into specific proposals. The fundamental notion of a tiered formula with higher cuts in higher tariffs raises important questions. Simply having higher proportional cuts in higher tiers would create discontinuities, with some tariffs being reduced by more than slightly lower tariffs. Such an effect could potentially create sharp political resistance from affected groups. Jean, Laborde, and Martin highlight this problem and point to a potential solution, which involves increasing the marginal tariff-cutting rate. Any meaningful analysis of a nonlinear tiered formula requires detailed informa- tion on tariffs, including the effects of specific and other non-ad-valorem tariffs; information on applied tariff rates and on the levels of the bindings; the effects of tariff preferences; and the use of tariff rate quotas. Fortunately, the authors of this paper were able to base their analysis on detailed tariff databases that capture these critical features. Agriculture, Trade Reform, and the Doha Agenda 25 An important feature of the framework is greater flexibility for sensitive products in all countries and for special products in developing countries. Negotiators must choose how many such tariff lines are to be allowed, the extent of flexibility permitted, and the extent of liberalization of these products to be undertaken. Jean, Laborde, and Martin assume that policy makers will use these flexibilities to shelter important products--in the sense that these products involve substantial amounts of trade, and that substantial reductions in applied rates would have been required by application of the formula and that flexibili- ties will allow for only modest (15 percent ) cuts in these tariffs. They then con- sider the implications of allowing 2 percent and 5 percent of tariff lines to be sheltered as sensitive products in the industrial countries, with twice these per- centages in developing countries to allow for special products. In the baseline simulations, SDT is incorporated by allowing developing countries to make smaller tariff reductions than industrial countries. Jean, Laborde, and Martin begin their analysis by examining a tiered formula with higher tariff cuts on higher tariff items. A tiered formula with 75 percent mar- ginal reductions on the highest tariffs in industrial countries and 60 percent in developing countries was found to generate worthwhile increases in market access, with bound rates falling by about half on average worldwide, and applied rates by roughly one-third. The reductions in applied rates required are generally quite modest, however, with only four country groups being required to undertake a reduction in average agricultural tariffs of more than 5 percentage points. A striking finding of this chapter is the potentially dramatic impact of incor- porating flexibility for sensitive and special products. When 2 percent of tariff lines in the industrial countries are given flexibility for sensitive products, and 4 percent in developing countries for sensitive and special products, the average cut worldwide in bound duties falls from 19 percent to 6 percent. The reduction in applied rates falls by a factor of five, from 5.5 percentage points to 1.1 points. Interestingly, raising the share of sensitive products from 2 percent to 5 percent of tariff lines causes a relatively small additional diminution in market access gains--the real damage is done by the first 2 percent. If, as experience suggests, it proves to be difficult to agree on boundaries for tiers under a tiered formula, then a proportional cut of the type used for manu- factures trade in the Kennedy Round would generate large absolute--if not proportional--reductions in higher tariffs. Jean, Laborde, and Martin explore the implications of using such a formula, set to achieve the same proportional reduc- tions in bound tariffs as the tiered formula. They find that this approach brings about rather similar tariff reduction patterns as a tiered formula, except for in the Republic of Korea, where protection is very high and which needs to make smaller reductions under the proportional-cut approach. Adding a tariff cap--even one set 26 Agricultural Trade Reform and the Doha Development Agenda at a very high level such as 200 percent--is found to offset much of the lost benefit of the tiered formula of reducing the overall variability of tariffs. The SDT provisions in the framework reduce the extent to which developing countries have to cut their bound tariff rates.With SDT,they have to cut by 21 percent; without it they would have to cut by 31 percent. The corresponding reductions in their applied rates are much smaller, however. With SDT, developing-country applied rates would have to decline on average, by 4.3 percent, while without it, the required decline would be 6.9 percent. Given the binding overhang that drives these gaps, a key question for developing-country policy makers is whether the mercantilist "benefits" of smaller tariff reductions justify the resulting loss in the negotiating capital that could be used to demand larger cuts in support in the developed countries. The market access gains resulting from a tiered formula vary substantially across countries and commodities. The tiered formula used in this chapter would reduce the average applied tariff facing developing countries by 5.2 percent, but it reduces tariffs facing China by an extraordinary 14.8 percent. In terms of commodities, the largest gain would be in cereals, for which the average tariff worldwide would fall by more than half, from 41.2 percent to 19.2 percent. Substantial gains in market access would also be expected for sugar, meat, and dairy products. Tariff Rate Quotas Harry de Gorter and Erika Kliauga analyze the key issue of tariff rate quotas in chapter 5. These measures involve a lower, in-quota tariff for a limited volume of imports of a particular product, and a higher, out-of-quota tariff on additional imports of the same product. The chapter shows that TRQs have been imple- mented by 43 WTO members, on about 20 percent of their tariffs, for a total of 1,425 tariff lines. However, TRQ products are subject to extraordinarily high tariffs--an aver- age out-of-quota tariff of 115 percent. These products account for an estimated 50 percent of the agricultural production of developed countries and 43 percent of their imports, so clearly TRQs have major implications for developing-county market access. For some products, the importance of TRQs is overwhelming: 95 percent of OECD rice production is protected by TRQ regimes, and 85 percent of OECD wheat imports are regulated using TRQs. The most effective approach to expanding market access under a TRQ regime is critically determined by whether the level of imports is being determined by the in-quota tariff, the quota, or the out-of-quota tariff. De Gorter and Kliauga show that approximately one-third of the number of quotas are filled, which Agriculture, Trade Reform, and the Doha Agenda 27 translates to a trade-weighted average fill rate of 72 percent. Roughly 60 percent of TRQ imports, valued at $25 billion, are subject to a regime in which the out- of-quota tariff determines the level of imports, with a further 20 percent of imports coming under a regime where imports exceed the quota, but are not charged the out-of-quota tariff. This chapter provides a glimpse into the complexity of the TRQ regime. The three most important means of administering TRQs are the use of applied tariffs, licenses on demand, and first-come, first-served. These forms of administration cover almost 80 percent of total TRQs, and 46 percent of TRQ imports. Yet none of these approaches to quota allocation provide a rational basis for determining who should obtain scarce and valuable rights to import. Only the less widely used forms of allocation, such as historical imports (8.2 percent of TRQs); quota auctioning (4.6 percent); and allocation to favored groups such as producers or state trading enterprises (2.1 percent) have this critical feature. Despite the importance of out-of-quota tariffs in determining volumes of imports under TRQ regimes, a simulation exercise reported by de Gorter and Kliauga suggests that quota expansion cannot be totally dismissed as a form of market access expansion. Using an elasticity of demand similar to that used in the general equilibrium model of chapter 12, the authors found that a 50 percent increase in TRQ quota levels would generate a 14.5 percent increase in the vol- ume of imports of these goods, while a 35 percent reduction in applied out-of- quota tariffs would result in a 52 percent increase in import volume. Given the complexity and nontransparency of the quota allocation regimes, and the fact that in-quota tariffs are not currently subject to WTO disciplines, there are grounds for concern about how effectively an agreement to expand quotas would be translated into actual import expansion. Preference Erosion for Developing Countries Antoine Bouët, Lionel Fontagné, and Sébastien Jean examine the implications of tariff preferences in chapter 6. Their study builds on the major data collection effort undertaken at the Centre d'Etudes Prospectives et d'Informations Interna- tionales and the International Trade Commission. The authors note the large and rapidly growing deviations from the fundamental principle of nondiscrimination contained in Article I of the GATT--primarily as a result of preferential trade agreements, but also through expansion of nonreciprocal preferential arrange- ments such as Everything But Arms for least developed countries. They examine the implications of tariff cuts for erosion of preferences. This analysis confirms the widely reported finding that the impact of liberalization on preference margins is large for only a handful of countries, including The Gambia, 28 Agricultural Trade Reform and the Doha Development Agenda Saint Lucia, Malawi, and Burkina Faso. They find that the extent of preference erosion is barely affected by whether the tariff cut is undertaken using a tiered formula or a proportional cut. Simulation analysis concludes that the inclusion of preferences does change the estimated impact of liberalization, but only to a small extent. The chapter concludes that the current methodology for including tariff preferences in the database overstates their impact because it ignores the costs associated with using preferences--especially the costs of proving compliance and of meeting rules of origin. Agricultural Export Subsidies As Bernard Hoekman and Patrick Messerlin make clear in chapter 7, farm export subsidies are inconsistent with GATT rules and for that reason alone deserve to be eliminated. The empirical analysis shows that they are in any case now only a small part of agricultural support programs--even when implicit subsidies in the form of food aid and export credits are included. Their elimination would harm a few food-importing and aid-dependent developing countries, but the poor in those countries can be assisted in far more efficient ways than through these measures.A not overly optimistic scenario for the Doha Round involves a phas- ing out of most explicit and implicit forms of farm export subsidies over the next decade or so. This chapter shows that the information in WTO export subsidy notifica- tions is extremely dated and incomplete, presented on a product basis that varies between countries, and frequently inconsistent with national-level data. Clearly, the quality of these data needs to be improved if export subsidies are to be adequately monitored. This information, and national-level data, show sub- stantial variation in export subsidy rates between countries, with the EU by far the dominant user of export subsidies. There is also a great deal of variation between commodities, with some commodities, such as dairy products, being subject to export subsidy rates of more than 100 percent in the EU, while other products, such as wine, receive extremely limited subsidies. There are substantial variations in export subsidy rates over time, highlighting the frequent use of these measures to support domestic prices that are insulated from movements in world prices. Hoekman and Messerlin also examine estimates of export support provided through other measures subject to negotiation, such as export credits and sup- port to state trading enterprises. While the data are weak, the authors conclude that these measures currently appear to be of little significance relative to explicit export subsidies. Agriculture, Trade Reform, and the Doha Agenda 29 Agricultural Domestic Support Disciplines In chapter 8, Chad Hart and John Beghin discuss the structure and measurement of the domestic support limits. They point out that the market price support (MPS) element of the aggregate measure of support (AMS) is only loosely related to distorting support, being measured as the difference between an administered domestic price and an historically fixed external reference price. They also show that the importance of this form of support varies considerably from country to country, contributing only 40 percent of domestic support in the United States in recent years, compared with 70 percent in Japan and the EU. The MPS also double-counts protection provided by administered prices because such protection must be supported by a tariff or export subsidy if it is to be sustain- able. Worse, from the viewpoint of enforcing disciplines, the MPS is subject to abuse. Policies can be cosmetically reformed to eliminate the current MPS without substan- tively changing protection policies or reducing the limits on AMS. A country can eliminate the formal, administered price without changing the support policies used to distort it away from world prices. For countries where a large fraction of support is provided through MPS, this provides a great deal of overhang, enabling limits to be cut without requiring reductions in actual support. There has been much discussion of "box-shifting" in AMS reduction--this process allows the boxes to be vaporized. Reducing AMS Bindings In chapter 9, Hans Jensen and Henrik Zobbe ask what AMS reductions are likely to be required, given the current rules on domestic support and current commitments. They use data collected from country notifications to assess the implications of reform. They find that the ability to abolish notified domestic support by moving away from administered domestic support prices creates an enormous amount of "space"for cuts in domestic support in those countries where MPS makes up a large share of total sup- port. For example, in industrial countries with substantial (more than 20 percent) domestic support, even a 75 percent cut in the AMS requires reductions in actual domestic support in only a small number of industrial countries. And because some have already reformed to more than that extent since 2001, only the United States and Norway seem likely to have to reduce their actual domestic supports. The Cotton Initiative In chapter 10, Dan Sumner points out that the Cotton Initiative in the Doha Agenda was placed at the center of the negotiations by four small African nations. The remarkable prominence given this initiative reflects several issues, 30 Agricultural Trade Reform and the Doha Development Agenda including the increased role of developing countries in the WTO, the importance of cotton exports to a number of small African countries, and the unimportance of preferential market access for this commodity, which is supported primarily through domestic support measures. The initiative proposes gradual elimination of cotton subsidies, as well as compensation in the meantime for the damage they continue to do during the reform process. Reform of the trade-related aspects of U.S. cotton policies, in particular, is likely to be necessary, either as part of the Cotton Initiative or in response to the successful Brazilian dispute settlement challenge to these policies. The compensation elements of the Cotton Initiative could provide worthwhile benefits to the affected countries. Holograms and Ghosts in Reforming Farm Policies In chapter 11, David Orden and Eugenio Díaz-Bonilla explore some innovative approaches that governments might use to advance the cause of reform in the face of the powerful domestic interests likely to oppose it. They note that a major theme of recent reform in industrial countries has been the replacement of distorting support with cash-out measures that aim to reduce distortions to production and consump- tion decisions. They contrast this with a buyout approach that eliminates recurrent support in return for an up-front lump payment, and they examine the generally favorable experience with cash-out measures in the U.S. peanut and tobacco pro- grams. The authors note that WTO commitments could provide a commitment mechanism to ensure that abolition of recurrent distortions is truly permanent. For developing countries, the authors examine the changes in approaches to policy reform in the period since World War II, beginning with the initial, strong emphasis on industrialization, which frequently involved taxation of agriculture. They note that this pattern changed substantially, with a move toward technolog- ical innovation and outward orientation in the 1970s, an emphasis on structural adjustment in the 1980s, and an increased emphasis on targeted poverty allevia- tion in the 1990s. In the WTO, they note considerable diversity among the posi- tions of developing countries, with some pushing for agricultural reform while others are taking a defensive stance. They conclude that the best approach for development involves a neutral trade and macroeconomic framework, backed by significant nondistortionary interventions and investments needed to overcome market failures and attack poverty problems. Some Prospective Overall Doha Packages: Estimating Their Consequences In the final chapter, Kym Anderson, Will Martin, and Dominique van der Mens- brugghe bring together the evidence from earlier chapters into a synthesis designed Agriculture, Trade Reform, and the Doha Agenda 31 to assess the potential impacts of a Doha Round agreement on trade, welfare, income distribution, and poverty. The analysis uses the World Bank's LINKAGE model to assess the impacts of cuts in tariffs, agricultural domestic support, agricul- tural export subsidies, and liberalization of manufactures, as well as potential gains from the trade facilitation elements of the Doha agreement. The study finds that gains from reform can be huge in dollar terms and that agricultural reforms can contribute more than 60 percent of the total benefits of global goods trade reforms. Various scenarios investigate the effects of different possible modalities, including allowing for exceptional treatment of some sensitive and special farm products, the use of a proportional-cut approach, and incorporation of a tariff cap. The authors find that developing countries would gain disproportionately from global trade reform, and would also enjoy some poverty alleviation--and that the benefits would be as much from South-South trade reform as from reform in industrial countries. In terms of farm policy, a key finding is that large cuts in both agricultural tariffs and domestic support commitments are required to reduce the binding overhang and contribute to expansion of market access and trade. The authors also find that adding nonagricultural market access is vital to ensuring that a balanced package is obtained. The benefits of even a very aggressive tariff- cutting formula for agriculture would be greatly diminished, however, by an agreement allowing a small percentage of tariff lines to be given lenient treatment on the grounds of their sensitive or special product status. What also emerges from that modeling analysis is that developing countries would not have to reform very much under Doha, because of the large gaps between their tariff bindings and the applied rates. That is even truer if they exer- cise their right (as laid out in the July Framework Agreement) to undertake smaller tariff cuts than developed countries. In that case, they would gain little in terms of improved efficiency of national resource use. Yet, as Panagariya (2004) and others have warned, reform under Doha could mean that the terms of trade deteriorate for a nontrivial number of low-income countries--some because they would lose tariff preferences on their exports, others because they are net food importers and so would face higher prices for their imports of food. To realize more of their potential gains from trade, developing and least developed countries would need to engage more fully in the Doha reform process, and perhaps also commit to additional unilateral trade (and complementary domestic) reforms as well as invest more in trade facilitation. High-income countries could encourage them to do so by being willing to open up their own markets to more developing- country exports and by providing more targeted aid. To that end, a new proposal has been put forward to reward developing-country commitments to greater trade reform with an expansion of trade-facilitating aid. The rewards would be provided by a major expansion of the current Integrated 32 Agricultural Trade Reform and the Doha Development Agenda Framework, which is operated by a consortium of international agencies for least developed countries (Hoekman 2005a, 2005b). This may well provide an attrac- tive path for developing countries seeking to trade their way out of poverty, not least because linking aid to greater trade reform would help offset the tendency for an expanded aid flow to cause a real exchange rate appreciation (Commission for Africa 2005, 296­97). As well, it is potentially a far more efficient way for devel- oped countries to assist people in low-income countries than the current systems of tariff preferences. In conclusion, the July Framework Agreement does not guarantee major gains from the Doha Development Agenda. Even if an agreement is ultimately reached, it may be very modest. How modest depends on, among other things, the nature of the agricultural tariff-cutting formula, the size of the cuts, the extent to which exceptions for sensitive and special products are allowed, whether a tariff cap is introduced, and the extent to which special and differential treatment is invoked by developing countries in terms of their market access commitments. What is clear is that major gains are possible only if the political will can be mustered to reform protectionist policies--especially in agriculture. Notes 1. GATT rules were intended, in principle, to cover all trade in goods. In practice, however, trade in agricultural products was largely excluded from the GATT rules as a consequence of a number of exceptions. Details are to be found in Josling, Tangermann, and Warley (1996) and in Anderson and Josling (2005). 2. According to the United Nations' Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO), 54 percent of the economically active population in developing countries is engaged in agriculture, which is nearly five times larger than the sector's measured GDP share (FAO 2004, table A4). While some of that difference in shares is due to underreporting of subsistence consumption, the gap nonetheless implies that on average these people are considerably less productive and hence poorer than those employed outside agriculture. 3. Generally throughout this volume we use the term high-income economies to include the devel- oped countries, the new Central European members of the EU, and the four Asian "tiger" economies of Hong Kong (China), Republic of Korea, Singapore, and Taiwan (China). The term developing countries generally excludes these latter four (and includes other economies in transition). However, in modeling tariff cuts in Doha scenarios, we treat these four Asian tiger economies the same as other developing economies because they have self-nominated to retain that status in the WTO (because it may bestow certain benefits including lesser obligations to cut tariffs). 4. Until recently the PSE referred to the producer subsidy equivalent. For more about the concept and its history, see Legg (2003). 5. This analysis is vastly more sophisticated than the ex ante analyses undertaken for the Uruguay Round. At that time there were very few economywide global models, so analysts relied primarily on partial equilibrium models of world food markets (see, for example, World Bank 1986, Goldin and Knudsen 1990, and Tyers and Anderson 1992). Moreover, estimates of protection rates were somewhat cruder and less complete, and analysts grossly overestimated the gains because they did not anticipate that tariffication would be so "dirty" in the sense of creating large wedges between bound tariff rates and MFN applied tariff rates, nor did they have reliable estimates of the tariff preferences enjoyed by Agriculture, Trade Reform, and the Doha Agenda 33 developing countries or the ad valorem equivalent of specific and compound tariffs. Some of these limitations also applied to ex post analyses of the Uruguay Round (see, for example, Martin and Winters 1996). 6. The evidence is that trade reform in general is also good for economic growth and, partly because of that, for poverty alleviation (Dollar and Kraay 2004; Winters 2004; Winters, McCulloch, and McKay 2004). 7. In our initial empirical analysis, we also included crude estimates of implicit forms of farm export subsidization through such venues as food aid, export credits, or state trading enterprises, but even that was not enough to raise that export subsidy share above 1 percent. The finding that tariffs distort much more than subsidies is not surprising when one recalls that subsidies involve government outlays that are scrutinized annually in the budget process, whereas import tariffs tend to raise gov- ernment revenue. 8. Scenarios 2 and 3 of chapter 12 are not shown in this chapter. 9. The approach here has been to take the change in the average per capita consumption of the poor, apply an estimated income-to-poverty elasticity, and assess the effects on the poverty headcount index. We have done this by calculating the change in the real wage of unskilled workers and deflating it by a food/clothing consumer price index, which is more relevant for the poor than the total price index. That real wage grows, over all developing countries, by 3.6 percent, or more than four times the overall average income increase. We are assuming that the change in unskilled wages is fully passed through to households. Also, while the model closure has the loss in tariff revenues replaced by a change in direct household taxation, the poverty calculation assumes--realistically for many develop- ing countries--that these tax increases affect only skilled workers and high-income households. While these simple calculations are not a substitute for more-detailed individual country case study analysis using detailed household surveys as in, for example, Hertel and Winters (2005), they are able to give a broad, regionwide indication of the poverty impact. 10. As Francois and Martin (2004) have shown, any binding cut is useful for the long run even if it brings no immediate cut in applied rates. 11. 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New York: Oxford University Press. WTO (World Trade Organization). 2004."Doha Work Programme: Decision Adopted by the General Council on 1 August 2004." WT/L/579 (July Framework Agreement), WTO, Geneva. 2 What Is at Stake: The Relative Importance of Import Barriers, Export Subsidies, and Domestic Support Thomas W. Hertel and Roman Keeney This chapter provides an estimate of the potential welfare gains from various agri- cultural and trade policy reforms under the Doha Development Agenda of the World Trade Organization (WTO). Specifically, it explores the differential impacts on trade and economic welfare in developing and other countries of current restrictions on imports of agricultural and other merchandise (and services) by both rich and poor countries, as well as of agricultural export subsidies and domestic support in high-income countries. There are two main channels through which developing countries would be affected by the removal of current trade distortions. The first is the efficiency gain achieved when a country's own trade distortions are removed, or when it interacts favorably with trade shocks abroad that increase its export prices or reduce its import prices. The efficiency effect stemming from global agricultural trade liber- alization is typically positive for participating countries. The second channel is through a change in a country's international terms of trade. Agricultural trade liberalization generally raises food prices in inter- national markets, particularly for those temperate-zone products that are heav- ily protected in the high-income countries. This means that the terms of trade improve for countries that are net exporters of protected farm products (unless they are currently enjoying duty-free access to protected markets where domestic prices fall), while net food-importing countries are expected to lose 37 38 Agricultural Trade Reform and the Doha Development Agenda (unless they become sufficient net exporters in the course of adjusting to the new conditions). Long-term subsidies for agricultural program commodities in high-income countries, coupled with agricultural disincentives in many developing countries, have left the latter increasingly dependent on imports of these subsidized products (Dimaranan, Hertel, and Keeney 2004). Thus we expect numerous developing countries would experience terms of trade losses if agricultural tariffs, domestic supports, and export subsidies were to be eliminated by high-income countries. After examining the welfare effects on developing countries of high-income country liberalization in agriculture under the three agricultural pillars, we also examine the incidence for developing countries of increasing market access for agricultural products in other developing countries. Beyond agriculture, we then look at the additional welfare impacts of nonagricultural market access. Finally, we speculate on the relative contribution of liberalization of direct trade in serv- ices as well as trade facilitation measures in enhancing gains to developing coun- tries from the Doha Round. The Model Used The predicted incidence of any economic reform depends on the relative supply and demand elasticities in the market being reformed. For example, removal of an agricultural producer subsidy in a market in which demand is elastic and supply is inelastic results in the loss being borne largely by producers of that farm product. Therefore, it is critical to use an analytical framework that pays close attention to the supply and demand characteristics in the markets to be reformed. For purposes of this study, we employed the recently developed model known as the Global Trade Analysis Project-Agriculture, or GTAP-AGR. This is a special-purpose variant of the widely used GTAP model of global trade (Hertel 1997), which has been tai- lored to analysis of global agricultural trade policy issues (Keeney and Hertel 2005). As documented on the GTAP Web site, the standard GTAP model includes demand for goods for final consumption, intermediate use and government con- sumption; demand for factor inputs; supplies of factors and goods; and interna- tional trade in goods and services.1 The model employs the simplistic but robust assumptions of perfect competition and constant returns to scale in production activities. Bilateral international trade flows are handled using the Armington assumption by which products are exogenously differentiated by origin. From this standard framework, GTAP-AGR incorporates some alternative repre- sentations to bring focus on the intricacies of agricultural production and markets. Several structural features have been highlighted in the agricultural economics liter- ature for their importance in analyzing agricultural policy changes: factor mobility What Is at Stake: The Relative Importance of Import Barriers 39 and substitution in production; crop-livestock sector interactions; consumer food demand; and trade elasticities. The manner in which each of these features is intro- duced into the model is detailed in Keeney and Hertel (2005) and is discussed briefly below. Recent work by the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD 2001) on the cost and world market impacts of agricultural support high- lights the role of factor market issues in an empirical, partial equilibrium model. This work focuses on the segmentation that occurs in land, labor, and capital markets between the agricultural and nonagricultural economies, and provides the region-specific factor supply elasticities used to calibrate our model's con- stant elasticity-of-transformation function that allocates factors between agricul- tural and nonagricultural uses. We also follow the OECD's factor substitution regime for primary agriculture, focusing on substitution possibilities among farm-owned and purchased inputs, as well as between the two. We calibrate the constant elasticity-of-substitution-cost functions for farm-level sectors to the region-specific Allen elasticities of substitution provided by the OECD. Interaction between livestock and crop sectors received considerable atten- tion in the literature following reform of the European Common Agricultural Policy (CAP) in 1992 and has continued to be an area of concern (Peeters and Surry 1997). We follow the approach of Rae and Hertel (2000) in modeling the substitution possibilities for feedstuffs in livestock production as an additional CES (constant elasticity-of substitution) nest in the livestock sector cost func- tion. We calibrate this region-generic parameter to an average substitution elas- ticity calculated from Surry's (1992) three-stage model describing the behavior of European livestock producers, composite feed mixers, and grain producers. The importance of consumer demand for final goods is prominent in the agri- cultural economics literature. Estimated consumer demand systems are examined to address a variety of issues including the potential impacts from world price changes accompanying trade liberalization. The unique role of food in the consumer budget has been emphasized in much of this work, especially as it relates to the distribution of incomes (Cranfield 2002; Seale, Regmi, and Bernstein 2003). We employ a recent set of estimates from a cross-country study of demand, keying on own-price and income elasticities of demand for food. We calibrate the parameters of the constant difference elasticity demand system in GTAP to the elasticities for the eight food aggregates and an additional nonfood aggregate derived from the econometric work of Seale, Regmi, and Bernstein (2003). International trade elasticities that describe the substitution possibilities between goods differentiated by origin have received considerable attention for the important role they play in simulation models determining the effects of liberaliza- tion on terms of trade. Hertel and others (2003) provide recent estimates of this 40 Agricultural Trade Reform and the Doha Development Agenda substitution relationship at the same level of disaggregation as the sectors in the GTAP model. Those authors also show how the estimated gains from trade liberal- ization hinge critically on the value of these parameters. We make use of their region-generic estimates of the elasticity of substitution among imported goods from different sources, which is modeled using the Armington/CES structure.2 Current Patterns of Merchandise Trade Distortions In any global economic analysis, some aggregation is required to avoid being over- whelmed by results. Therefore, for reporting summary results we group countries and regions in the GTAP 6 database into three broad sets: high-income countries, transition economies, and developing countries. Table 2.1 provides a listing of all modeled regions and the organization of these regions into the three aggregates. The high-income regions are most of the OECD countries plus the four newly industri- alized East Asian "tigers." Transition economies comprise the central and eastern European nations as well as the nations of the former Soviet Union still in the process of becoming market economies and democratic. The level of disaggregation among developing countries represents a mix of focus countries in each region of the world plus composite groupings of remaining countries so that together with high-income and transition economies, they exhaust global economic activity. The choice of base period is important. For many of the Doha negotiations, 2001 is the relevant reference period. This is convenient, as the newly available GTAP 6 database is also benchmarked to the year 2001. However, some important trade policy commitments are in place that logically precede any Doha agreement, yet were still not in place in 2001. Perhaps the most important of these is the phaseout of export quotas on textiles and apparel shipped to the United States and the European Union, as agreed to in the Uruguay Round. These quotas were abol- ished at the end of 2004, and their elimination has begun a substantial restructur- ing of the world textiles and apparel trade. Conducting an analysis of textiles and apparel trade liberalization from a 2001 base could yield very misleading results if it did not take into account the changes to take place by the end of 2004. Similarly, a number of newly acceding WTO members, most notably China, have made commitments that will be implemented only in the coming years. Thus we begin by conducting a "presimulation" that involves implementing those preexisting WTO commitments not implemented as of 2001. We then take the resulting data set from that presimulation as the base for our analysis. Table 2.2 provides summary of the levels of domestic support for agriculture in a selection of OECD countries, as measured by the OECD's producer support estimates (PSE) database and incorporated in the GTAP database (Dimaranan and What Is at Stake: The Relative Importance of Import Barriers 41 TABLE 2.1 Modeled Regions by Type of Economy High-income economies European Union (EU15) European Free Trade Area (EFTA) Canada United States Mexico Japan Korea, Rep. of, and Taiwan (China) Hong Kong (China) and Singapore Australia and New Zealand (ANZ) Transition economies EU's 10 new entrants Russian Federation Other Eastern Europe and former Soviet Union Developing economies China Indonesia Philippines Vietnam Other East Asia (OEAsia) India Bangladesh Other South Asia (OSAsia) Argentina Brazil Other Latin America and Caribbean (OLAC) Morocco Other North Africa and Middle East (ONAM) Southern African Customs Union (SACU) Mozambique Other Southern Africa (OSAfrica) Other Sub-Saharan Africa (OSSA) Source: Authors' classifications. McDougall 2005).3 The first column of Table 2.2 gives the total PSE inclusive of border measures; the second column gives the amount of that total that is explicitly attributable to domestic support. The remaining columns give the fraction of domestic support distinguished by the payment's attribution in the GTAP 6 database. 42 Agricultural Trade Reform and the Doha Development Agenda TABLE 2.2 Agricultural Domestic Support in Selected High-Income Economies Domestic Percentage of domestic support PSE, support PSE by payment basis Total PSE 2001 US$ Country/ (2001 US$ millions (% Output Input Land Capital region millions) of total PSE) payments payments payments payments EU15 87,734 39,585 9.2 12.3 47.9 30.6 (45) Switzerland 4,444 1,883 18.2 4.5 47.1 30.2 (42) Canada 3,977 2,079 11.4 12.5 72.3 3.8 (52) United 31,880 31,880 29.6 22.2 46.9 1.3 States (62) Mexico 7,271 2,631 17.1 19.6 49.0 14.4 (36) Japan 45,423 4,604 37.5 21.3 20.9 25.3 (10) Korea, 16,680 967 0.0 18.1 51.4 30.5 Rep. of (6) ANZ 818 815 3.2 60.0 31.3 5.5 (100) Source: OECD's PSE/CSE database (http://www.oecd.org). For Japan and the Republic of Korea, we see that in 2001 the majority of protection was still at the border so that domestic support for these countries is minimal. In con- trast, the entire PSE in Australia and New Zealand, which is very modest, is based on domestic programs. Of the remaining countries, between one- and two-thirds of assistance is domestic support. In these regions we see that the majority of pay- ments are attached to land and capital usage, reflecting the push for decoupling in the wake of the Uruguay Round Agreement on Agriculture. Keep in mind that this aggregate measure could mask considerable domestic protection for specific prod- ucts, such as sugar, that are important for developing-country welfare impacts. Export subsidies reported to the WTO for the 2001 base period are taken from the GTAP 6 database, as assembled by Aziz Elbehri of the U.S. Department of What Is at Stake: The Relative Importance of Import Barriers 43 Agriculture's Economic Research Service. The EU is the main user of export subsi- dies. Indeed, among the GTAP farm and food products grouped together for this study, only cattle and vegetable oils are not supported by an export subsidy from the EU. The United States makes little use of export subsidies in trade promotion, pre- ferring to use export credits, the impact of which is explored here as a sensitivity analysis, since the export subsidy equivalent of such credits, as well as state trading and food aid, are rather speculative and so are not included in the GTAP database. Import tariffs for the 2001 base period in the GTAP 6 database are sourced from the MAcMap database maintained in Paris by the Centre d'Etudes Prospec- tives et d'Informations Internationales (CEPII). MAcMap is the most comprehen- sive tariff database currently available. It is maintained at the HS-6 digit level and encompasses preferential tariffs, specific tariffs, and tariff rate quotas.4 Table 2.3 summarizes the average (trade-weighted) tariff rates applied by high-income countries, transition economies, and developing countries (the three columns of this table) on imports from one another, by four broad product categories TABLE 2.3 Average Applied Import Tariffs, by Sector and Region, 2001 (percent, ad valorem equivalent) Importing region High-income Transition Developing Exporting region economies economies economies Agriculture High-income 8.4 16.8 18.8 Transition 10.3 10.3 17.4 Developing 15.9 17.2 18.3 Other primary High-income 0.2 0.8 4.8 Transition 0.1 0.3 1.7 Developing 0.7 0.4 3.4 Textiles and apparel High-income 3.4 6.4 18.2 Transition 1.8 6.5 30.9 Developing 8.4 16.2 20.5 Other manufactures High-income 1.0 3.7 9.9 Transition 0.8 4.0 8.7 Developing 1.3 6.0 9.2 Source: GTAP Version 6 database (http://www.gtap.org). 44 Agricultural Trade Reform and the Doha Development Agenda (table rows): agricultural and processed food products, other primary products, textiles and apparel, and other manufactured products. The easiest way to understand the entries in table 2.3 is to walk through some specific examples. Consider the numbers in the upper left-hand cell of the table. These report that the average tariff on agricultural imports by high-income coun- tries from other high-income countries is 8.4 percent. By contrast, the average tariff on developing-country exports to high-income markets is nearly twice as high at 15.9 percent. Since the MAcMap database includes preferences for developing coun- tries, this result is particularly surprising. Two factors explain it, however. First, developing countries tend to export products (such as sugar) that face relatively high tariffs in high-income countries. Therefore, when we aggregate across all prod- ucts within agriculture, the developing countries face higher trade-weighted average tariffs. The second reason for higher tariffs on developing-country exports is the prevalence of specific tariffs in agriculture. These tariffs are specified in dollars per unit of product rather than as a percent of the value of imports. Since developing countries tend to export lower-value products within any given tariff category, the ad valorem tariff equivalent associated with any given specific tariff tends to be a larger share of the unit value of imports from developing countries. Moving across the top of table 2.3, we come next to the average tariffs levied on agricultural imports into the transition economies. Here, imports from high- income and developing countries face similar tariffs of about 17 percent, with a lower rate on intraregional trade within this group of countries--presumably attributable to trade agreements. The overall level of agriculture tariffs in the tran- sition economies in 2001 is higher than that in the high-income economies, and nearly as high as that in developing countries (final column). In the developing countries the overall average tariffs are quite similar across export sources. Other primary products face low tariffs worldwide, while textile and apparel products face high average tariffs. Once again, as for the heavily protected agricul- tural sector, we see the pattern of much higher average tariffs levied by the high- income countries against developing countries (8.4 percent) than they impose on other high-income countries (3.4 percent). The same applies for the transition economies' tariffs on textiles and apparel. Developing-country tariffs on these prod- ucts are much higher still, reaching an average of 30 percent in the case of imports from transition economies. For other manufactures, the OECD average tariff is roughly one-third of the transition economies' tariff average, which is in turn about one-third of the tariff applied by developing countries (around 9 percent). Table 2.4 disaggregates developing-country tariffs by individual country or region in the model we are using for this study. Note the relatively high average rate of protection for agriculture in Vietnam, India, Other South Asia, Morocco, and Other Southern Africa countries. In textiles and apparel, Vietnam, India, What Is at Stake: The Relative Importance of Import Barriers 45 TABLE 2.4 Average Import Tariffs in Developing Countries (percent, ad valorem equivalent) Agriculture Textiles Other Importing region and food and apparel merchandise China 9.6 9.6 5.5 Indonesia 5.0 7.9 4.4 Philippines 9.5 6.5 2.2 Vietnam 36.6 28.8 12.2 OEAsia 22.6 13.5 6.2 India 50.1 26.6 25.4 Bangladesh 12.7 30.1 16.0 OSAsia 21.4 7.2 13.5 Argentina 6.9 11.1 10.1 Brazil 5.0 14.7 9.7 OLAC 10.7 12.8 8.3 Morocco 29.4 38.7 15.3 ONAM 12.8 26.4 6.8 SACU 7.8 19.6 4.9 Mozambique 13.4 21.8 8.4 OSAfrica 23.7 14.9 16.3 OSSA 20.9 27.8 13.2 Source: GTAP Version 6 database (http://www.gtap.org). Bangladesh, Morocco, Other North Africa and Middle East (ONAM), Mozambique, and Other Sub-Saharan Africa (OSSA) all have average import barriers in excess of 20 percent. In other merchandise trade, India stands out with a 2001 average tariff rate of 25 percent, a full 10 percentage points above the other regions in this data- base. Removal of these import barriers would generate very substantial import flows, which in turn would require significant export increases to pay for them. Implications of Merchandise Trade Liberalization for Developing Countries' Trade We now combine the database discussed in the previous section with the GTAP- AGR modeling framework discussed earlier to project the impact of full merchan- dise trade and subsidy reform on developing-country trade flows. Table 2.5 reports the predicted percentage change in imports, by region and broad com- modity category (with changes in trade volumes reported in parentheses). As expected, Vietnam, India, Other South Asia, Morocco, and Other Southern Africa 46 Agricultural Trade Reform and the Doha Development Agenda TABLE 2.5 Percentage Change in Developing Country Imports from Removing All Tariffs and Agricultural Subsidies Agriculture Textiles Other Importing region and food and apparel merchandise China 21 47 16 (3,432) (60,147) (40,487) Indonesia 13 42 9 (898) (5,213) (4,051) Philippines 19 31 2 (431) (1,086) (619) Vietnam 53 66 19 (1,531) (3,498) (849) OEAsia 34 49 10 (6,377) (7,059) (14,013) India 89 119 54 (6,035) (18,046) (14,008) Bangladesh 18 80 22 (85) (4,315) (143) OSAsia 42 24 21 (1,107) (2,710) (628) Argentina 18 35 22 (2,365) (431) (2,701) Brazil 30 66 28 (4,945) (2,178) (10,860) OLAC 16 28 11 (4,114) (3,218) (8,344) Morocco 50 60 29 (836) (1,663) (992) ONAM 10 35 9 (847) (3,070) (17,548) SACU 27 39 12 (1,279) (489) (4,034) Mozambique 14 18 3 (26) (1) (18) OSAfrica 27 39 12 (1,279) (489) (4,034) OSSA 25 32 13 (2,199) (322) (3,510) Developing countries (37,852) (113,789) (124,626) total World total 18 31 5 (88,252) (150,653) (232,927) Source: Authors' simulations. Note: Numbers in parentheses are volume changes in 2001 US$ millions. What Is at Stake: The Relative Importance of Import Barriers 47 top the list, with import increases in excess of 40 percent following full global merchandise trade reform. The percentage increases in textiles and apparel imports are even higher, reaching a maximum of 119 percent in India. This results from a higher degree of substitutability of imports sourced from different suppliers than is the case for food. Also, there is a great deal of intermediate input trade in this relatively "footloose" industry, and so when export opportunities open up elsewhere, imports must rise in order to fuel the increased production for sale overseas. Note that India also tops the list in the total rise in imports. Table 2.6 reports the export volume changes. Unlike for imports, gross exports of some composite commodities fall. These declines include agriculture and food in Vietnam, textiles and apparel in much of Latin America as well as Other South- ern Africa, and other merchandise trade in Indonesia and Brazil. China's agricul- tural exports rise by nearly 50 percent as trade barriers in China's trading partners in East Asia fall. However, the resulting volume change is no larger than that for other merchandise trade, which rises by only 3 percent. That is because the base level of exports is much lower for agriculture. Agriculture and food exports of South Asia rise by a similar rate as imports into that region, with the largest increase in India, followed by Other South Asia and finally Bangladesh. There are also strong export increases in Brazil and North Africa (particularly Morocco) as well as in Southern Africa. Textiles and apparel exports rise strongly for countries in South and Southeast Asia--particularly Vietnam, the Philippines, and Bangladesh. The ONAM region and parts of Sub-Saharan Africa also experience large percentage increases, although the export base in the latter countries is quite small (for example, Mozambique, where the 80 percent rise accounts for only about one-tenth of the total export volume increase in the region following global liberalization). Outside of South Asia, the export increases for other merchandise trade are quite modest. Trade volume changes are not a reliable indicator of the resulting changes in national welfare, which also depend on the prices at which trade is taking place (the terms of trade) and the way in which these trade flows are interacting with each countries' own policies (efficiency effects). Accordingly, we now turn to the welfare effects of global trade reform, starting with agricultural reforms and then moving on to nonagricultural trade liberalization. Welfare Effects of Agricultural Trade Reforms What is the distribution of gains and losses from each of the three pillars of agri- cultural protection in the high-income economies? The first three rows of table 2.7 report the impacts on the high-income, transition, developing-country groupings, and on the world, of full liberalization of agricultural tariffs (market access), 48 Agricultural Trade Reform and the Doha Development Agenda TABLE 2.6 Percentage (and Volume) Change in Developing Country Exports from Removing All Tariffs and Agricultural Subsidies Agriculture Textiles Other Exporting region and food and apparel merchandise China 48 29 3 (7,669) (36,733) (7,883) Indonesia 17 25 -1 (1,134) (3,160) (-275) Philippines 13 47 0 (310) (1,649) (40) Vietnam -10 70 7 (-298) (3,710) (308) OEAsia 35 24 4 (6,662) (3,436) (6,110) India 88 31 57 (6,030) (4,773) (14,669) Bangladesh 24 50 41 (116) (2,697) (272) OSAsia 44 13 35 (1,170) (1,465) (1,040) Argentina 11 -17 12 (1,514) (-212) (1,403) Brazil 50 -17 -2 (8,281) (-564) (-689) OLAC 22 33 6 (5,582) (3,862) (4,917) Morocco 75 77 22 (1,235) (2,136) (742) ONAM 47 61 5 (3,940) (5,267) (9,625) SACU 38 8 0 (1,838) (106) (161) Mozambique 13 79 5 (24) (4) (24) OSAfrica 41 -5 4 (1,321) (-48) (331) OSSA 21 53 12 (1,786) (527) (3,340) Developing countries (48,314) (68,700) (49,884) total World total 21 19 5 (96,048) (87,005) (228,640) Source: Authors' simulations. Note: Numbers in parentheses are volume changes in 2001 US$ millions. What Is at Stake: The Relative Importance of Import Barriers 49 TABLE 2.7 Regional Welfare Effects of Removing All Agricultural Tariffs and Subsidies (2001 US$ millions equivalent variation in income) Beneficiary region Agricultural High-income Transition Developing liberalization component economies economies economies World High-income liberalization of import market access 31,811 1,608 10,376 43,795 Export subsidies 2,554 -488 -1,023 1,043 Domestic support 2,450 76 284 2,809 Transition economies' market 847 495 476 1,818 access liberalization Developing countries' market 3,908 468 1,817 6,193 access liberalization Total agricultural 41,569 2,160 11,930 55,658 liberalization Source: Authors' simulations. export subsidies, and domestic support by high-income countries.5 Note from the final column that market access is the dominant source of gains for the world as a whole. Of the total $44 billion gain from freeing agricultural market access, about one-quarter accrues to the developing countries, which is well above those coun- tries' one-sixth share of global gross domestic product (GDP) in 2001. Not surprisingly, elimination of export subsidies in the high-income economies hurts the other regions, as numerous countries in those regions have come to depend on cheap food imports and are now net importers of the subsidized prod- ucts (particularly grains and dairy). Thus, of the $2.55 billion gain to high-income economies from eliminating their export subsidies, about $1.5 billion is a transfer from transition economies and developing countries. Removal of high-income economies' domestic farm support, in contrast, benefits all regional groupings (although, as we see below, not all individual developing countries). Agricultural trade liberalization in the transition economies and in developing countries would generate $1.8 billion and $6.2 billion, respectively, for the world as a whole. Developing countries retain about 26­30 percent of these global gains. In sum, the aggregate distribution of global welfare gains from agricultural lib- eralization is roughly 75 percent for high-income economies and 21 percent for the developing countries, the rest going to transition economies. 50 Agricultural Trade Reform and the Doha Development Agenda A more disaggregated view of global agricultural reform, shown for our 17 countries or regions in table 2.8, exposes the heterogeneity of impacts. In the case of tariff removal by high-income economies (first column), the results suggest that Indonesia, Vietnam, Bangladesh, and Mozambique would lose slightly due to the dominance of preference erosion over increased export demand for their agricultural products. The only developing countries or regions to gain from elimination of farm export subsidies are Argentina, Brazil, and India, but the overall loss to developing countries is just $1 billion.6 Numerous East and South Asian countries lose from cuts to domestic support, as does the Middle East and North Africa region, with the lion's share of the gains again accruing to Argentina and Brazil. Columns 4 and 5 of table 2.8 report the welfare impact on developing coun- tries of removing agricultural distortions in the transition economies and in the developing countries themselves. The developing-country impacts of transition economy reforms, including both tariff cuts and the elimination of some domestic support and export subsidies, are generally positive but modest com- pared with the impacts of developing countries' own reforms. While not all developing countries gain in the latter case, in all but two regions where a loss appears (Vietnam and Sub-Saharan Africa), it is offset by gains in the other columns of table 2.8. In aggregate, six developing countries or regions experience an overall loss following agricultural liberalization: the Philippines, Vietnam, Bangladesh, ONAM, Mozambique, and OSSA. The losses to ONAM and OSSA are clearly driven by the elimination of export subsidies. In the other regions, however, the sources of loss are more varied. Because some of these economies are expected to have a comparative advantage in nonagricultural products, it is important to see whether adding nonagricultural trade reform will reverse those negative outcomes. Welfare Impacts of Freeing Nonagricultural Market Access Table 2.9 provides an overview of the impacts of full liberalization of nonagricul- tural tariffs on the three broad country groups. Because of the vastly higher average tariff levels in textiles and apparel (recall tables 2.3 and 2.4), we separate out these effects from other nonagricultural merchandise trade. As can be seen by comparing the world totals in the last three rows of table 2.9, adding nonagricultural market access boosts the comparative static global welfare gains by nearly $29 billion. Unlike the case of agricultural reform, however, the majority of the aggregate gains (nearly $15 billion) are generated as a result of reform in the developing countries themselves. What Is at Stake: The Relative Importance of Import Barriers 51 The distribution of these global welfare effects varies considerably by type of reform: nonagricultural merchandise trade liberalization by high-income economies benefits largely the developing countries, whereas developing-country cuts benefit the high-income economies. Overall, the move from agriculture-only to full mer- chandise trade reform nearly doubles the estimated benefits to developing countries, with most of the additional benefit coming from textiles and apparel reform.7 By contrast, the increases in benefits accruing to the high-income and transition economies are proportionately much less. Table 2.10 provides the 17-region breakout of the developing-country aggregate considered in table 2.9. The first column in this table reports the agricultural total from table 2.8, while the other columns show the impact of nonagricultural market access opening. In China and India, the opening of nonagricultural markets boosts gains by a factor of ten. In the case of China, most of these gains are from textiles and apparel, while for Indonesia the additional gains come from a broader range of merchandise trade. Vietnam experiences a dramatic turn of events, with its small loss becoming a large gain, illustrating the virtue of an economywide trade agreement: countries that lose in one sector may well gain in others. Countries in the Middle East and North Africa also experience a strong turnaround, with their loss becoming a gain in the wake of nonagricultural reform. However, OSSA experiences a larger loss, and Other Latin America (outside of Argentina and Brazil) sees an elimination of its agricultural gain. Further insight into the sources of losses for the five regions that show a negative total in table 2.10 can be obtained by referring to table 2.11, which decomposes the welfare impact of each type of reform into its efficiency and terms-of-trade components. With minor exceptions, the efficiency contribu- tions are nearly always positive. So it is the terms-of-trade component that is causing the loss of welfare for individual regions. Of course, one region's terms- of-trade loss is another's terms-of-trade gain and, as a group, the terms of trade for developing countries improve slightly as a result of merchandise trade reform. There is considerable variation across countries, however. Among the losers from merchandise trade reform, Bangladesh and OSSA lose across the board. The Philippines loses from agriculture and apparel, as does Mozambique, while Latin America's terms-of-trade loss is dominated by textiles and apparel liberalization. The persistent losses to this group of developing countries in the face of mer- chandise trade reform raises the question of whether some other parts of a trade lib- eralization package might provide an offsetting gain. Towards this end, we now turn to the potential liberalization of services trade, as well as measures to facilitate trade flows in and out of developing countries. 52 Agricultural Trade Reform and the Doha Development Agenda TABLE 2.8 Developing Countries' Welfare Gains from Removing All Agricultural Tariffs and Subsidies (2001 US$ millions equivalent variation in income) High-income economies' agricultural liberalization Benefiting region Market access Export subsidies Domestic support China 1,141 -78 -428 Indonesia -9 -19 -43 Philippines 11 -36 -67 Vietnam -19 -2 51 OEAsia 807 -29 66 India 409 13 72 Bangladesh -16 -9 -31 OSAsia 34 -9 4 Argentina 444 75 503 Brazil 4,302 24 649 OLAC 1,580 -112 -26 Morocco 232 -55 -32 ONAM 770 -547 -528 SACU 441 -17 46 Mozambique -8 -1 1 OSAfrica 151 -33 23 OSSA 107 -189 22 Developing countries 10,376 -1,023 284 total Services Trade Liberalization and Merchandise Trade Facilitation Thus far we have only discussed liberalization of merchandise trade. Because of the growing importance of services trade to the world economy, however, the Uruguay Round delivered the General Agreement on Trade in Services (GATS) to facilitate liberalization in this sector. Negotiations in this area have proven difficult, particularly with respect to foreign direct investment (commercial presence for the provision of services) and temporary labor migration (the "movement of nat- ural persons" to provide services). Leaving those two areas aside, Francois, van Meijl, and van Tongeren (2003) estimate the tariff equivalent of barriers to direct trade in services (such as transportation services and business services). From these estimates it is clear that some markets are highly restrictive across the board, most notably India and South Africa, while others appear to restrict services trade What Is at Stake: The Relative Importance of Import Barriers 53 TABLE 2.8 (Continued) Transition economies' Developing countries' agricultural liberalization agricultural liberalization (market access) (market access) Agriculture total 23 -98 560 2 155 85 1 5 -85 -5 -32 -7 39 1,252 2,135 6 774 1,275 -6 12 -50 172 30 231 42 72 1,137 109 -45 5,039 70 -432 1,079 0 -55 92 0 115 -190 8 50 529 0 3 -6 38 95 275 -22 -84 -167 476 1,817 11,930 Source: Authors' simulations. only in selected sectors (for example, China's imports of business services or North America's imports of transport services). Even though these estimates are highly speculative, it is worth exploring the potential impact of their removal on global trade and welfare. We find that adding services trade liberalization boosts the global gains by 80 percent, from the $84 billion shown in table 2.9 to more than $150 billion. The distribution of these gains is rather uneven, however, with the lion's share going to high-income economies. Figure 2.1 contrasts the developing-country impact of standard mer- chandise trade and subsidies reform with the combination of services liberaliza- tion and merchandise reform. As can be seen from this comparison, India, which currently has extremely high barriers to services trade, shows a large gain from adding services, as does the Southern African Customs Union. The gains to other regions are quite a bit smaller, but they are positive for all the developing countries or regions. And they are sufficient to reverse the aggregate losses for Latin America, 54 Agricultural Trade Reform and the Doha Development Agenda TABLE 2.9 Developing Countries' Welfare Gains from Removing All Nonagricultural Tariffs, Agricultural Assistance, and Merchandise Trade Distortions (2001 US$ millions equivalent variation in income) Beneficiary region Nonagricultural liberalizing High-income Transition Developing region/component economies economies economies World High-income economies Textiles and apparel -3,421 -338 7,783 4,024 Other merchandise 5,521 356 2,500 8,378 Transition economies Textiles and apparel 43 -42 480 481 Other merchandise 755 159 292 1,207 Developing countries Textiles and apparel 4,709 92 511 5,312 Other merchandise 10,271 420 -1,413 9,278 Nonagricultural liberalization 17,878 647 10,153 28,680 total (sum of above rows) Agricultural liberalization 41,569 2,160 11,930 55,658 total (from table 2.7) All merchandise liberalization 59,447 2,807 22,083 84,338 total Source: Authors' simulations. but not the losses for the Philippines, Bangladesh, Mozambique, and Other Sub-Saharan Africa. One of the main reasons for the absence of welfare gains in parts of Sub-Saharan Africa, following trade liberalization, is the region's relatively low level of current participation in the global trading system. Many of the countries in the region are landlocked, and nearly all of them have very high trade costs associated with both imports and exports. This naturally brings up the issue of trade facilitation, which is the one "Singapore issue" on the Doha agenda. Our final posed question, which we now address, is: What is the possibility of the addition of trade facilitation reversing the negative welfare outcomes for parts of Sub-Saharan Africa? To explore this question, we draw on the recent work of Wilson, Mann, and Otsuki (2004). Hertel (2004) has incorporated their estimates into a global general equilibrium modeling framework, and it is this work that we draw on in this chapter.8 In particular, we lower the trading costs for developing countries in line with the Wilson, Mann, and Otsuki scenario in which developing countries are brought halfway to the global average level in indexes relating to port facilities, What Is at Stake: The Relative Importance of Import Barriers 55 FIGURE 2.1 Welfare Gains for Developing Countries from Freeing Trade in Services and from Trade Facilita- tion Compared with the Standard Removal of Merchandise Tariffs and Subsidies 8 7 6 income 5 4 national 3 net 2 of 1 0 Percent-1 -2 Asia Asia India Brazil OLAC OSSA OE SACU Africa China OS ONAM OS MoroccoArgentina Indonesia Philippines Bangladesh Mozambique Standard Services liberalization Trade facilitation Source: Authors' calculations. customs and regulatory procedures, and e-commerce. Based on the trade volume changes from this scenario, Hertel (2004) estimates reductions in c.i.f. (cost, insurance, and freight) prices for exports from several broad regions, which we apply as reduced trade costs for imports in these regions. The percentage cost reductions introduced to the model for this final experiment are as follows: East Asia, 9.6; South Asia, 13.2; Latin America, 3.4; Central Europe, 4.17; North Africa, 0.5; and Sub-Saharan Africa, 1.6. Wilson, Mann, and Otsuki (2004) and Hertel (2004) report estimates only for manufactures, but for purposes of this study we adopt their estimates for agricultural products as well. The welfare impacts are displayed in figure 2.1. The combined liberalization of merchandise and services trade of $150 billion is boosted by $110 billion a year with the addition of trade facilitation. However, unlike trade policy reform, which has few direct economic costs, trade facilitation requires substantial investments in infrastructure, ports, and customs personnel. As such, that gross flow of benefits must be weighed against the potential up-front costs. But note that the distribution of benefits from trade facilitation is much more heavily skewed toward developing countries than are those from trade barrier reduc- tions. Indeed, these gains are sufficient to reverse the losses for the Philippines, Bangladesh, Mozambique, and Other Sub-Saharan Africa. 56 Agricultural Trade Reform and the Doha Development Agenda TABLE 2.10 Welfare Effects of Liberalizing All Merchandise Trade (2001 US$ millions equivalent variation in income) Textiles and apparel liberalization Benefiting Agricultural region liberalization High-income Transition Developing China 560 4,549 214 -436 (0.05) (0.43) (0.02) (-0.04) Indonesia 85 316 2 -23 (0.06) (0.24) (0.00) (-0.02) Philippines -85 308 -2 -38 (-0.13) (0.48) (0.00) (-0.06) Vietnam -7 783 85 539 (-0.02) (2.68) (0.29) (1.84) OEAsia 2,135 503 4 -247 (0.86) (0.20) (0.00) (-0.10) India 1,275 487 17 -321 (0.29) (0.11) (0.00) (-0.07) Bangladesh -50 10 -5 -41 (-0.12) (0.02) (-0.01) (-0.10) OSAsia 231 209 -3 -142 (0.25) (0.23) (0.00) (-0.16) Argentina 1,137 43 1 -52 (0.47) (0.02) (0.00) (-0.02) Brazil 5,039 133 0 -181 (1.13) (0.03) (0.00) (-0.04) OLAC 1,079 770 -2 -488 (0.20) (0.14) (0.00) (-0.09) Morocco 92 -127 6 143 (0.30) (-0.42) (0.02) (0.47) ONAM -190 -182 162 1,795 (-0.03) (-0.02) (0.02) (0.24) SACU 529 25 0 38 (0.49) (0.02) (0.00) (0.04) Mozambique -6 -1 0 2 (-0.18) (-0.03) (0.00) (0.06) OSAfrica 275 -10 0 -27 (0.72) (-0.03) (0.00) (-0.07) OSSA -167 -33 1 -10 (-0.12) (-0.02) (0.00) (-0.01) Developing 11,930 7,783 480 511 countries total (0.27) (0.18) (0.01) (0.01) What Is at Stake: The Relative Importance of Import Barriers 57 TABLE 2.10 (Continued) Other manufactures liberalization High-income Transition Developing All merchandise, total 1,355 192 -1,066 5,369 (0.13) (0.02) (-0.10) (0.51) 93 -4 195 666 (0.07) (0.00) (0.15) (0.50) -208 0 -18 -43 (-0.33) (0.00) (-0.03) (-0.07) 56 -2 458 1,911 (0.19) (-0.01) (1.57) (6.54) 18 24 1,106 3,543 (0.01) (0.01) (0.45) (1.43) 48 26 142 1,673) (0.01) (0.01) (0.03) (0.38) -19 -2 -87 -194 (-0.05) (0.00) (-0.21) (-0.47) 0 6 117 418 (0.00) (0.01) (0.13) (0.46) 56 -14 105 1,275 (0.02) (-0.01) (0.04) (0.52) 538 -18 -362 5,149 (0.12) (0.00) (-0.08) (1.16) -66 12 -1,425 -120 (-0.01) (0.00) (-0.26) (-0.02) 5 3 42 163 (0.02) (0.01) (0.14) (0.54) 583 78 -420 1,826 (0.08) (0.01) (-0.06) (0.24) 116 -13 463 1,158 (0.11) (-0.01) (0.43) (1.08) -6 0 -6 -17 (-0.18) (0.00) (-0.18) (-0.52) -22 -5 135 345 (-0.06) (-0.01) (0.35) (0.90) -47 11 -790 -1,034 (-0.03) (0.01) (-0.58) (-0.76) 2,500 294 -1,411 22,088 (0.06) (0.01) (-0.03) (0.50) Source: Authors' simulations. Note: Numbers in parentheses show welfare effects as percentages of net national income. 58 Agricultural Trade Reform and the Doha Development Agenda TABLE 2.11 Welfare Decomposition from Merchandise Trade Liberalization for Developing Countries (2001 US$ millions equivalent variation in income) Total (all products) Agriculture and food Benefiting Total (all region products) Efficiency Terms of trade Efficiency Terms of trade China 5,369 1,889 3,481 -138 698 (0.51) (0.18) (0.33) (-0.01) (0.07) Indonesia 666 135 529 -1 86 (0.50) (0.10) (0.40) (0.00) (0.06) Philippines -43 277 -320 159 -245 (-0.07) (0.43) (-0.50) (0.25) (-0.38) Vietnam 1,911 742 1,171 150 -157 (6.54) (2.54) (4.00) (0.51) (-0.54) OEAsia 3,543 2,074 1,469 1,260 875 (1.43) (0.84) (0.59) (0.51) (0.35) India 1,673 4,430 -2,757 1,431 -156 (0.38) (1.01) (-0.63) (0.33) (-0.04) Bangladesh -194 361 -555 67 -117 (-0.47) (0.88) (-1.36) (0.16) (-0.29) OSAsia 418 547 -129 188 43 (0.46) (0.60) (-0.14) (0.21) (0.05) Argentina 1,275 327 948 104 1,033 (0.52) (0.13) (0.39) (0.04) (0.42) Brazil 5,149 1,472 3,678 497 4,542 (1.16) (0.33) (0.83) (0.11) (1.02) OLAC -120 1,287 -1,407 426 653 (-0.02) (0.24) (-0.26) (0.08) (0.12) Morocco 163 612 -450 128 -37 (0.54) (2.03) (-1.49) (0.42) (-0.12) ONAM 1,826 4,430 -2,605 982 -1,172 (0.24) (0.59) (-0.34) (0.13) (-0.15) SACU 1,158 532 626 219 310 (1.08) (0.50) (0.58) (0.20) (0.29) Mozambique -17 11 -28 6 -12 (-0.52) (0.34) (-0.85) (0.18) (-0.37) OSAfrica 345 482 -138 167 108 (0.90) (1.26) (-0.36) (0.44) (0.28) OSSA -1,034 906 -1,941 432 -599 (-0.76) (0.67) (-1.43) (0.32) (-0.44) Developing 22,088 20,513 1,569 6,077 5,852 countries (0.50) (0.47) (0.04) (0.14) (0.13) total What Is at Stake: The Relative Importance of Import Barriers 59 TABLE 2.11 (Continued) Textiles and clothing Other merchandise Efficiency Terms of trade Efficiency Terms of trade 872 3,456 1,155 -673 (0.08) (0.33) (0.11) (-0.06) 38 257 98 186 (0.03) (0.19) (0.07) (0.14) 10 258 108 -333 (0.02) (0.40) (0.17) (-0.52) 285 1,123 307 205 (0.97) (3.84) (1.05) (0.70) 157 103 657 491 (0.06) (0.04) (0.27) (0.20) 197 -14 2,802 -2,587 (0.05) (0.00) (0.64) (-0.59) 218 -254 76 -184 (0.53) (-0.62) (0.19) (-0.45) 38 26 321 -198 (0.04) (0.03) (0.35) (-0.22) 48 -56 175 -29 (0.02) (-0.02) (0.07) (-0.01) 46 -93 929 -771 (0.01) (-0.02) (0.21) (-0.17) 364 -84 497 -1,976 (0.07) (-0.02) (0.09) (-0.36) 240 -219 244 -194 (0.79) (-0.73) (0.81) (-0.64) 2,523 -748 925 -685 (0.33) (-0.10) (0.12) (-0.09) 127 -64 186 380 (0.12) (-0.06) (0.17) (0.35) 1 0 4 -16 (0.03) (0.00) (0.12) (-0.49) 26 -64 289 -182 (0.07) (-0.17) (0.75) (-0.47) 205 -247 269 -1095 (0.15) (-0.18) (1.86) (-0.81) 5,394 3,380 9042 -7663 (0.12) (0.08) (0.21) (-0.17) Source: Authors' simulations, using the welfare decomposition technique developed by Huff and Hertel (2000). Note: Numbers in parentheses show welfare decomposition as percentages of net national income. 60 Agricultural Trade Reform and the Doha Development Agenda Summary and Conclusions This chapter is intended to provide an overview of the potential gains that are avail- able from further liberalization of the multilateral trading system as we enter the next multilateral trade negotiations. It provides an upper limit on what developing (and other) countries can expect to achieve from the negotiations--leaving aside dynamic and pro-competitive gains from trade, which we do not attempt to measure. Our results show that the effects on developing countries from multilateral trade liberalization exhibit a great deal of diversity. In terms of agricultural reforms, the vast majority of potential gains to developing countries derive from improved market access. This is reinforced by the finding that only three develop- ing countries sustain a net loss from improved market access. The other two agri- cultural pillars offer much smaller prospects for gains to the developing world, and the individual country welfare changes are split between winners and losers. This is because removal of domestic support and export subsidies tend to raise world food prices and reduce domestic prices in high-income economies, thereby reducing welfare in regions that have become dependent on importing farm prod- ucts or on preferential markets for their exports, while net exporters of farm prod- ucts less dependent on preferences gain. While much of the Doha debate has focused on agricultural disciplines, our full liberalization experiment indicates that other merchandise liberalization also is important, providing nearly half of the total welfare gain for the developing- country aggregate. Of equal importance is the role of merchandise liberalization in reversing or offsetting welfare losses in regions dependent on low international food prices or preferential access to protected agricultural markets. Much of the potential welfare enhancement from liberalization of nonfarm product markets comes from textiles and apparel--even after accounting for the pending removal of import quotas on these goods in the presimulation. Furthermore, services lib- eralization and trade facilitation appear to offer significant scope not only for improving the aggregate developing-country outcome but also for reducing the number of individual countries that may experience a welfare loss after reform. Notes 1. http://www.gtap.agecon.purdue.edu/products/models/. 2. Unfortunately, because of a lack of data on domestic purchases and prices, those authors are unable to estimate the elasticity of substitution between domestic goods and imports. As with the stan- dard GTAP model, these parameters are still obtained using the "rule of two" (that is, the import- import elasticities are assumed to be twice as large as the import-domestic elasticities). These model modifications are justified by evidence in the literature, but when used in combination in a CGE (com- putable general equilibrium) setting the question remains: how valid is the GTAP-AGR model when compared to the historical record? Hertel, Keeney, and Valenzuela (2004) address this question in a val- idation exercise to investigate how well it performs in reproducing price volatility in world markets for What Is at Stake: The Relative Importance of Import Barriers 61 agricultural products. The validation experiment makes use of historical output trends in wheat- producing regions to obtain a measure of the variability of output that cannot be attributed to either technical advancements or year-to-year market signals. The validation criterion is the observed vari- ability in wheat prices for each particular region, as compared with that generated by solving the model with respect to the variability in production. These authors find that with the exception of Argentina and Brazil (where significant macroeconomic events and stabilization schemes persisted over the period evaluated), the model prediction and observed price variability are relatively close for the case of wheat. We take this as a positive indication that GTAP-AGR is a valid framework for analyzing impacts of global agricultural liberalization on world markets. 3. These estimates are different from the WTO aggregate measure of support used to measure domestic support commitments for agriculture, as discussed by Jensen and Zobbe (2006). 4. For more discussion of this database, see Bouët and others (2004) and Jean, Laborde, and Martin (2006). 5. The decomposition of individual sources of liberalization and their impacts on regional welfare is done using the technique of Harrison, Horridge, and Pearson (2000). 6. In supplementary simulations, we added speculative export subsidy equivalents for export credits, state trading, and food aid, but they did not significantly alter the impacts shown in table 2.8. 7. This may be an understatement of potential gains attributable to textiles and apparel reform, since we have assumed the nontariff trade barriers present under the Uruguay Round Agreement on Textiles and Clothing are completely eliminated before our analysis and are not replaced by an export tax in China or by safeguards. 8. These estimates are speculative, as there are significant problems in integrating the Wilson, Mann, and Otsuki econometric-based estimates into a CGE model, including inconsistency of predic- tions for global imports and exports, inconsistency in the responsiveness of trade volumes to prices, and incomplete coverage of merchandise trade in their 2004 study. References Bouët, A., Y. Decreux, L. Fontagne, S. Jean, and D. Laborde. 2004. "A Consistent, ad valorem Equivalent Measure of Applied Protection Across the World: The MAcMap-HS6 Database." Centre d'Etudes Prospectives et d'Informations Internationales, Paris, December 20. Cranfield, J. A. L. 2002. "Estimating Consumer Demands across the Development Spectrum: Max- imum Likelihood Estimates of an Implicit Direct Additivity Model." Journal of Development Economics 68 (2): 289­307. Dimaranan, B., T. W. Hertel, and R. Keeney. 2004. "OECD Domestic Support and the Developing Countries." In The WTO, Developing Countries and the Doha Development Agenda: Prospects and Challenges for Trade-led Growth, ed. B. Guha-Khasnobis. London: Palgrave-Macmillan. Dimaranan, B. V., and R. A. McDougall, eds. 2002. Global Trade, Assistance, and Protection: The GTAP 5 Database. West Lafayette, IN: Center for Global Trade Analysis, Purdue University. Francois, J. F., H. van Meijl, and F. van Tongeren. 2003. "Trade Liberalization and Developing Coun- tries under the Doha Round." CEPR Discussion Paper 4032, Centre for Economic Policy and Research, London. Harrison, W. J., J. M. Horridge, and K. Pearson. 2000. "Decomposing Simulation Results with Respect to Exogenous Shocks." Computational Economics 15: 227­49. Hertel, T. W., ed. 1997. Global Trade Analysis: Modeling and Applications. New York: Cambridge University Press. ______. 2004. "Assessing the Provision of International Trade as a Public Good." UN Development Programme, New York. Hertel, T. W., D. Hummels, M. Ivanic, and R. Keeney. 2003. "How Confident Can We Be in CGE-Based Assessments of Free Trade Agreements?"GTAP Working Paper 26, Center for Global Trade Analysis, Purdue University, West Lafayette, IN. http://www.gtap.agecon.purdue.edu/resources/working_paper.asp 62 Agricultural Trade Reform and the Doha Development Agenda Hertel, T. W., R. Keeney, and E. Valenzuela. 2004."Global Analysis of Agricultural Trade: Assessing Model Validity." Paper presented at the Global Trade Analysis Conference, June 17­19, Washington, DC. Hertel, T. W., D. K. Lanclos, K. R. Pearson, and P. V. Swaminathan. 1997."Aggregation and Computation of Equilibrium Elasticities." In Global Trade Analysis: Modeling and Applications, ed. T. W. Hertel. New York: Cambridge University Press. Huff, K. M., and T. W. Hertel. 2000. "Decomposing Welfare Changes in the GTAP Model." GTAP Technical Paper 5, Center for Global Trade Analysis, Purdue University, West Lafeyette, IN. Jean, S., D. Laborde, and W. Martin. 2006. "Consequences of Alternative Formulas for Agricultural Tariff Cuts." In Agricultural Trade Reform and the Doha Development Agenda, ed. K. Anderson and W. Martin. Basingstoke, U.K.: Palgrave Macmillan; Washington, DC: World Bank. Jensen, H. G., and H. Zobbe. 2006."Consequences of Reducing Limits on Aggregate Measures of Support." In Agricultural Trade Reform and the Doha Development Agenda, ed. K. Anderson and W. Martin. Basingstoke, U.K.: Palgrave Macmillan; Washington, DC: World Bank. Keeney, R., and T. W. Hertel. 2005. "GTAP-AGR: A Framework for Assessing the Implications of Multi- lateral Changes in Agricultural Policies." GTAP Technical Paper 24, Center for Global Trade Analysis, Purdue University, West Lafayette, IN. OECD (Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development). 2001. Market Effects of Crop Support Measures. Paris: OECD. Peeters, L., and Y. Surry. 1997."A Review of the Art of Estimating Price-Responsiveness of Feed Demand in the European Union." Journal of Agricultural Economics 48: 379­92. Rae, A. R., and T. W. Hertel. 2000. "Future Developments in Global Livestock and Grains Markets: The Impacts of Livestock Productivity Convergence in Asia-Pacific." Australian Journal of Agricultural and Resource Economics 44: 393­422. Seale, J., A. Regmi, and J. Bernstein. 2003. "International Evidence on Food Consumption Patterns." ERS Technical Bulletin 1904, U.S. Department of Agriculture, Washington, DC. Surry, Y. 1992. "Econometric Modeling of the European Compound Feed Sector: An Application to France." Journal of Agricultural Economics 41: 404­21. Wilson, J., C. Mann, and T. Otsuki. 2004."Assessing the Potential Benefits of Trade Facilitation: A Global Perspective." Policy Research Working Paper 3224, World Bank, Washington, DC. 3 Special and Differential Treatment for Developing Countries Tim Josling Special and differential treatment (SDT) has a long history in the General Agree- ment on Tariffs and Trade (GATT) and the World Trade Organization (WTO). In the GATT, developing countries were relieved of some obligations and thus were granted differential treatment in several parts of the agreement. This has influ- enced the role that the developing countries were able to play in the development of the trade system. Most notably, developing countries were allowed, under Article XVIII:B, to maintain quantitative import restrictions for balance of pay- ments reasons.1 Because developing countries commonly suffered from chronic balance of payments problems, this essentially voided any value for other countries of "concessions" that developing countries might have made in reducing tariff levels. Binding such tariffs was similarly of little meaning where trade was controlled by quantitative restrictions. Thus developed countries expected little in the way of reciprocal tariff concessions in the periodic rounds of trade negotiations. Developed countries themselves made full use of the concept of reciprocity in successive trade rounds, particularly in the Kennedy Round (1963­68), to reduce trade barriers on manufactured goods. But agricultural and textile products, of export interest to many developing countries, were not subject to the same process of liberalization. The combination Comments from Bernard Hoekman and other participants are appreciated, but the author retains responsibility for the ideas herein. 63 64 Agricultural Trade Reform and the Doha Development Agenda of this sectoral bias, and the lack of reciprocity, reinforced the notion that the GATT was a rich-country club. Recognition by developed countries of the problems faced by developing coun- tries in the trade system began to emerge as early as the 1950s. But the solutions did not result in fuller inclusion in the system. The practice of nonreciprocity became elevated to the level of principle when the GATT contracting parties added Part IV in 1964, formally relieving developing countries of their obligation to offer recip- rocal concessions. Part IV did include some more positive aspects of inclusion, but most were of an exhortatory nature and did not impose any obligations on devel- oped countries.2 In 1979, the differential rules were encompassed in the Decision on Differential and More Favorable Treatment, Reciprocity, and Fuller Participa- tion of Developing Countries, better known as the "Enabling Clause." In addition, SDT was built into many of the agreements that make up the WTO. In particular, it became an integral part of Uruguay Round Agreement on Agriculture (URAA) and was emphasized in the Doha Development Agenda and reinforced in the Framework Agreement of August 1, 2004, commonly known as the July Framework Agreement (WTO 2004). The task ahead is to elaborate on the details of tariff cutting, tariff caps, tariff rate quotas (TRQs), and so on, in a way that gives meaning to the commitments to developing countries. This chapter explores, in a qualitative way, the costs and benefits to developing and developed countries of different types of SDT in the agricultural negotiations.3 The first section addresses the strategic issues that face both sets of countries as they proceed in the negotiations cycle. The second section discusses in more detail the SDT provisions that are in the URAA and that have been incorporated in the framework for the agricultural talks. The final section discusses the economic and political merits of these provisions. Strategic Issues for Negotiations Given the acceptance already of some degree of SDT, the developing countries do not need to expend significant negotiating capital establishing the case for extend- ing it. But that fact begs the question of how much SDT developing countries should demand. If too much is requested, the chance of a satisfactory outcome to the round is reduced. If too little is demanded, the developing countries may have lost an opportunity for significant "gains." But the nature of the negotiations is that political success (in terms of achieving a concession, for example) may not have much or any economic value. So one strategy would be to search for the out- come that maximizes the economic benefit for developing countries over time given their limited political clout. This strategy implies that options should be ranked by economic merit, particularly with respect to their impact on growth Special and Differential Treatment for Developing Countries 65 and development, followed by consideration of the political price to be paid as a way of gaining those benefits.4 Because economic benefits from open trade are a positive-sum game, it should be possible to attract developed countries to such an outcome. By contrast, political benefit-seeking is often a zero-sum game and may result in overall negative economic benefits. A developing-country strategy of gaining the most economic benefit possible for their political clout might have two key elements: selling off depreciating assets in negotiations, and use negotiating power to build market position for the future. Preferences and nonreciprocity are two examples of depreciating assets. The value of preferences has been steadily eroded with cuts in most-favored-nation (MFN) tariffs. Moreover, the removal of quotas and their replacement by tariffs tend to make preferences more difficult to administer. Reciprocity is being eroded in a different way, through the conversion of nonreciprocal preference systems oper- ated by the European Union and the United States to fully reciprocal free trade areas. Developing countries are concluding that guaranteed market access through a free trade area is a better basis for development than unilateral prefer- ences given at the whim of the legislature of the developed country, even if it implies opening up import markets to the free trade partner. As more countries grant reciprocal access, so the nonreciprocity enshrined in the WTO becomes less valuable. Given these developments, developing countries might consider agreeing to an end to preferences in return for compensation in trade and aid, and to relinquish the "right" to nonreciprocity in return for specific market access benefits. Such a strategy in the multilateral negotiations would convert the stance of developing countries from a defensive use of political power (specifically, the power to slow down the talks and limit the scope of the WTO) to avoid changes that might themselves be beneficial in the longer run (such as developing agriculture and other competitive sectors) to an offensive approach focusing on speeding up the negotiations on issues of economic interest (such as agriculture and textiles, as well as services that require movement of labor) in exchange for concessions on issues such as preferences and nonreciprocity that are of dubious and declining economic value. To be more specific, it is useful to examine the menu of SDT choices from which the developing countries can choose. Each item comes with a price tag. There are basically two types of SDT: those that directly involve developing coun- tries, and those that are implemented by developed countries. Negotiated out- comes in turn can be expressed either in terms of schedules of tariffs and allowed subsidies or in the form of differentiation in the rules. Concessions in the outcome of negotiations for developing countries, includ- ing the depth of cuts in tariffs and the timing of such cuts, are foreseen in the July 66 Agricultural Trade Reform and the Doha Development Agenda Framework Agreement's provisions on agriculture, which give the developing countries more time to make adjustments. The most important of these are cuts in tariffs to improve market access. However, to the extent that the protective trade policies that are subject to discipline are not in the longer-run interest of the developing countries themselves, the delaying of cuts does not satisfy the criteria for increasing economic value over time. By contrast, targeted actions by developed countries, such as larger tariff cuts on products of export interest to developing countries, or increased technical assistance for trade-related aims, do have the possibility of increasing economic value over time and so are consistent with the criteria laid out above. One issue that could be addressed with advantage is whether some developing countries should also be required to lower tariffs further on products of interest to other developing countries. That could be done specifically, on a product-by-product basis, or it could involve a commitment from middle-income countries. The increase in South-South trade that would result would be beneficial to the countries concerned (so long as significant trade diversion was avoided) as well as contribute to the acceptability of the package as a whole to developed countries. Special rules for developing countries, such as special safeguards, are beneficial only if they modify the general rules in a way that either assists the development process or at the least does not impede it. Special safeguards may shelter weak but potentially profitable industries from the vicissitudes of international markets. But if the special rules imply a movement away from desirable developments, then their value is much lower and may decrease further over time. For example, differ- ential rules on implementation of quality standards could be expensive in the long run, if as a result developing countries lag even further behind international stan- dards. In contrast, special rules for developed countries that are designed to assist developing countries, such as export credits tied to food security and ad hoc temporary finance for developing-country purchases, could have a positive impact on development and be consistent with the criteria for gaining economic advantages from political agreement. Special and differential treatment needs to be looked at from the viewpoint of the developed countries as well as the developing world. What do developed countries "lose" from granting SDT to developing countries? In the case of smaller and more delayed tariff cuts, the losses are in potential market access. The value of these losses to developed countries depends crucially on which commodities are involved and which countries make use of such flexibility in the provisions. Against this loss of market access, developed countries have to weigh the benefits of reaching an agreement. The question, therefore, is whether there are aspects of SDT that could be packaged as a "win-win" proposition, that is, one that might allay opposition from Special and Differential Treatment for Developing Countries 67 legislatures in developed countries that might object to conceding on points of interest for the sake of international development. One "win-win" proposition would be raising standards in developing countries, where further integration into the world economy could benefit other countries as well as those undergoing the change. In a broader perspective, helping developing countries to raise incomes through trade should have a positive payoff for all members. But the politics of employment and wages is commonly argued to be a zero- or negative-sum game, and developing-country gains may be seen as evidence of losses to the developed world. From the point of view of the developed countries, one topic has raised more concerns that any other. Should all developing countries get the same SDT? The term developing country is not defined in the WTO. That designation is self- declared by countries, leading to a natural reluctance to "graduate" to developed- country status. The need to face this issue has been emphasized by the increasing success in trade of countries such as Brazil, China, and India, to whom developed countries are less than eager to give nonreciprocal benefits in trade talks. Indeed, those countries that do need extra time, or special consideration, may be disad- vantaged by the spreading of such treatment to all developing countries. The view that developing countries should not all be treated alike has considerable merit. Particular SDT elements may be inappropriate for all developing countries, and the extent of concessions to those that do need them may be limited by the number of countries that are covered. At the same time, any differentiation among developing countries threatens to open up the system to conflicting demands. So the question remains whether self-designation should be allowed to continue. One group has argued that SDT can never be meaningful as long as near-developed countries can also be classified as developing countries (IPC 2003). Objective rules may be needed for efficient targeted assistance; monitoring by the international community may also be needed. But any differentiation leads to the problem of graduation from one category to another and raises issues of instability and adverse incentives. Political incentives would also suggest that countries are unlikely to relinquish the right to self-designate. Hoekman (2004) concludes that self-designation as developing countries is likely to survive but that specific SDT provisions could be targeted to particular circumstances that can themselves be monitored. Thus the developing-country category itself would become less impor- tant as the SDT provisions themselves cover more objective subsets of countries. That raises the question whether it is desirable for the multilateral trade system to encourage the proliferation of groups of countries treated differently in the rules. Some differentiation of a more objective kind than exists at the moment is probably inevitable if agreement is to be reached. Targeting rules to different cir- cumstances has advantages that are hard to ignore, even in a trade system based 68 Agricultural Trade Reform and the Doha Development Agenda on nondiscrimination. But does one want a multitiered WTO? Would the "variable geometry" discussed for the expanding EU fit in a multilateral trade system? Hoekman (2004) argues for a "core" of principles that apply to everyone, with monitored opt-outs for other aspects of the agreement (in contrast to the Tokyo Round codes, which were opt-in pacts with no link to development criteria). Even more fundamental in any consideration of differential rules is the impact that changes in them would have on the nature of the WTO as an organization (Barton and others 2005). Should the rules of the multilateral trade system be targeted to assist development? Is the WTO an appropriate place for such "results-oriented" trade rules? There may be other more appro- priate ways of assisting development, and even assisting developing countries to integrate into the trade system. But whatever the merits of such a parsimonious approach, it is likely that the WTO itself would not survive in its current form if it were to ignore development issues and the demands of developing countries for differentiation in commitments and rules. So the task is to incorporate these concerns and realities in such a way that they do not offset the benefits all coun- tries (including developing countries) gain from having a liberal, nondiscrimi- natory trade system. The agricultural talks are at the center of the search for such a compromise. SDT in the Agricultural Talks The obligation to afford developing countries SDT is mentioned in the preamble of the Uruguay Round Agreement on Agriculture and embedded in several provi- sions of that agreement. The preamble states that developed-country members should improve market access for agricultural products of particular interest to developing countries. There was no systematic attempt to operationalize this statement in the URAA negotiations, however, and it is not reflected in the sched- ules of concessions. Most of the specific manifestations of SDT came in the form of flexibility of commitments undertaken by developing countries (table 3.1), along with a provision for a longer transition period (of up to 10 years, rather than the 6 years for developed countries). The inclusion of SDT in the agricultural talks was further emphasized in the Doha Development Agenda. Specifically, in paragraph 13 (on agriculture), the Ministerial Declaration affirmed that SDT for developing countries "shall be an integral part of all elements of the negotiations on agriculture and shall be embodied in the schedules of concessions and commitments and as appropriate in the rules and disciplines to be negotiated." It emphasizes that these aspects of SDT should be operationally effective and enable developing countries to take account of their development needs. Paragraph 44 of the declaration returns to Special and Differential Treatment for Developing Countries 69 TABLE 3.1 Flexibility for Developing Countries in the URAA Article Provision 6.2 Investment subsidies generally available, input subsidies for low- income farmers, and incentives to move out of illicit narcotics exempt from reduction commitments 6.4 (b) Higher aggregate measure of support de minimis for developing countries (5 percent) 9.2 (b) Lower rate of reduction for export subsidy commitments 9.4 Marketing subsidies and internal transport subsidies excluded from reduction commitments 12.2 Exemption for developing-country importers from consultation obligations when using export restrictions 15.1 Special and differential treatment reflected in reduction commitments two-thirds that of developed countries 15.2 Developing countries have a 10-year transition period: least developed countries not required to undertake reductions Annex 2 Governmental stockholding programs and domestic food aid and subsidy programs included in Green Box Annex 5 Exemption from tariffication for some staples, subject to conditions Source: Matthews (2003), drawing on WTO (2001). the theme and states that "all SDT provisions shall be reviewed with a view to strengthening them and making them more precise, effective and operational" (WTO 2001). There are compelling political reasons for taking such provisions seriously. A degree of SDT satisfactory to developing countries will be necessary for an agreement on an outcome of the talks. Both the Group of 20 and the Group of 90 developing countries are committed to meaningful SDT, although develop- ing countries differ considerably on what that might mean. The commitment to meaningful SDT is specifically included in the July Framework Agreement (WTO 2004). Paragraph 1 of the framework reaffirms that provisions for SDT are an integral part of the WTO agreements, and it calls on the WTO Committee on Trade and Development to complete the review of agreement-specific proposals and give recommendations to the General Council by July 2005. Other WTO bodies are instructed to give recommendations to the council by the same date, although it is not clear how well coordinated such rec- ommendations are likely to be.5 In the section of the framework dealing with the task of establishing modalities for agriculture (Annex A), the need to incorporate "operationally effective and meaningful provisions" for SDT is emphasized in the second paragraph as a way of 70 Agricultural Trade Reform and the Doha Development Agenda achieving a balanced outcome. Such provisions are detailed in each of the substan- tive parts of the framework. Paragraph 6 of the annex states that SDT remains an integral component of domestic support and includes longer implementation periods and lower reduction coefficients, as well as continued access to the Article 6.2 allowance for developing countries to exclude certain domestic support policies from the aggregate measure of support for the purposes of reductions. Paragraph 22 of the annex provides for longer implementation periods for the phasing out of export subsidies (of all forms) and allows the provisions of Article 9.4 (the use of export-related subsidies for such purposes as transportation and marketing) to be continued "for a reasonable period" after the phasing out of developed-country subsidies on exports. In addition, paragraph 24 of the framework agreement obliges countries to ensure that disciplines on food aid and export credit programs do not interfere with the actions necessary under the Decision on Measures Con- cerning the Possible Negative Effects of the Reform Program on Least-Developed and Net Food-Importing Developing Countries (The Decision). This is reinforced in paragraph 26 by a provision that in special circumstances "ad hoc temporary financing arrangements" can be established based on criteria to be negotiated.6 The most significant aspects of SDT in the framework are those related to mar- ket access. Paragraph 39 ties SDT to the issues of food security and "livelihood security," declaring that SDT will be integral to commitments on tariff reductions, the number and treatment of sensitive products, the expansion of TRQs, and the implementation period. In addition, developing countries will be able to desig- nate a number of products as special products, based on criteria of food security, livelihood security, and rural development needs. These products would be sub- ject to "more flexible" treatment (presumably lower tariff reductions or TRQ expansions). The establishment of a special safeguard mechanism (SSM) has been agreed for use by developing countries, although whether developed countries can maintain the SSG remains to be negotiated. Both expedited liberalization of trade in tropical products and a need to take into account existing preferences are mentioned (paragraphs 43 and 44), but no specifics are given. These agreed elements of SDT are grouped in table 3.2 under the categories mentioned above: rules and commitments undertaken by developed and develop- ing countries. The potential value of the most significant of these elements to developing countries is discussed below. But in general, commitments made by developed countries in the direction of greater market access and lower subsidies are likely to be the most valuable type of SDT but will require more political capital to achieve in negotiation. Agreement that developing countries give less in the way of concessions is perhaps the easiest route, but such an agreement is also less likely to be useful. Rules are likely to be more difficult to negotiate than concessions and be more divisive of the trade system. Special and Differential Treatment for Developing Countries 71 TABLE 3.2 Categories of Special and Differential Treatment in Agriculture in the July Framework Agreement Category Developing country Developed country Concessions Smaller tariff reductions over a Take into account erosion of in tariff longer period preferences schedules Designation of special products Reduce tariff escalation Longer implementation period Liberalization of tropical for elimination of export products markets subsidies Market access for "alternative" Smaller cuts in domestic products support over a longer period Increased technical assistance Higher de minimis for for trade capacity domestic support Duty- and quota-free access No reduction commitments for least developed countries, for least developed countries where possible Differentiation Special safeguard mechanism Decision on low-income food- in rules Article 9.4 exemption stays deficit countries Article 6.2 stays Export credits allowed as Special consideration in talks appropriate to the Decision on state trading enterprises Ad hoc temporary finance for developing country imports Source: Author. Lower Reduction Commitments for Tariffs It is generally agreed, and explicit in the framework agreement, that developing countries should cut tariffs using a formula similar to that used by developed countries. The framework agreement mandates a tiered formula for both groups of countries but allows smaller cuts and a longer time period for developing countries. So the issues remaining to be negotiated are the size of the target cuts for developing countries, and the length of the transition period. The size of the target cuts raises an interesting possibility for developing countries. Currently, most developing countries have considerable gaps between bound and applied tariffs, as a result of ceiling bindings in the Uruguay Round. For many countries the applied tariff is (or is scheduled to be) zero for some trade partners as the result of a preferential trade agreement, giving an even greater gap. This gap is obviously worth something at the bargaining table, but it falls into the category of a diminishing asset. So, on the principle suggested earlier, it provides a useful bargaining chip for use during this round. Specifically, the developing countries could leverage their willingness to give up the gap between applied and bound 72 Agricultural Trade Reform and the Doha Development Agenda rates, and even the difference between MFN and preferential rates, in exchange for real market access in developed countries (where the gap between applied and bound rates is less). If developing countries emerge at the end of the round with considerable "gaps" intact then they will not have obtained as much market access as they might have done. One should also consider whether a longer transition period for developing countries is a significant advantage. Clearly, when the transition period involves difficult administrative changes (what Hoekman calls resource-intensive rules), then more time is useful. And if painful domestic adjustments have to be made, involving new investments, retraining, and adjustment assistance, then there is also an argument for more time, although not quite so compelling. But if the domestic cost is minimal and the benefits from greater market access are palpable, then a slow transition may not be particularly valuable as a negotiating prize. So it may be that the bound-applied gap could be traded off for greater market access in developed countries if developing countries were not also trying to slow the transition down. In addition to the tariff reduction schedules, the negotiators will have to deal with the question of special products, linked to commodities significant for rural development and food security. As that criterion could possibly be stretched to include most import items in developing countries (except high- value processed or exotic foods), then the issue of how widely to cast the net is important. Much of the discussion so far has been about whether there should be a formula to define what products are special or whether individual countries can nominate such commodities. But ultimately the important tradeoff is likely to be between the number (and hence coverage) of the special products and the number of sensitive products that developed countries (and developing countries) will be able to nominate. If developed countries choose to make extensive use of the sensitive product category to shelter products of interest to developing- country exporters, then the likelihood of widely drawn criteria for special products increases. Or to put it the other way, the developing countries have an opportu- nity to limit the scope of sensitive products by using the special product category sparingly. Other aspects of market access also give developing countries an opportunity to influence the degree of market opening that they achieve in the round. The issue of the tariff cap is still to be negotiated, and developing countries must decide whether to accept such a discipline on their tariffs. Given the great distor- tions that high tariffs create, if indeed they allow any trade at all, it is not clear why developing countries should not accept such a tariff cap, knowing that to do so would increase their influence over the height of the cap set for developed countries. Special and Differential Treatment for Developing Countries 73 Better Access for Developing Countries The negotiating text presented at the end of the Cancún Ministerial, known as the Derbez text (WTO 2003a), suggests that developed countries "seek to provide" duty-free access for a portion of their imports from developing countries. This provision is not in the framework agreement and would not have had much impact in any case. Negotiations over the share of imports so covered would have been difficult and not necessarily have led to much market opening. The concept would certainly have favored the EU, because so many countries in its African, Caribbean, and Pacific group already have duty-free access. The framework takes up the suggestion, contained in the Derbez text and championed by the EU, that developed countries (and developing countries in a position to do so) should grant least developed countries access that is both duty free and quota free. But this part of the framework suffers from the "best efforts" syndrome (that is, developed countries have made no commitment) that has ren- dered much of SDT ineffective on previous occasions (Michalopoulos 1999). If made effective, however, this provision would set a useful precedent that could be built upon to help developing countries as a whole. Are preferences worth preserving? The framework agreement states that par- ticipants would "take into account" the importance of preferences (as in the Harbinson draft modalities paper, WTO 2003b) in their tariff schedule reduc- tions. But that approach may run counter to the overall desire to improve market access for developing countries. Preferences are one of the declining assets men- tioned above, and negotiating compensation for the reduction of preferences may be better than attempting to maintain them. The framework agreement endorses the Harbinson solution to tariff escalation problems, which suggested that tariffs on raw and processed goods be reduced in such a way as to lessen the impact of tariff escalation. This provision is of consid- erable interest to developing countries. It would be constructive if developing countries were to formulate a strategy in this area based on the perceived impact of tariff escalation on their economies. This could be useful to developed coun- tries who have less incentive to do such calculations themselves. New Special Safeguard Mechanism The framework agreement endorses the creation of a special safeguard mechanism for developing countries (as suggested in the Harbinson draft, incorporated in the EU-U.S. proposal of August 2003, and included in the Derbez text that survived the Cancún Ministerial). This safeguard mechanism had been accepted by the Group of 20 and other developing countries, although the technical details will 74 Agricultural Trade Reform and the Doha Development Agenda not necessarily be easy to negotiate. An SSM is both politically necessary and of potential economic benefit. Small, open economies are particularly vulnerable to changes in world market prices. A simple, transparent mechanism for temporary levies triggered by both price drops and import surges could give countries the security they need to stabilize domestic markets without creating too much temp- tation to protect inefficient sectors in the longer run. Several issues are still under discussion regarding the operation of the SSM. One is how wide the commodity coverage should be. From the developing-country perspective there would seem to be a benefit from a wide coverage, but that could have a cost in negotiating terms. Developed countries would see too wide a range of commodities covered by the SSM as a way for developing countries to limit market penetration, particularly if the trigger price is set high and the trigger quantity set low. Developing countries should make sure that they know what coverage and trigger conditions are essential to them and make this known. One benefit of an SSM is that it could take the place of the "price band" systems in place in several South and Central American countries. Such bands, which trig- ger additional tariffs, have been ruled contrary to the GATT (at least as they were implemented in Chile). A WTO-consistent and reasonably uniform agricultural safeguard would simplify trade decisions and lower costs. The main issue is whether to have a parallel safeguard for developed countries through a continua- tion of the special safeguard that accompanied tariffication. This safeguard has been used by the EU and Japan, and less often by the United States. But it has aroused opposition from exporters. If this particular safeguard were to continue, its procedures, and in particular the selection of world prices, should be made more predictable and less prone to use for protection. Domestic Support The framework agreement provides developing countries with lower reductions in the aggregate measure of support and longer implementation periods. They would also be exempt from the requirement to reduce de minimis. These provi- sions are of minimal value to most developing countries, as they have not notified any Amber Box policies. So not much capital should be expended on lengthen- ing the time and weakening the terms of the disciplines on domestic support. In fact, as the developing countries have made reducing the level of support in the developed countries a major plank in their proposals, this item would be a good candidate for showing that they do not want different rules for the sake of polit- ical victories if the economic advantage is small. Instead, maximum pressure can be brought by developing countries to persuade developed countries to remove their supports. Special and Differential Treatment for Developing Countries 75 Two provisions in the framework may be somewhat more useful. Enhanced provisions under Article 6.2 (see table 3.1)--perhaps including credit subsidies-- are worth pursuing if they would make it less likely that developed countries would challenge such policies in the dispute settlement process. Enhanced provisions under the Green Box (such as allowing more policies that stimulate output expan- sion) would also be useful, along with some further degree of assurance that devel- oping-country policies that conform to the Green Box would be granted some shelter. The Peace Clause, if the issue is raised again, could usefully be limited to cover developing countries. The broader concept of a Development Box may be a useful label but not worth much at the negotiating table: most development poli- cies are already in the Green Box. Export Provisions Discussion on the export competition pillar of the agricultural negotiations in the Doha Round is focused on the elimination of export subsidies, both those that are explicit and those that are embedded in other programs such as food aid, export credits, and the activities of state trading enterprises. The schedule for the elimi- nation of export subsidies is extended for developing countries as part of SDT. Moreover, the special provisions already in the URAA are to be preserved. Removing export subsidies in developed countries has become a major goal of developing countries. It would not be fruitful in negotiating terms to argue strongly for SDT in this area, where few policies are employed. To do so would risk weakening the pressure on the developed economies to remove their own subsi- dies quickly. This seems to be one area where the developing countries could offer a concession in order to achieve a more valuable overall result. So What Makes (Economic) Sense? Bearing all these factors in mind, what are the elements that should be included in an agreement that makes economic sense for both developing and developed countries? First, safeguards have economic rationale and should be made a centerpiece of the specific rules applying to developing countries. The cost may be that the SSM for developed countries may have to be prolonged as well, but that could be done with some tightening of the conditions. In addition, a broader Green Box could be (marginally) helpful. Protecting development policies from WTO challenge may help acceptance of reform. It also makes sense, at least from an economic viewpoint, to focus SDT on those countries that are not in a position to undertake the full set of WTO obligations 76 Agricultural Trade Reform and the Doha Development Agenda or accept commitments. This means that there would have to be some distinctions made among developing countries. Differentiation by type of problem would help targeting of SDT. SDT would also have to be built into development plans and coordinated with regional and multilateral development agencies. How much negotiating capital would be expended to get these advantages? And what would the cost be in terms of other objectives of developing countries? Presumably developing countries would get less access to developed country mar- kets than otherwise, and less reduction in trade-distorting support. But these costs could be offset by other concessions. Why not "sell" parts of SDT that are not so economically beneficial while they still have value at the bargaining table? By the same token, developing countries can make the deal more attractive to developed countries by showing a willingness to open up markets. Tariff reduc- tion commitments by developing countries that are too modest will reduce pres- sure for domestic reform: the economic case is weak for blanket exemptions even for the least developed countries. The widespread use of the special products cat- egory risks distorting the domestic economy and encouraging the use of sensitive products by developed countries, so it should be used sparingly if at all. Any package that emerges is going to have to appeal to interests in developed countries that support trade expansion. Selling the round on its development components alone will be difficult. But ignoring developing countries' requests is also not a recipe for progress. So the task is to craft a package that has economic benefits for both developed and developing countries and does not exceed the political limits of support for liberalization. A package with deep cuts in domestic support, the elimination of export subsidies, and ambitious tariff cuts combined with strong safeguards and adequate policy space for developing countries could be possible. Conclusions Certain structural problems exist in developing countries that make them par- ticularly vulnerable to rapid liberalization, and it has long been recognized that not all countries have the capacity to take advantage of export possibilities. But if open economies grow faster (an underlying premise of the trade system), then encouraging countries to delay opening may be perpetuating asymmetries rather than reducing them. Permissive SDT needs to be matched with positive policies to encourage participation of developing countries, including policies for developing supply capacity and transferring technology. Trade and aid policies must be more coordinated. In addition, regulatory systems differ among countries, and the capacity to implement agreed regulatory frameworks can be lacking in developing countries. Again the approach to this problem could combine some Special and Differential Treatment for Developing Countries 77 temporary relief from obligations (so long as this relief does not exclude goods from export markets) with assistance to develop the necessary regulatory capacity. Developing countries are faced with the potential conflict between concessions to domestic interests and economic benefits from trade. If SDT is purely a reac- tion to domestic pressure, then the cost is delayed reform at home and less market access in the developed countries. Such an outcome is not in the interests of any group of countries. But the negotiation of a package that includes constructive SDT that addresses real problems and yields economic benefits to developing countries is in the interests of all. Developed countries should be willing to "pay" for more market access in developing countries by agreeing to safeguards and trade assistance. This way they can help to integrate these countries into the trade system to the mutual benefit of all countries. Middle-income countries should consider what they can contribute as well as what benefits they can derive: open- ing up their markets in products of interest to other developing countries could stimulate South-South trade. Developing countries should focus on what is most useful to them in the way of derogations from general rules and be prepared to forgo other rule-based aspects of SDT, including aspects that have been accepted in the past. By forgoing some of the elements of SDT that are of little long-run economic value to them, developing countries are more likely to be able to secure those rules that are most beneficial. Developed countries must accept that some derogations will be needed to get an agreement and attempt to inform domestic constituencies of the longer- run benefits of fuller integration of developing countries in the trade system. Notes 1. The original balance of payments provision was contained in Article XII, but in the Review of the GATT in 1954­55, an explicit provision for developing countries was included in Article XVIII. This article also allowed developing countries to impose quantitative restrictions on infant industry grounds, but the balance of payments clause was by far the most used. 2. Part IV comprises three articles: Article XXXVI expresses the principle that development should be an objective of the trade system and includes nonreciprocity as a step toward that goal; Article XXXVII lays out some ways in which developed countries can assist developing countries; and Article XXXVIII provides for "joint action" to deal with development issues. Despite its symbolic significance, Part IV did not change the legal obligations of either developed or developing countries in the GATT. One institutional development survives from Part IV: the contracting parties agreed to set up a Trade and Development Committee to consider the implementation of the exhortations. However, the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development (UNCTAD) was convened in 1964 and became the preferred focus for developing-country issues. See Hudec (1987) and Finger and Winters (1998) for fuller discussions of Part IV of the GATT. 3. The more general issue of special treatment under the rule of the WTO is discussed in Hoekman (2004). Josling (2004) discusses the question of the negotiating value of some of these broader devel- oping country provisions, such as Part IV and the Enabling Clause. 78 Agricultural Trade Reform and the Doha Development Agenda 4. Notice that this approach is likely to result in a different outcome from the alternative strategy of maximizing political advantage by giving economic concessions. Only a few large developing countries (Brazil, China, and India) can offer significant economic concessions to "win" political goals. 5. One can, for instance, envisage the Committee on Trade and Development arriving at somewhat different recommendations from those agreed in the Agriculture Committee. If that is to be avoided, one of the committees would need to take the leading role in the talks. 6. The framework also promises that developing countries that have state trading enterprises to preserve price stability and ensure food security will receive special consideration with respect to their monopoly status. References Barton, J., J. Goldstein, T. Josling, and R. Steinberg. 2005. The Evolution of the Trade Regime: Politics, Law, and Economics of the GATT and WTO. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press. Finger, J. M., and L. A. Winters. 1998. "What Can the WTO Do for Developing Countries?" In The WTO as an International Organization, ed. A. O. Krueger. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. ______. 2005. "Operationalizing the Concept of Policy Space in the WTO: Beyond Special and Differ- ential Treatment." Journal of International Economic Law 8 (2): 377­404. Hoekman, B. 2002. "Strengthening the Global Trade Architecture for Development: The Post-Doha Agenda." World Trade Review 1 (1): 23­45. ______. 2004. "Operationalizing the Concept of Policy Space in the WTO: Beyond Special and Dif- ferential Treatment." Paper presented at the conference, "Preparing the Doha Round--WTO Negotiators Meet the Academics," July 2­3, European University Institute, Florence. Hudec, R. E. 1987. Developing Countries in the GATT Legal System. Thames Essay 50. London: Trade Policy Research Centre. IPC (International Food and Agricultural Trade Policy Council). 2003. "Beyond Special and Differen- tial Treatment." IPC Issue Brief 2, IPC, Washington, DC, August 15. Josling, T. 2004. "Asymmetries in International Trade: In Search of Institutional Innovation." Paper presented at the European Agricultural Economics Association Conference,"Agricultural Develop- ment and Rural Poverty under Globalization: Asymmetric Processes and Outcomes," September 8­11, University of Florence, Italy. Matthews, A. 2003."A Review of Special and Differential Treatment Proposals in the WTO Agricultural Negotiations." Trinity College, Dublin. Michalopoulos, C. 1999."The Developing Countries in the WTO." The World Economy 22 (1): 117­43. WTO (World Trade Organization). 2001. "Ministerial Declaration: Adopted on 14 November 2001." WT/MIN(01)/DEC/1, Ministerial Conference, Fourth Session, November 9­14, Doha. ______. 2003a. "Draft Cancún Ministerial Text." JOB(03)/150/Rev.2 (Derbez Draft), WTO, Geneva. ______. 2003b."Negotiations on Agriculture: First Draft of Modalities for the Further Commitments." TN/AG/W/1/Rev.1 (Harbinson Draft), WTO, Geneva, March 19. ______. 2004."Doha Work Programme: Decision Adopted by the General Council on 1 August 2004." WT/L/579 (July Framework Agreement), WTO, Geneva, August 2. Part II AGRICULTURAL MARKET ACCESS 4 Consequences of Alternative Formulas for Agricultural Tariff Cuts Sébastien Jean, David Laborde, and Will Martin The Framework Agreement for the Doha Development Agenda (WTO 2004b) provides new and important guidelines for negotiations on agricultural market access. It adds some key objectives that were missing from the original Doha Declaration (WTO 2001). In particular, it includes an important goal that was absent from the agricultural section of the original Doha Declaration--progressivity in tariff reduction through larger cuts in higher tariffs. The new framework for WTO agricultural negotiations is, at the same time, much less specific on market access than some of the preceding documents, par- ticularly the Harbinson Draft (WTO 2003b). Where, for instance, the Harbinson formula proposed specific approaches for reductions in tariffs, and even offered tentative numbers, the framework speaks much more generally of a tiered formula. This alone would seem to rule out deceptive practices such as the average-cut approach, which gives members strong incentives to reduce higher tariffs by less than lower tariffs, thereby reducing gains in market access and increasing the variability of tariffs around their averages (World Bank 2003, 92; Martin 2004). The greater generality of the framework allows for exploration of alternatives that might better achieve the objectives of countries participating in the Doha Round. The purpose of this chapter is to assess the impacts of alternative approaches to liberalizing market access within the broad guidelines provided by the framework. We consider several alternative formulas, all of which follow the framework goal of cutting higher tariffs by more than lower tariffs but do so to 81 82 Agricultural Trade Reform and the Doha Development Agenda different degrees. We also consider the implications of different ways of designating products as sensitive or special; such products are subject to smaller reductions in protection. Analysis of approaches to market access expansion must confront some key methodological challenges. One of these is inherent in the nonlinear nature of a tiered formula. Analysis must be undertaken using information on tariffs at a dis- aggregated level. Applying a tiered formula to tariff averages will not yield correct results. For this reason, we have based our analysis on applied and bound tariffs at the finest level available on an internationally comparable basis: the six-digit level of the Harmonized System.1 Another important condition for well-founded analysis is that it includes the effects of tariffs that are not ad valorem. Conventional tariff data sets that include only ad valorem tariffs are quite inadequate for analysis of agricultural protection in the industrial countries (World Bank 2003). The most restrictive tariffs in developed countries are typically nontransparent specific, compound, or mixed tariffs. Tariff data sets based only on the conventional ad valorem elements of tariffs lead to misleading estimates, such as a weighted-average, most-favored-nation (MFN) tariff of 6.2 percent for Japanese agriculture reported in Francois and Martin (2003). We estimate that the average MFN tariff on agricultural imports to Japan was actually 51.3 percent in 2001, with the vast majority of this attributable to non­ad valorem tariffs. Another key issue that needs to be addressed is the implications of tariff pref- erences. The effects of tariff cuts on market access may be quite different for coun- tries receiving effective tariff preferences than for countries subject to MFN status. For a country receiving MFN status, tariff cuts generally increase market access and raise the prices its producers receive for their exports. For countries receiving preferential status, the result may be an erosion in preference margins and a reduction in prices received for exports. Tariff rate quotas (TRQs) raise some similar issues. A substantial share of developed-country imports, and a much larger share of production, is subject to TRQs. Under these, imports up to a quota limit are permitted at an in-quota tariff, which is unbound and lower than the MFN (out-of-quota) rate. If imports are occurring at the in-quota rather than the out-of-quota rate, then reductions in bound, out-of-quota tariffs may not liberalize imports until the bound tariffs fall below the in-quota tariffs. Cuts in bound tariffs may thus be less effective in reducing applied rates than they would be in a situation where imports are restricted by MFN tariffs. An important complication for the evaluation of agricultural tariff reform is the frequent, wide divergence between the bound tariff and the tariff rate actually Consequences of Alternative Formulas for Agricultural Tariff Cuts 83 applied. This binding overhang means that reductions in bound tariffs will not always bring about corresponding reductions in applied rates and hence increases in market access. The phenomenon of binding overhang is widely associated with developing-country agricultural tariffs, but it is prevalent in developed countries as well (Martin and Wang 2004). The binding overhang can change radically the outcome of a given tariff-cutting formula. To the extent that the gap between MFN and bound tariffs is far from uniform across products (especially in developed countries), it is difficult to gauge a priori how much it would interfere with the application of a given formula. Once these problems are overcome, however, quantitative analysis can play a much larger role than it has in previous negotiations. Traps and deceptions such as the use of the average-cut routine can be revealed at a much earlier stage than was the case in earlier rounds.2 In this situation, analysis provides a basis for allowing policy makers to size up the effects of proposed agreements, taking into account the direct effects not only on their own tariff schedules but also on their potential gains in market access. In previous negotiating rounds, including the Uruguay Round, most such evaluations were under- taken only after completion of the agreement (see, for example, Martin and Winters 1996). This chapter draws on the most detailed available data on applied tariffs, the MAcMap data set, prepared by the Centre d'Etudes Prospectives et d'Informations Internationales (CEPII) and the International Trade Centre (ITC), combined with an equally detailed data set on bound duties, using a methodology consistent with MAcMap (Bchir, Jean, and Laborde forthcoming). These data are used to examine the implications of various liberalization options for the level and dispersion of tariffs, both bound and applied. It also examines the consequences of these formu- las for the market access facing countries and groups of countries. The resulting data are presented at a level of aggregation suitable both for making direct assess- ments of the impact of formulas on tariffs and for use as inputs into model-based analyses of the impacts of the negotiations on output, employment, trade, and wel- fare (as in Anderson, Martin, and van der Mensbrugghe 2006). The first section of this chapter focuses on key design features of the proposal for market access expansion contained in the framework. Because the effects of any proposal for reform depend on the initial market access situation, the second section surveys the broad features of the initial tariff situation. Then we examine the consequences of applying particular tiered formulas to particular import markets, before examining the implications of these formulas for the market access opportunities facing countries and regions. The final section offers some conclusions. 84 Agricultural Trade Reform and the Doha Development Agenda Features of the Framework's Market Access Proposal The four key elements of the framework agreement on market access are the application of a tiered formula that will make deeper cuts in higher tariffs; self- selection of sensitive products for which "substantial improvements" are to be made in market access through combinations of tariff reductions and TRQ expansion; smaller tariff reduction commitments in developing countries; and self-designation of special products by developing countries. Consider the issues involved in each of these areas. The Tiered Formula Economic theory supports the use of a formula like that proposed in the frame- work, in which higher tariff rates are cut more than lower tariff rates (Vousden 1990). Proportional tariff cuts potentially meet the framework requirement of "deeper cuts in higher tariffs" since higher tariffs are cut by larger absolute amounts, although the proportion cut in all tariffs is the same. A rather extreme top-down approach is the so-called Swiss formula, in which all tariffs are reduced below a coefficient that becomes the new maximum tariff, and the proportional cut in tariffs rises as the tariff rises. Francois and Martin (2003) show that the family of flexible Swiss formulas can provide a wide range of alternatives between the Swiss formula and a straight proportional reduction. The family of progressive "tiered" formulas, in which tariffs in higher bands are subject to higher propor- tional cuts, provides another family of formulas between the proportional cut and the Swiss formula. The Harbinson proposal contains some elements of a tiered formula in that it involves higher cuts in higher tariffs. Unfortunately, this proposal involves the use of the average-cut routine within each group, encouraging countries to minimize disciplines by imposing larger percentage cuts on lower tariffs within each group (Martin 2004). The average-cut approach is clearly not consistent with the goal in the framework of making deeper cuts in higher tariffs nor with the ambitions of the Doha agenda to reduce tariff escalation. It is also likely inconsistent with the goal of achieving substantial gains in market access (Martin 2004). For developed countries, the Harbinson proposal involves reductions of 40 percent in tariffs under 15 percent, 50 percent in tariffs between 15 and 90 percent, and 60 percent for tariffs above 90 percent (WTO 2003b). In developing countries, there are four tiers, with reductions of 25 percent for tariffs below 20 percent, 30 percent for tariffs between 20 and 60 percent, 35 percent for tariffs Consequences of Alternative Formulas for Agricultural Tariff Cuts 85 FIGURE 4.1 Converting the Harbinson Formula into a Tiered Formula (percent) 60 50 40 tariff 30 New 20 10 0 0 10 20 30 40 50 60 70 80 90 100 110 120 Old tariff Source: Authors' calculations. between 60 percent and 120 percent, and 40 percent in tariffs above 120 percent. Although this proposal was not adopted, its transition points clearly reflect a great deal of consultation and thought and may provide a useful indication of widely accepted transition points under a tiered-formula approach. Attempts to convert these different rates of tariff reduction into a tiered for- mula confront a problem of discontinuities. This is evident in figure 4.1, which maps tariffs before application of the formula to postformula tariffs using the developed-country transition points of 15 and 90 percent. The discontinuity problem is most evident around the 90 percent transition point, where a tariff of 90 percent becomes a tariff of 45 percent, while a tariff just over 90 percent becomes a tariff of 36 percent. This discontinuity would not only result in a change in the ordering of tariffs but could potentially raise the costly variability of tariffs. Most important from a political-economy perspective, such discontinuities would likely create major political resistance from firms just above each of the transition points. This problem of discontinuities and nonmonotonicity is inherent in any for- mula that attempts to apply different proportional cuts in different tariff bands. 86 Agricultural Trade Reform and the Doha Development Agenda FIGURE 4.2 A Tiered Tariff-Cutting Formula without Discontinuities (percent) 80 70 60 50 tariff 40 New30 20 10 0 0 5 10 15 20 25 30 35 40 45 50 55 60 65 70 75 80 85 09 59 100 105 110 115 Original tariff Source: Authors' calculations. Note: Upper line shows the 40 percent reduction. Lower line shows the 40:50:60 percent progressive tiered formula. One way to deal with it is to follow the approach of the progressive income tax, where the higher proportional rate is applied to the part of the tariff that lies above the limit of the lower band. This approach has the disadvantage of cutting high tariffs by less in absolute terms than a proportional cut (because the lower portion of the tariff is cut at a lower rate), but it does impose the higher cut on higher tariffs required by the framework. Further, it provides a continuous map- ping from the old tariffs to the new, as depicted in figure 4.2. Sensitive and Special Products Two other key issues in assessing the implications of the framework agreement are those products to be designated as sensitive by developed countries and those products to be designated as special by developing countries. The designation of exceptions such as these is typically a key element of any formula-based negotia- tion (Baldwin 1986). While some such exceptions are likely to be necessary for political reasons, excessive use of exceptions can easily undermine the fundamental goal of expanding market access, contradicting the requirement in the framework that sensitive products should be allowed "without undermining the overall objective of the tiered approach" (WTO 2004b, para 31). Consequences of Alternative Formulas for Agricultural Tariff Cuts 87 Since the framework allows countries to choose the products they will designate as sensitive, there is considerable uncertainty about which products will be desig- nated and what the effects of this designation will be. In the framework, the num- ber of tariff lines to be allowed as sensitive products is explicitly to be negotiated.3 WTO members can readily see the politically beneficial (but economically damag- ing) impacts of allowing particular numbers of tariff lines on reducing the disci- plines they must impose on their own politically sensitive commodities. But it is more difficult for them to assess the adverse impacts of other countries' sensitive and special products on their market access opportunities. A key goal of this chap- ter is to provide some of the information relevant to decisions about this tradeoff. The approach to dealing with this problem adopted by Martin and Wang (2004) is to assume that the products treated as sensitive are those with the high- est tariffs. If the number of tariff lines that can be treated as sensitive is con- strained, however, it is unlikely that countries would choose to use their limited number of sensitive tariff lines on products that have high tariffs but play only a small role in trade and production. Accordingly, in this analysis, the tariff lines to be treated as sensitive were selected by ranking products by the tariff revenue that would be forgone through implementation of the formula.4 This approach takes into account the importance of the commodity, the height of the existing applied tariff, and the gap between the tariff binding and the applied rate. The broad results of this analysis appear to be supported by an analysis in which the selection of products is based on a Grossman-Helpman political support function (Jean, Laborde, and Martin 2005). The framework indicates that special products in developing countries are to be distinct from sensitive products available to both developed and developing countries. It nonetheless seems likely that policy makers would use similar criteria in deciding which products to designate as special. The stated criteria in the framework, such as food security, provide little guidance. In fact, tariffs are more likely to reduce than to improve food security. As Sen (1981) demonstrated, food security is not an issue of national self-sufficiency but rather one of ensuring that individuals--particularly the poor--have access to food. Raising national food self-sufficiency by raising agricultural prices through protection may well reduce the access of poor people to food. Given the lack of a convincing rationale in the framework for special products, the analysis here effectively treats this group as an increase in the number of tariff lines allowed "flexibility" of the type permitted by the sensitive products category. We assume that tariff lines in the sensitive or special product categories would experience liberalization equivalent to a 15 percent reduction from their initial tariff levels. The framework provides for expansion of MFN tariff rate quotas, possibly together with tariff reductions, to bring about substantial improvements 88 Agricultural Trade Reform and the Doha Development Agenda in market access for these products. Unless the rules for this improvement in mar- ket access for these products are extremely demanding, it seems difficult to be optimistic about the possibility of substantial market access expansion through TRQ expansion. As de Gorter and Kliauga (2005) point out, the in-quota tariffs are not bound, and TRQs are frequently not filled because of administrative devices, sometimes even when there are substantial out-of-quota imports. Quotas are frequently allocated on the basis of licenses on demand, which is not an effi- cient or equitable method of allocating scarce and valuable quotas. In this respect, agriculture's TRQ regime seems an even less promising vehicle for liberalization than was the labyrinthine system of textile quotas erected under the textile indus- try's Multifibre Arrangement. Clearly, a great deal needs to be done if any faith is to be placed in TRQ expansion as a means of improving market access. Market Access Geography This analysis uses the latest version of the MAcMap database, which covers tariffs for 2001 and takes into account ad valorem tariffs, specific tariffs, and tariff pref- erences (Bouët and others 2004). This data set underlies the Global Trade Analysis Project (GTAP) database used in global economic models for analyzing trade policy reform. CEPII has developed software allowing easy aggregation up to the GTAP level for analysis with computable general equilibrium models. Some changes in the data were required for the analysis at hand, including corrections to problems resulting from tariff rate quotas, corrections to protection estimates distorted by idiosyncrasies of the TRQ system; modification of China's tariffs to take account of WTO accession commitments; the phase-in of remaining commitments from the Uruguay Round; and changes caused by the accession in May 2004 of 10 new members to the European Union. The tariffs applied on TRQ commodities in the MAcMap database depend on whether the quota is filled. If the quota is less than 90 percent filled, the in-quota tariff is assumed to apply to these commodities. If the quota is between 90 and 99 percent filled, the effective tariff is assumed to be the average of the in- and out-of-quota tariff. If the quota is more than 99 percent filled, then the out-of- quota tariff is applied. Several key features of global agricultural tariffs are shown in table 4.1. The global average tariff of 17 percent includes 11 percent from ad valorem tariffs and 6 percent from the ad valorem equivalents of non­ad valorem measures. There are extraordinary variations between countries and country groups around these levels. In developed countries as a group, the average tariff is 14 percent, only 4 percentage points of which are contributed by ad valorem tariffs; the remaining Consequences of Alternative Formulas for Agricultural Tariff Cuts 89 TABLE 4.1 Key Features of Applied Agricultural Tariffs, by Selected Countries and Regions, 2001 (percent, trade-weighted average) Overall Ad valorem Specific Tariff for TRQ Country/region average tariffs tariffs TRQs Share Australia 3.0 2.1 0.9 1.0 5.6 Bangladesh 14.4 14.4 0.0 0.0 0.0 Canada 9.7 8.3 1.3 30.7 21.0 China 38.9 38.9 0.0 5.7 22.0 Japan 35.5 9.9 25.6 103.4 8.8 Korea, Rep. of 93.9 93.9 0.0 226.3 38.5 Mexico 10.7 10.6 0.1 33.8 23.6 Pakistan 30.4 9.7 20.7 0.0 0.0 India 55.1 54.3 0.9 0.0 0.0 Turkey 14.0 13.9 0.1 0.0 0.0 United States 2.7 0.9 1.7 11.2 17.1 Mercosur 12.9 12.9 0.0 6.9 3.3 European Free Trade 28.6 2.0 26.6 58.2 33.6 Area (EFTA) ASEAN 11.2 7.5 3.7 32.0 8.4 Sub-Saharan LDCs 13.1 13.1 0.0 0.0 0.0 Other Sub-Saharan 25.6 25.5 0.0 0.0 0.0 Africa (SSA) Maghreb 17.6 16.2 1.5 39.4 14.3 South African Customs 13.0 4.4 8.6 16.3 55.9 Union (SACU) EU 11.8 3.1 8.8 35.5 21.5 Developed 14.3 4.3 10.0 36.9 17.3 Developing 20.9 18.5 2.4 63.7 11.6 LDCs 13.4 13.0 0.3 0.0 0.0 World 17.2 10.8 6.4 46.5 14.4 Source: MAcMap-HS6 Database, Centre d'Etudes Prospectives et d'Informations Internationales (CEPIIs), Paris (see Bouët and others 2004). Note: The Maghreb region consists of Algeria, Libya, Mauritania, Morocco, and Tunisia. Figures for regions are computed as import-weighted averages across countries. 10 percent comes from the ad valorem equivalents of specific, mixed, or com- pound duties. These latter duties are a particular concern to developing countries, since specific tariffs tend to impose greater burdens on developing-country exports (these exports frequently have lower per unit prices, making the tariff a 90 Agricultural Trade Reform and the Doha Development Agenda higher percentage of the export value for developing countries). Within the developed-country group, average tariffs vary considerably, with Japan having an average agricultural tariff of 36 percent, mostly derived from non­ad valorem tariffs, and the European Free Trade Area (EFTA) having a tariff of 29 percent. The average agricultural tariff in the EU is considerably lower, at 12 percent, and those in the United States and Australia, lower still, at 3 percent. Developing countries have higher average tariffs, at 20 percent, than developed countries, but only 2 percentage points of this protection is provided by specific tariffs. Average tariffs are extremely high in the Republic of Korea, at 94 percent, and also high in China, India, Pakistan, and Sub-Saharan Africa.5 The net agricul- tural exporting Mercosur region of South America has quite low tariffs, at an aver- age of 5 percent. Interestingly, least developed countries (LDCs) as a group, and the LDCs of Sub-Saharan Africa, have quite low tariffs; that is consistent with the tendency noted in the political economy literature for poor countries to have low agricultural protection (see, for example, Anderson, Hayami, and George 1986). Another feature of agricultural protection evident in table 4.1 is the height of the barriers on the TRQ commodities. The analysis by de Gorter and Kliauga (2005) indicates that these products cover 20 percent of agricultural tariff lines, and 52 percent of the value of production, in the countries using TRQs.6 The fact that average applied tariffs on these commodities are so high, even though some imports are permitted at lower in-quota tariffs, is striking testimony to the importance of protection on these commodities both in developed countries and in those developing countries using these measures. Had all TRQ goods been automatically treated as sensitive products, as was proposed in WTO (2004a), a very large share of total agricultural protection would have been shielded from liberalization. Another key element of the geography of market access is the relationship between applied and bound tariffs. The higher bindings are relative to applied rates, the larger the reductions in bound rates that must be made before applied rates must change and market access improvements are realized. The gap between applied and bound duties has two origins: the binding overhang, that is, the gap between bound and MFN tariffs, and preferential arrangements, which create a gap between the MFN and applied rates.7 There was substantial binding overhang in many developing countries after the Uruguay Round. Developing countries had the right to set their tariff bindings without reference to previous levels of protection, under the so-called ceiling binding option. Many developing countries used this right to set their bindings at high, and frequently uniform, levels such as 150 or 250 percent. The effects are illustrated in table 4.2, which shows that the bound tariff in developing countries is 2.4 times the average applied rate. Consequences of Alternative Formulas for Agricultural Tariff Cuts 91 TABLE 4.2 Bound and Applied Agricultural Tariff Rates, by Selected Countries and Regions, 2001 (percent, trade-weighted average) Bound MFN Applied CV CV MFN Country/region tariff tariff tariff bound applied Australia 5.9 3.6 3.0 1.9 1.6 Bangladesh 156.7 14.4 14.4 8.8 3.4 Canada 19.6 19.3 9.7 23.6 23.7 Chinaa 16.2 51.3 38.9 11.0 18.7 Japan 62.1 52.1 34.6 81.1 90.1 Korea, Rep. of 103.5 119.8 93.9 43.3 57.5 Mexico 49.4 31.9 10.7 17.7 25.0 Pakistan 107.7 30.0 30.4 3.3 5.2 India 153.4 55.4 55.1 23.3 12.9 Turkey 50.1 16.1 14.0 12.5 7.1 United States 6.2 6.0 2.7 14.0 14.0 Mercosur 34.0 12.9 12.9 1.8 1.2 EFTA 70.8 48.2 28.6 21.7 23.6 ASEAN 59.7 12.1 11.2 25.2 10.1 Sub-Saharan LDCs 62.8 14.8 13.1 1.8 1.3 Other SSA 104.4 26.5 25.6 1.0 6.7 Maghreb 38.0 18.9 17.6 10.9 5.2 SACU 51.5 13.8 13.0 11.7 4.7 EU 20.5 17.2 11.8 40.6 36.4 Developed 27.0 22.1 14.2 37.3 37.7 Developing 48.1 26.7 20.6 13.9 15.1 LDCs 77.6 14.3 13.4 3.7 1.8 World 37.4 24.0 17.0 26.2 26.9 Source: MAcMap-HS6 Database, CEPII, Paris (see Bouët and others 2004). Note: CV is the weighted coefficient of variation for the power of the tariff (1 + t). a. The bound average duty reported for China takes into account commitments not in effect in 2001, hence its lower level in comparison with the MFN rate. Figures for regions are computed as import- weighted averages across countries. Although developed countries did not have the right to use ceiling bindings, negotiators used a highly protected base period (1986­88)--and many members used so-called dirty tariffication--to set tariff rates for industrial countries well above the previously prevailing average applied tariffs (Hathaway and Ingco 1996). Table 4.2 indicates that binding overhang is substantial in developing countries and smaller, but by no means nonexistent, in developed countries.8 These results are broadly consistent with the findings of Martin and Wang (2004), which were based on an entirely different data set. 92 Agricultural Trade Reform and the Doha Development Agenda For developed countries, the average bound rate was almost twice as high as the applied rate. This difference mainly comes from the large gap between MFN and applied rates, reflecting the importance of preferential agreements and tariff rate quotas in reducing average applied rates below their MFN levels. The differ- ence is large in relative terms for all developed countries, highlighting the issue of preference erosion analyzed by Bouët, Fontagné, and Jean (2006). A key feature of table 4.2 is the sharp difference among countries. Low-income countries tend to have a large binding overhang, with bindings for the LDC group six times their applied rates. For Bangladesh, the average difference between bound and applied rates is more than 150 percentage points. In the European Union, Japan, and the United States, average bound rates are more than 50 percent above the applied rates, suggesting that relatively large cuts in bound rates would be needed to bring about sizeable reductions in applied rates. Simulation Experiments For this analysis, we assume that a reduction in a tariff binding causes a reduction in applied tariffs whenever the new binding is below the initial applied rate. This assumption is widely used, but the initial applied rate is by no means the only pos- sible counterfactual. If, in the absence of a WTO agreement, tariffs would have increased, the effect of the WTO commitment might be greater than is implied under our assumption. If applied rates would otherwise have declined, the gain from the agreement might be less than we estimate. Even in the random-walk case, when the initial tariff rate is the best indicator of future tariff rates, our assumption that a unit reduction in the binding below the applied rate will cause a one-for-one reduction in expected applied rates is not necessarily true given the stochastic nature of unbound tariffs (Francois and Martin 2004). However, our simplified approach provides a useful, and widely adopted, rule of thumb. Results are presented for 14 simulations designed to evaluate the consequences of different approaches to liberalization, particularly different degrees of top- down progressivity in the tariff cuts and different degrees of special and differen- tial treatment (SDT) for developing and least developed countries. As specified in the framework, all of these cuts are made in tariff bindings, and we examine the consequences for applied rates. The analysis begins with the 2001 tariffs that are the basis for the GTAP- 6 database. Before we performed the main simulations, however, we undertook an experiment to introduce a number of developments that occurred before any tariff reductions arising from the Doha Agenda. These included the expansion of the EU to 25 members, the phase-in of remaining commitments by developing Consequences of Alternative Formulas for Agricultural Tariff Cuts 93 countries under the URAA, and the tariff reforms agreed by WTO accession coun- tries, China in particular. 9 The simulations, descriptions of which are summarized in table 4.3, begin with a tiered formula consistent with the framework (scenario 1). The effects of adding different levels of sensitive and special products were then considered. Any top- down formula is likely to involve intense negotiating difficulties, since the extent to which higher tariffs are to be cut by more must be negotiated, and non­ad val- orem tariffs must be converted to ad valorem form.10 We therefore thought it worthwhile to compare the results of the tiered formula with those from a much simpler, proportional cut approach. Next, we examine the consequences of fuller TABLE 4.3 Summary Description of the Agricultural Reform Scenarios Base 2001 applied protection Agric 0 Pre-experiment (EU enlargement + WTO commitments) Agric 1 Tiered formula for agriculture, 45, 70, and 75% cuts Agric 2 Tiered formula + sensitive products (2% of tariff lines) Agric 3 Tiered formula + sensitive products (5% of tariff lines) Agric 4 Proportional cut Agric 5 Proportional cut + sensitive products (2% of tariff lines) Agric 6 Tiered formula + sensitive products (2% of tariff lines) + 200% tariff cap Agric 7 "Light" tiered formula, 35, 50, and 65% cuts Agric 8 Tiered formula with developed-country coefficients in both developed and developing countries, no reduction for LDCs Agric 9 Tiered formula with developing countries and LDCs treated as developed countries Agric 10 Swiss formula Agric 11 Swiss formula + sensitive products (2% of tariff lines) Agric 12 Tiered formula with sensitive products not exceeding 2% of import value Agric 13 Tiered formula with sensitive products not exceeding 5% of import value Agric 14 Tiered formula with 2% of tariff lines sensitive products (excluding alcohol and tobacco products) Source: Authors. Note: In developing countries, the percentage of products subject to sensitive product treatment was doubled to allow for "special" products. 94 Agricultural Trade Reform and the Doha Development Agenda participation by developing countries. Then, we consider the strongly top-down Swiss formula. Finally, we examine two important issues involving sensitive products: whether the choice of trade value, rather than number of tariff lines, greatly affects the impact of including sensitive products; and whether the impact of sensitive products is greatly influenced by the inclusion of alcohol and tobacco products. As an initial attempt to capture the key elements of likely liberalization propos- als, we first examine in scenario 1 a tiered formula with transition points at 15 and 90 percent and marginal tariff cuts of 45, 70, and 75 percent.11 The transition points for developing countries were placed at 20, 60, and 120 percent, and the marginal cuts at 35, 40, 50, and 60 percent. Consistent with the framework, least developed countries were not required to undertake any reduction commitments. Scenarios 2 and 3 examine the consequences of including sensitive and special products. We assume that WTO members would take into account the impor- tance of the commodity, the height of the existing tariff, and the gap between the tariff binding and the applied rate in deciding which products to designate as spe- cial or sensitive. We consider situations in which developed countries are allowed to treat 2 percent (scenario 2) and 5 percent (scenario 3) of tariff lines as sensitive. Developing countries are allowed, in addition, to classify the same number of tariff lines as special products. Scenario 4 considers the impact of a proportional cut formula that brings about the same reduction in average bound tariffs in developed countries as a group, and developing countries as a group, as the tiered formulas used in scenario 1. Scenario 5 uses the same proportional cut formula and allows 2 percent of tariff lines to be treated as sensitive products; developing countries are also allowed to treat an addi- tional 2 percent of tariff lines as special products. Scenario 6 considers the effects of adding a tariff cap of 200 percent, consistent with the suggestion in the frame- work that the role of a tariff cap be explored. Scenario 7 considers the "light" tiered formula proposed in the Harbinson draft, with tariffs cut by 10 percentage points less than in scenario 1. Scenarios 8 and 9 examine two aspects of special and differential treatment. Scenario 8 treats developing countries the same as developed countries, but continues to exclude least developed countries from liberalization. Scenario 9 uses the tiered formula of scenario 1, but treats LDCs the same as other developing countries. Scenario 10 examines the implications of moving to a Swiss formula approach to tariff reduction. For this scenario, the Swiss formula parameter is calibrated to bring about the same reduction in average tariffs as would have occurred using the tiered formula in scenario 1. While the reduction in the average tariff is the same, the more sharply concave nature of the Swiss formula means that higher tariffs are reduced more, and lower tariffs correspondingly less, than under the Consequences of Alternative Formulas for Agricultural Tariff Cuts 95 tiered or proportional cut formulas. Under scenario 11, we consider the impact of allowing developed countries to designate 2 percent of tariff lines as sensitive and developing countries to classify 2 percent as sensitive and another 2 percent as special products while using the Swiss formula approach to liberalization. In scenarios 12 and 13, we return to the tiered formula used in scenarios 2 and 3, with exceptions for sensitive and special products. In scenarios 12 and 13, how- ever, we specify the proportion of sensitive products to be allowed using the value of trade in those products, rather than the number of tariff lines. Finally, in scenario 14, we examine the sensitivity of our results to the exclusion of alcohol and tobacco products from the list of products that can be treated as sensitive. While the production of alcohol and tobacco is clearly protected in some cases, in other cases tariffs on these products may be intended either to raise revenue or discourage their consumption for social purposes. In these cases, governments might choose not to designate them as sensitive products, using their limited number of sensi- tive products for goods where the motivation for tariffs is purely protection. The Consequences of Tiered Formulas What happens to bound and applied rates under the scenarios outlined above? Under scenario 1, world average bound duties would fall by half, from the initial level of 37 percent down to 19 percent (table 4.4). Logically, given the special and differential treatment granted to developing countries, the reductions in average tariffs, as well as the harmonizing effects across countries, are stronger among developed countries: their average bound tariff is cut from 27 percent to 9.5 percent, with a final level lower than 10 percent for each country, except EFTA (23 percent) and Japan (20 percent). Given the progressive nature of the formula, however, the cut is also substantial for developing countries (except the least developed). The average bound tariff for developing countries is cut almost in half, from 48 percent down to 27 percent. The reductions are quite large in percentage points for India (76 points), Korea (54 points), Pakistan (47 points), and all Sub-Saharan Africa except for its LDCs (47 points). As already emphasized, these cuts in bound duties lead to cuts in applied rates only when the new bound duty is lower than the initial applied duty. Accordingly, it is no surprise that the cuts in applied duties are not as great as the cuts in bound duties. But the extent to which the binding overhang dampens the impact on applied duties is surprisingly large: while bound duties are approximately cut in half worldwide, applied duties are cut only by one-third, that is, by 5.5 percentage points on average (table 4.5). This liberalization appears rather limited, even though the formula used is considerably more rigorous than that proposed in the Harbinson draft. 96 Agricultural Trade Reform and the Doha Development Agenda TABLE 4.4 Base Level and Reductions in Average Bound Duties, by Agricultural Reform Scenario (percentage points) Scenario Country Base (%) (1) (2) (3) (4) (5) (6) Australia 5.9 2.8 1.0 1.0 3.9 3.2 2.2 Bangladesh 156.7 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 Canada 19.6 12.4 3.0 3.0 12.8 7.1 6.7 China 16.2 4.1 1.6 1.6 4.8 3.5 3.0 Japan 62.1 42.4 9.8 9.6 40.0 20.2 28.9 Korea, Rep. of 103.5 53.7 16.4 16.2 45.9 21.5 52.6 Mexico 49.4 19.9 7.5 7.5 21.9 19.2 17.6 Pakistan 107.7 47.4 16.3 16.2 47.8 21.7 27.6 India 153.4 76.1 23.2 23.2 68.0 64.5 73.3 Turkey 50.1 21.6 11.3 11.3 22.2 20.6 20.1 United States 6.2 3.3 1.4 1.4 4.0 3.1 2.4 Mercosur 34.0 12.6 6.2 5.7 15.1 13.6 12.0 EFTA 70.8 48.2 11.0 10.9 46.0 35.4 40.1 ASEAN 59.7 26.4 11.5 11.4 24.2 16.5 25.3 Sub-Saharan LDCs 62.8 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 Other SSA 104.4 47.4 16.7 16.3 46.3 37.0 38.1 Maghreb 38.0 15.1 5.7 5.7 16.3 11.8 12.3 SACU 51.5 21.5 11.4 11.3 22.7 20.4 21.3 EU 20.5 12.7 3.4 3.2 13.3 8.9 8.1 Developed 27.0 17.6 4.5 4.3 17.5 10.5 12.0 Developing 48.1 21.3 8.1 8.0 20.9 15.2 18.8 LDCs 77.6 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 World 37.4 18.9 6.0 5.9 18.7 12.4 14.8 Among the main countries listed in table 4.5, only EFTA, the EU, Japan, and Korea show reductions in applied duties of more than 5 percentage points. Indeed, liberalization appears to be overwhelmingly concentrated in Japan and Korea. In many countries, applied duties hardly change--they drop less than 1 percentage point in 8 of the 19 countries and groups shown in the table. For Pakistan, for instance, the 47 percentage point cut in the average bound duty translates into a 0.5 point cut in the average applied duty. In sum, for developing countries the formula considered in scenario 1 narrows the binding overhang in many cases without substantially changing applied duties. For developed Consequences of Alternative Formulas for Agricultural Tariff Cuts 97 TABLE 4.4 (Continued) Scenario (7) (8) (9) (10) (11) (12) (13) (14) 2.2 2.8 2.8 1.2 1.1 2.6 2.4 2.5 0.0 0.0 78.2 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 10.5 12.4 12.4 11.6 5.5 9.7 7.4 6.4 3.0 6.1 4.1 2.2 2.0 3.5 3.0 3.0 36.1 42.4 42.4 46.7 21.7 34.3 28.0 20.9 43.3 72.7 53.7 66.6 20.1 46.0 38.5 21.7 15.0 31.1 19.9 15.1 11.7 17.2 15.9 16.9 36.7 72.6 47.4 46.5 26.6 45.7 42.6 21.3 60.8 107.4 76.1 87.5 40.2 71.5 67.5 73.6 16.6 32.4 21.6 18.9 17.7 19.1 15.8 20.1 2.6 3.3 3.3 1.9 1.5 2.7 2.1 2.4 9.2 20.1 12.6 6.9 6.0 12.2 11.5 12.1 41.1 48.2 48.2 51.5 39.2 41.8 36.4 37.6 20.6 37.5 27.5 30.1 10.0 20.2 16.6 23.0 0.0 0.0 26.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 36.9 70.9 47.4 47.9 36.9 46.0 44.1 38.6 11.4 23.4 15.1 13.0 11.0 13.9 12.5 11.9 16.4 33.2 21.6 18.9 17.3 18.1 16.8 20.9 10.7 12.7 12.7 11.1 6.7 10.6 8.5 8.1 14.9 17.6 17.6 17.6 9.6 14.5 11.9 10.5 16.6 31.1 21.3 21.3 11.5 18.9 17.1 16.7 0.0 0.0 35.3 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 15.3 23.3 19.6 18.9 10.3 16.2 13.9 13.1 Source: Authors' calculations, based on the MAcMap-HS6 database, CEPII, Paris. Note: For descriptions of scenarios, see table 4.3. Figures for regions are computed as import-weighted averages across countries. countries, the cuts in applied duties are less than on bound duties in absolute terms, but they are comparable in most cases, when expressed in relative terms. The tiered formula does, however, have a significant harmonizing effect on applied rates across products, as illustrated by the reduction in the coefficient of variation of the power of the MFN tariff (table 4.6). On average, the coefficient of variation decreases from 36 percent to 14 percent for developed countries and from 10 percent to 7 percent for developing countries. The world average coeffi- cient of variation decreases from 31 percent to 14 percent. The decline is sharper 98 Agricultural Trade Reform and the Doha Development Agenda TABLE 4.5 Reductions in Base Tariffs for Average Applied Tariffs, by Agricultural Reform Scenario (percentage points) Scenario Country Base (%) (1) (2) (3) (4) (5) (6) Australia 3.0 0.9 0.3 0.2 1.5 0.9 0.4 Bangladesh 14.4 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 Canada 9.7 4.4 0.1 0.1 4.1 1.1 1.0 China 10.0 2.3 0.9 0.9 2.7 1.4 1.3 Japan 34.5 16.6 2.1 2.0 15.0 5.1 8.5 Korea, Rep. of 90.1 44.5 12.2 12.2 36.8 13.4 43.0 Mexico 9.5 1.5 0.2 0.2 1.8 0.3 0.2 Pakistan 30.4 0.5 0.0 0.0 0.9 0.0 0.0 India 54.5 4.4 1.7 1.6 5.1 1.8 1.7 Turkey 13.9 1.5 0.2 0.2 1.6 0.5 0.4 United States 2.7 0.9 0.1 0.1 1.2 0.6 0.3 Mercosur 12.8 0.4 0.0 0.0 0.8 0.1 0.0 EFTA 28.6 11.5 0.8 0.7 10.1 6.0 7.1 ASEAN 10.9 0.9 0.3 0.3 1.0 0.4 1.2 Sub-Saharan LDCs 13.1 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 Other SSA 25.4 2.8 0.6 0.6 2.7 0.8 0.8 Maghreb 16.9 2.6 0.8 0.8 2.9 1.0 1.0 SACU 12.6 0.7 0.2 0.2 1.0 0.2 0.2 EU 11.8 6.1 1.3 1.1 6.5 2.9 2.5 Developed 14.1 6.6 0.9 0.9 6.5 2.6 3.1 Developing 17.9 4.3 1.3 1.3 4.1 1.6 3.5 LDCs 13.3 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 World 15.8 5.5 1.1 1.0 5.3 2.1 3.2 for countries with very uneven initial bound duties, especially Japan, Korea, and to a lesser extent India, the ASEAN (Association of Southeast Asian Nations) countries, and Canada. When 2 percent of sensitive products are exempted from the tiered formula and instead subjected only to a 15 percent cut in the bound rate (scenario 2), the cut in the average bound duty worldwide narrows from 19 to 6 percentage points. Excluding 2 percent of products is thus enough to reduce the extent of delivered liberalization of bound duties by more than two-thirds, and even more than this in countries such as Canada, Japan, and Korea. This outcome results from the Consequences of Alternative Formulas for Agricultural Tariff Cuts 99 TABLE 4.5 (Continued) Scenario (7) (8) (9) (10) (11) (12) (13) (14) 0.7 0.9 0.9 0.3 0.2 0.8 0.7 0.7 0.0 0.0 0.3 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 3.0 4.4 4.4 4.7 1.1 3.3 1.7 0.9 1.7 3.2 2.3 1.0 0.8 1.8 1.7 1.3 11.8 16.6 16.6 20.4 5.1 13.1 10.6 4.6 36.0 60.5 44.5 58.0 12.6 39.2 32.0 13.4 0.8 3.4 1.5 1.0 0.2 1.5 1.3 0.3 0.1 8.6 0.5 0.1 0.0 0.5 0.5 0.0 3.2 12.9 4.4 3.7 1.7 4.4 4.2 2.0 0.9 3.9 1.5 1.1 0.2 1.3 0.7 0.4 0.6 0.9 0.9 0.4 0.1 0.8 0.6 0.3 0.1 2.1 0.4 0.0 0.0 0.4 0.4 0.1 7.3 11.5 11.5 14.0 7.6 9.4 7.8 6.1 0.6 2.1 0.9 1.9 0.3 0.7 0.7 0.7 0.0 0.0 0.2 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 1.7 7.6 2.8 2.8 0.8 2.7 2.7 1.8 1.8 4.6 2.6 2.0 0.8 2.1 1.9 1.4 0.5 3.3 0.7 0.5 0.2 0.7 0.4 0.3 4.9 6.1 6.1 5.3 1.8 4.9 4.0 2.4 4.8 6.6 6.6 7.1 2.1 5.3 4.2 2.3 3.3 6.9 4.3 4.7 1.3 3.8 3.3 1.7 0.0 0.0 0.2 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 4.1 6.6 5.5 5.9 1.7 4.5 3.7 2.0 Source: Authors' calculations, based on the MAcMap-HS6 database, CEPII, Paris. Note: For descriptions of scenarios, see table 4.3. Figures for regions are computed as import-weighted averages across countries. strong unevenness of protection across products in most countries, with a few tariff peaks accounting for a substantial part of total average protection. But the conse- quences of excluding 2 percent of sensitive products are even more spectacular when it comes to applied duties. Under scenario 2, average applied duties world- wide fall a mere 1.1 points--that is just one-fifth the size of the cut delivered under the tiered formula in scenario 1. Allowing sensitive and special products to be subject to much less rigorous tariff-cutting treatment also strongly undercuts the reductions in peak tariffs and in 100 Agricultural Trade Reform and the Doha Development Agenda TABLE 4.6 Cross-Product Coefficient of Variation of the Power of MFN Tariffs: Base and Reduction by Agri- cultural Reform Scenario (percentage points) Scenario Country Base (%) (1) (2) (3) (4) (5) (6) Australia 1.6 0.7 0.2 0.2 0.9 0.4 0.4 Bangladesh 3.4 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 Canada 23.7 15.9 3.1 3.1 14.5 3.7 5.5 China 11.0 2.7 1.0 1.0 2.9 1.9 1.8 Japan 83.2 51.8 7.9 8.0 42.4 11.6 45.2 Korea, Rep. of 45.7 19.5 4.1 4.1 13.9 4.2 21.1 Mexico 22.8 10.7 3.2 3.2 9.7 7.4 8.2 Pakistan 5.2 0.1 0.0 0.0 0.2 0.0 0.0 India 12.3 -0.6 -0.1 -0.1 -0.8 -0.1 -0.1 Turkey 7.1 1.2 0.1 0.1 1.1 0.2 0.2 United States 14.0 8.5 4.0 3.8 8.9 4.8 4.8 Mercosur 1.2 0.1 0.0 0.0 0.1 0.0 0.0 EFTA 22.1 13.9 2.2 2.2 11.8 2.2 10.8 ASEAN 9.6 0.8 0.2 0.2 0.7 0.3 2.1 Sub-Saharan LDCs 1.3 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 Other SSA 6.7 1.5 0.4 0.4 1.4 0.4 0.4 Maghreb 4.9 1.4 0.4 0.4 1.4 0.5 0.6 SACU 4.4 0.4 0.1 0.1 0.4 0.1 0.1 EU 36.4 23.2 4.6 4.7 22.0 5.4 5.9 Developed 36.2 22.7 4.7 4.7 20.3 5.9 13.4 Developing 10.3 3.0 0.8 0.8 2.5 1.2 2.7 LDCs 1.8 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 World 24.0 13.5 2.9 2.8 12.0 3.7 8.4 the variability of applied duties. Instead of 14 percent under scenario 1, the world average of the cross-product coefficient of variation of MFN tariffs falls only 3 percentage points, to 21 percent, when countries are allowed to designate 2 percent of their tariff lines as sensitive products (see table 4.6). The harmoniz- ing impact of the formula is clearly much reduced by allowing for exceptions. Raising the share of sensitive products to 5 percent (scenario 3) does not change the broad picture a great deal. The extent of delivered liberalization is Consequences of Alternative Formulas for Agricultural Tariff Cuts 101 TABLE 4.6 (Continued) Scenario (7) (8) (9) (10) (11) (12) (13) (14) 0.5 0.7 0.7 0.4 0.2 0.4 0.3 0.6 0.0 0.0 0.1 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 13.4 15.9 15.9 17.5 5.9 6.1 3.6 4.7 2.0 4.5 2.7 2.3 1.4 1.5 1.0 1.8 42.1 51.8 51.8 70.6 16.8 10.6 5.0 15.4 15.4 27.8 19.5 30.8 4.5 10.8 7.5 4.3 8.4 15.7 10.7 11.7 5.0 4.2 4.0 6.1 0.0 2.3 0.1 0.0 0.0 0.1 0.1 0.0 -0.3 0.8 -0.6 0.1 -0.1 -0.6 -0.7 0.0 0.8 2.4 1.2 1.3 0.1 1.0 0.2 0.2 7.1 8.5 8.5 7.0 4.9 4.3 2.4 4.8 0.0 0.4 0.1 0.0 0.0 0.1 0.1 0.0 11.5 13.9 13.9 17.8 6.5 3.1 1.3 3.7 0.5 2.3 0.8 3.9 0.2 0.5 0.5 0.6 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 1.0 3.4 1.5 1.6 0.4 1.5 1.4 1.0 1.0 2.5 1.4 1.4 0.4 0.6 0.5 1.0 0.3 1.2 0.4 0.4 0.1 0.3 0.1 0.1 19.5 23.2 23.2 23.4 6.4 11.2 6.5 5.8 18.7 22.7 22.7 26.4 7.7 7.9 4.3 7.1 2.2 5.1 3.0 4.5 1.1 1.6 1.3 1.4 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 11.0 14.4 13.5 16.2 4.6 4.9 2.9 4.4 Source: Authors' calculations, based on MAcMap-HS6 database, CEPII, Paris. Note: For descriptions of scenarios, see table 4.3. Figures for regions are computed as import-weighted averages across countries. somewhat lower, but the qualitative assessment and the general conclusion do not change: the pass-through from liberalization of bound duties to liberalization of applied duties is weak under a tiered formula such as the one studied here. More- over, the little action that takes place is concentrated on a very small number of products, so that excluding 2 percent of tariff lines as sensitive products is enough to empty the agreement of any substantive liberalization. 102 Agricultural Trade Reform and the Doha Development Agenda Tiered Formula Versus a Proportional Cut Scenario 4 presents results for a proportional cut delivering the same cut in aver- age tariffs--for industrial countries and for developing countries--as the tiered formula. On an economy-by-economy basis, the cut in tariffs is not substantially different from the tiered formula, with the exception of Korea, where the cut in applied duties is significantly lower (37 points, compared with 45 points). Even in terms of cross-product variability of MFN duties, the difference is not generally large, although the decline is less pronounced for developed countries. Nor is there much change when 2 percent of sensitive product tariff lines are excluded (scenario 5) either in the country-by-country average tariffs or in the coefficient of variation of tariffs. This result raises questions about the importance of a tiered formula relative to a proportional cut. While a tiered formula is generally more ambitious in reducing peak tariffs, it is likely to present more difficulties in achieving a consensus. If the differences between tiered formulas and propor- tional cuts are as small as our simulations indicate--even given the aggressive nature of our tiered formula--then the loss from moving to a proportional approach may not be large. Another topic these scenarios aim to address is the potential importance of setting a cap for bound duties. Scenario 6 introduces such a cap (at a level of 200 percent), in addition to the application of the tiered formula with 2 percent of sensitive product lines excluded (scenario 2). Although excluded from the full application of the formula, sensitive products are subject to the cap in this sce- nario. The results show that setting such a cap can matter a great deal: the cut in the worldwide average of applied duties is three times as large in scenario 6 as in scenario 2. Setting a cap thus appears to be a potential way to limit the loss of market access opportunities that result from excluding sensitive products from tariff reductions. For most countries and regions, the cap has a relatively small impact on the resulting tariff cut. But for EFTA, the EU, Japan, and Korea, the cap increased the cut in average applied rates considerably. Scenario 8 illustrates the implications of special and differential treatment for tariffs. In this scenario, developing countries other than LDCs are subjected to the same formula as developed countries. Under this scenario, the absolute cut in devel- oping countries' applied tariffs rises to 6.9 percentage points, from 4.3 percentage points registered in scenario 1. This reduction is larger in absolute value than the 6.6 percentage points in developed countries, but it is smaller proportionately (a 38 percent reduction, compared with 47 percent in developed countries). The smaller percentage cut results from the higher binding overhang in developing countries. There are, of course, considerable differences among developing coun- tries in the extent to which the assumption of full disciplines would require Consequences of Alternative Formulas for Agricultural Tariff Cuts 103 larger tariff cuts. For many, such as Mexico and Turkey, the resulting tariff cuts would be proportionally larger but would remain small in absolute terms. For a few, such as India and Korea, eliminating special and differential treatment would require cuts that are larger both in absolute and proportional terms. For developing countries, these results suggest that, because of their binding overhang, the mercantilist "cost" of full participation in the Doha Round might be considerably lower than it would at first appear. That raises an important question for developing countries: what additional gains could they obtain by offering fuller participation? This question arises even more strongly in scenario 9, which shows the effect of a potential agreement for LDCs to participate in line with other developing countries. The results show that the effect on their cuts to applied rates would be extremely modest. The average applied agricultural tariff in LDCs would decline by only 0.2 percent, because the large binding overhang in LDCs reduces the requirement to reduce tariffs to an extremely low level. Scenarios 10 and 11 examine the effect of the Swiss formula calibrated to pro- duce the same reductions in average bound rates for developed and developing countries as the tiered formula applied in scenarios 1, 2, and 3. A key effect of this formula is to reduce applied protection in higher-tariff economies such as EFTA, Japan, and Korea by more than they are reduced in lower-protection countries. Another key effect is to bring about a larger reduction in the coefficient of varia- tion of tariffs than either the tiered formula or proportional cuts. The reduction in applied tariffs is larger for both developed and developing countries, however, reflecting a tendency for the Swiss formula to be more effective in reducing bind- ing overhang. However, there are important differences in the impact of the for- mula between countries. In countries and groups with relatively modest agricul- tural protection, such as Australia, China, Mercosur, SACU, and the United States, where both the mean and the coefficient of variation are low, the strongly top- down Swiss formula would require smaller tariff reductions in applied rates than the tiered formula. By contrast, in countries with high or variable tariffs such as Japan, Korea, and EFTA, the Swiss formula would require significantly larger reductions in average applied tariffs. Scenarios 12 and 13 shed light on the importance of the way in which the share of products to be accorded sensitive product treatment is specified. Under scenarios 2 and 3, special products could be designated for a maximum of 2 percent and 5 percent of tariff lines, respectively. Under scenarios 12 and 13, the criterion is shifted to 2 percent and 5 percent of imports, rather than tariff lines. Under scenario 12, the global reduction in average applied tariffs is 4.5 percent, compared with 1.1 percent under scenario 2. The size of the resulting cut in tariffs is reduced by 10­20 percent in most cases, in contrast with the dramatic and unpredictable reductions in disciplines associated with basing sensitive products on tariff lines. 104 Agricultural Trade Reform and the Doha Development Agenda Scenario 13 shows that expanding the volume of sensitive products to 5 percent diminishes the resulting disciplines on market access: the world average agricul- tural tariff falls by 3.7 percent, rather than 5.5 percent, as in scenario 1. However, even when sensitive products are allowed to make up 5 percent of imports, the negative effect on tariff reductions is nowhere near what it is when just 2 percent of tariff lines can be designated as sensitive products. Although trade volume is also an imperfect criterion (because highly restricted products are likely to have small imports), its deficiencies as a basis for allowing sensitive products clearly appear to be less serious than those associated with using a percentage of tariff lines as a criterion. When tariff lines are used, a large and variable amount of trade can be sheltered from disciplines. Given the results in scenario 2, it seems doubtful whether a pure tariff-line criterion for allowing sensitive products could be compatible with the expansion of market access required in both the initial Doha Agenda (WTO 2001) or the framework agree- ment (WTO 2004b). Use of a fraction of trade volume could potentially be made consistent with the focus on number of tariff lines in the framework agreement. It would simply require defining the number of tariff lines to be permitted sensitive treatment as the number accounting for a specified volume of trade. Scenario 14 examines the implications of excluding "sin" commodities such as alcohol and tobacco from the sensitive product category. These goods are fre- quently high-volume trade products, and there is some doubt about whether countries would use their scarce sensitive products allocation to shelter them. A key question is whether the dramatic reduction in the market access gains observed in scenario 2 is robust if these high-tariff goods are excluded. The results of scenario 14 should be compared with those for scenario 2, since both involve allowing 2 percent of tariff lines to be treated as sensitive. The comparison, shown in table 4.5, finds that excluding these commodities from the sensitive product category does increase the size of the cut in applied tariffs. Even with this adjust- ment, however, the resulting reductions in tariffs are still extremely small (2 percent, rather than 1 percent), so the exclusion still does not create the "substantial increases in market access" required in the Doha Agenda. Implications for Market Access What are the implications of these different tariff-cutting formulas for the market access opportunities of particular countries and regions? First, we consider the implications of different tariff-cutting formulas for the average tariffs applied on countries' agricultural exports. Table 4.7 shows that developing-country exporters of agricultural products faced an average tariff of 16 percent in 2001, a rate that is expected to fall to 15 percent once current commitments, particularly by China Consequences of Alternative Formulas for Agricultural Tariff Cuts 105 and other developing countries, are phased in. The average tariff facing agricultural exports from developed countries was 17 percent in 2001 and will fall to 16 percent with full implementation of current commitments. The LDCs as a group face lower but still significant barriers, with an average tariff of 12 percent even after preferences are taken into account. The tariffs faced by different countries will differ substantially in the absence of a substantial Doha outcome. China will face the highest tariff barriers, at an aver- age of 32 percent. Australia, the United States, and the ASEAN group will also face very high average tariffs of 18­20 percent. Korea will face an average tariff of 17 percent, while Europe will face an average tariff of 16 percent, essentially the world average. Mercosur will face average agricultural tariffs of 15 percent (down from 18 percent in 2001, prior to new WTO accessions). The tiered formula used in scenario 1 results in a substantial reduction in the tariffs facing most countries. The worldwide average tariff falls from 16 percent in the baseline to just over 10 percent. The average tariff facing developed countries falls by almost 6 percentage points to 10.6 percent; that facing the developing coun- tries falls from 15 to 10 percent; and that facing the LDCs from 12 to 10 percent. The fall in barriers facing developing countries and the LDCs occurs despite a lack of reduction in tariffs on exports to those countries granting full preferences; the decline reflects reductions in tariffs in those countries not giving preferences or reductions in bindings that require liberalization below initial preferential rates. Market access gains are much lower when the tiered formula is combined with flexibility on sensitive and special products (scenario 2). With 2 percent of tariff lines subject to flexibility in developed countries, and 4 percent in developing countries (to allow for special products), the average agricultural tariff facing developing countries falls by 1 percentage point, instead of 5 points in the absence of "flexibility." For developed countries, gains in market access are reduced even more: instead of dropping 6 percentage points, tariffs drop only 1 point. For some individual countries, the loss is even greater. For China, the cut in market access barriers is only 3 percentage points instead of the 15 point decline expected when the tiered formula is used; the tariffs facing Australia drop by 2 percentage points rather than 8 points. LDCs also suffer a loss in market access opportunities; tariffs drop only one-third of a point instead of 1.5 points. Allowing sensitive product flexibility for 5 percent of tariff lines causes a fur- ther deterioration in market access, although this is barely visible in the rounded tariff numbers presented in table 4.7. The additional loss from increasing the share of tariff lines treated as sensitive is much smaller than reported by Martin and Wang (2004), however. That is because, in this analysis, we have taken into account the importance of binding overhang, as well as the value of the import tariffs when identifying sensitive products. It seems likely that policy makers 106 Agricultural Trade Reform and the Doha Development Agenda TABLE 4.7 Implications of Alternative Formulas for Market Access, Base Tariffs, and Reductions by Agricul- tural Reform Scenario (percentage points) Scenario Country Base (%) (1) (2) (3) (4) (5) (6) Australia 18.3 8.2 1.6 1.6 7.8 2.6 4.0 Bangladesh 5.7 0.2 0.0 0.0 0.2 0.1 0.1 Canada 9.3 3.3 0.3 0.3 2.9 0.9 0.8 China 31.6 14.8 3.4 3.4 12.8 5.5 14.5 Japan 10.4 2.7 1.0 0.9 3.4 1.9 1.6 Korea, Rep. of 17.0 5.0 1.6 1.2 5.7 4.1 3.4 Mexico 4.3 1.2 0.3 0.2 1.2 0.5 0.5 Pakistan 12.6 4.1 1.1 0.9 4.0 1.7 2.7 India 10.0 2.6 0.6 0.6 2.6 1.1 1.3 Turkey 10.2 2.3 0.5 0.4 2.5 1.3 1.6 United States 19.8 7.9 1.5 1.4 7.4 2.5 4.9 Mercosur 14.6 5.3 1.3 1.2 5.3 2.2 3.0 EFTA 13.8 5.1 1.1 1.0 5.8 3.4 2.5 ASEAN 19.3 3.9 0.7 0.7 4.0 1.9 2.9 Sub-Saharan LDCs 9.5 1.3 0.3 0.3 1.3 0.3 0.4 Other SSA 10.3 4.5 0.8 0.8 4.2 0.9 0.9 Maghreb 12.9 4.2 0.8 0.8 4.6 1.9 3.4 SACU 17.4 5.6 0.9 0.8 5.8 2.6 2.5 EU 15.8 4.2 0.8 0.8 4.3 2.2 2.0 Developed 16.4 5.8 1.1 1.0 5.6 2.2 3.1 Developing 15.3 5.2 1.1 1.1 5.1 2.0 3.3 LDCs 11.8 1.5 0.3 0.3 1.4 0.4 0.5 World 15.8 5.5 1.1 1.0 5.3 2.1 3.2 would base their designation of sensitive products in part on the degree of bind- ing overhang. Even the approach used here, however, may not fully capture the adverse impacts for market access of allowing a small number of sensitive prod- ucts. Many of the products identified as sensitive in our analysis were items such as tobacco products, for which tariffs are frequently used in conjunction with domestic taxes of the same magnitude to raise revenues. If this is the case, and the tariffs are replaced by pure domestic taxes, or both the tariff and the domestic tax are lowered together, there may be less trade creation than the tariff analysis would suggest. Consequences of Alternative Formulas for Agricultural Tariff Cuts 107 TABLE 4.7 (Continued) Scenario (7) (8) (9) (10) (11) (12) (13) (14) 6.3 9.0 8.2 9.2 2.4 6.5 5.3 2.3 0.1 1.2 0.2 0.1 0.1 0.2 0.1 0.1 2.0 3.6 3.3 4.2 1.0 3.1 1.9 0.7 11.7 18.8 14.8 19.3 4.6 11.2 10.9 5.1 1.9 4.2 2.7 1.4 0.9 2.5 2.3 2.0 3.4 5.8 5.0 4.5 2.6 4.6 4.6 4.2 0.8 1.3 1.2 1.2 0.3 1.0 1.0 0.5 3.3 4.9 4.1 4.3 1.4 3.3 2.8 1.6 2.0 3.3 2.6 2.6 0.7 2.0 1.4 1.1 1.6 3.0 2.3 2.3 0.9 2.2 2.1 1.6 5.9 9.3 7.9 9.0 2.2 6.8 4.9 2.4 4.1 6.4 5.3 5.1 1.7 4.9 3.6 2.0 3.8 6.1 5.1 3.9 2.1 4.3 4.0 3.5 2.9 5.7 3.9 4.3 1.3 3.0 2.7 1.7 1.0 1.7 1.3 1.4 0.3 0.5 0.5 0.4 3.5 4.8 4.5 4.8 0.8 1.7 1.3 1.2 3.2 4.5 4.2 3.4 2.6 3.9 3.7 1.5 4.1 6.4 5.6 5.6 1.9 5.1 3.4 2.4 2.8 5.3 4.2 4.0 1.8 3.7 3.3 2.3 4.2 6.9 5.8 6.3 1.9 5.0 3.9 2.1 4.0 6.4 5.2 5.6 1.5 4.1 3.6 1.9 1.1 2.0 1.5 1.6 0.5 0.7 0.6 0.5 4.1 6.6 5.5 5.9 1.7 4.5 3.7 2.0 Source: Authors' calculations, based on MAcMap-HS6 database, CEPII, Paris. Note: For descriptions of scenarios, see table 4.3. Figures for regions are computed as import-weighted averages across countries. The proportional cut experiment in scenario 4 yields, by design, the same average cut in tariffs at the global level. However, the distribution varies somewhat from country to country. China, in particular, receives less of a boost to market access because it faces very high rates of protection in some key markets and so does not benefit to the same extent from reductions in peak tariffs. Interestingly, the Mercosur region benefits more from the proportional cuts than from the tiered formula because it exports relatively more products that face moderate or low tariffs. Scenario 5 shows that a proportional cut approach is just as vulnerable 108 Agricultural Trade Reform and the Doha Development Agenda to erosion from sensitive products as the tiered formula. Average tariffs facing both developed and developing countries are 3 percent higher when sensitive products are allowed as when a "clean" proportional cut is applied. A key question for negotiators is whether the chances of a "clean" tariff cut would be higher with a proportional cut than with a more progressive tiered formula. Comparison of scenario 2 with scenario 6 shows the potentially important role of a tariff cap in reducing barriers to market access.A tariff cap is particularly important to countries supplying highly protected East Asian markets, and it reduces the overall average tariff facing developing countries by 2 more percentage points. Scenario 7, the original, weaker liberalization tiered formula, reduces market access barriers by noticeably less than scenario 1. As previously noted, this for- mula resulted in no reduction in applied tariffs in a number of regions. Comparison of scenarios 1 and 8 shows the implications when developing and developed countries participate under the same rules. The average tariff facing both sets of countries falls by an additional percentage point as a consequence. As previously noted, the proportional cut in applied tariffs for developing countries remains lower than for developed countries, but both developed and developing countries gain considerably more market access. Scenario 9 is to be compared with scenario 1. Under scenario 9, the LDCs par- ticipate on the same basis as developing countries. Not surprisingly, given the small trade and economic weight of the least developed countries, the implica- tions for market access are too small to register on the scale used in this table. For LDCs, the case for fuller participation hinges on issues such as whether economic gains from their own liberalization are sufficiently large, whether MFN liberaliza- tion is a better option or a precursor to preferential liberalization, and whether they could negotiate some additional benefits from fuller participation. Scenario 10 shows that the sharply top-down Swiss formula would bring about larger cuts in market access barriers than the tiered formula. The average tariff facing agricultural exporters worldwide would fall by 5.9 percentage points, com- pared with 5.5 points under the tiered formula in scenario 1. The gains would be particularly large for China, which would experience a 19 percentage point reduc- tion in the average tariff against its exports. Australia and the United States would also benefit substantially. Scenario 11 shows that the Swiss formula also would be vulnerable to allowances for sensitive and special products. If countries could designate just 2 percent of their tariff lines as sensitive, the average reduction in global tariffs would be 1.7 percentage points, rather than 5.9 points when no product flexibility is allowed. Scenarios 12 and 13 show that basing the exceptions for sensitive and special products on the value of imports, rather than on the number of tariff lines, greatly Consequences of Alternative Formulas for Agricultural Tariff Cuts 109 reduces the damage of this flexibility to market access opportunities. Under scenario 12, with 2 percent of trade allowed sensitive product treatment, the cut in average tariffs worldwide is 4.5 points--that is more than four times larger than the cut in scenario 2, where sensitive products were limited to 2 percent of tariff lines. The impact on the tariffs facing some countries is particularly marked. For China, for instance, the cut in tariff is only 3 points under scenario 2, but 11 points under scenario 12. For SACU, the tariff cut goes from 1 percentage point to 5 points. Increasing the share of imports allowed sensitive treatment to 5 per- cent (scenario 13) erodes the gains, with the global average tariff cut falling from 4.5 to 3.7 points. However, allowing sensitive product treatment on 5 percent of import value does not completely remove all discipline in the way that 2 percent of tariff lines does under scenario 2. A comparison of scenarios 2 and 14 shows the extent to which the results in scenario 2 arise from allowing commodities such as alcohol and tobacco to be designated as sensitive products. As observed earlier, flexibility for these "sin" commodities is associated with reductions in the gains on market access. The cut in overall tariffs doubles from 1 to 2 percentage points when alcohol and tobacco products are excluded from the sensitive and special product lists and importers are therefore forced to select sensitive products that do less damage to market access opportunities. Nonetheless, the results of scenario 14 provide support for our original interpretation of scenario 2: allowing sensitive products based on even 2 percent of tariff lines would greatly diminish the discipline associated with the tiered formula. Implications for Commodities A key feature of agricultural protection is sharp differences in tariff rates between commodities. That difference has important implications for the effects of liberali- zation on different countries. Table 4.8 shows the base tariff rates for selected commodities at the worldwide average level, and the changes in rates under differ- ent agricultural scenarios. The highest base tariff rates are on cereals, sugar, tobacco, meat, and dairy products. Under the tiered formula (scenario 1), the largest cut in tariffs is on cereals, for which the worldwide average falls by more than 19 percentage points, or close to half its initial level. Sugar and meat also experience large reductions relative to their initial tariff levels. For dairy products, the cut is substantial, at 6 points, but that is less than one-third of the initial tariff rate. It appears that the tiered formula generates larger cuts on those commodi- ties, such as cereals, where a large share of global protection is provided by very 110 Agricultural Trade Reform and the Doha Development Agenda TABLE 4.8 Implications of Alternative Scenarios for Protection by Commodity: Reductions in Global Average Tariff (percentage points) Scenario Commodity Base (%) (1) (2) (3) (4) (5) (6) Meat 26.1 11.4 1.7 1.7 10.7 3.1 3.4 Dairy products 20.3 6.4 0.9 0.9 6.4 3.0 3.3 Vegetables 11.2 3.4 0.6 0.6 3.5 2.1 2.3 Fruit and nuts 11.7 4.3 0.7 0.7 4.8 1.8 1.4 Coffee and tea 3.4 0.5 0.2 0.2 0.6 0.4 0.3 Cereals 41.2 19.2 3.3 3.3 16.0 3.6 13.9 Oil seeds 12.3 5.5 1.4 1.4 4.6 1.6 5.4 Animal or vegetable fats 17.9 2.0 0.6 0.6 2.4 1.3 1.4 Meat preparations 12.5 4.3 0.6 0.6 4.8 3.5 3.0 Sugars 29.5 13.7 3.0 3.0 13.3 3.7 4.8 Preparations of cereals 10.4 1.6 0.3 0.3 1.9 1.7 1.4 Processed vegetables 12.0 3.5 0.7 0.7 4.4 3.9 3.2 Beverages and spirits 9.4 2.4 1.1 0.8 2.9 2.1 1.1 Tobacco 26.3 4.1 1.7 1.2 4.6 2.7 2.9 Wool 1.7 0.2 0.0 0.0 0.3 0.1 0.1 Cotton 1.4 0.1 0.0 0.0 0.1 0.1 0.0 large tariffs in a few countries than on products, such as dairy, where tariffs are high (but not stratospheric) in many countries. Allowing flexibility for sensitive products on 2 and 5 percent of tariff lines under scenarios 2 and 3 dramatically reduces the degree of liberalization for all of the high-protection commodities. The largest tariff reduction is for cereals-- 3.3 percentage points instead of 19 points under scenario 1. Not only would an allowance for sensitive products cut the reduction in base tariffs and the expan- sion of market access, it also would sharply increase the variation across com- modities around the mean. The proportional cut approach presented in scenario 4 would reduce the tariffs on all commodities. Although protection on high-tariff commodities such as cereals and meat would not decline as much as it would under the tiered formula, it would still decline quite sharply. The tariff on cereals, for example, would fall by 16 percentage points, as against 19 percentage points under the tiered formula. For meat, the difference is less than a full percentage point. Scenario 5 shows that the market access gains under a proportional cut rule would be just as vulnerable Consequences of Alternative Formulas for Agricultural Tariff Cuts 111 TABLE 4.8 (Continued) Scenario (7) (8) (9) (10) (11) (12) (13) (14) 8.0 12.1 11.4 11.9 3.3 10.6 8.5 3.0 4.4 7.4 6.4 6.4 4.1 5.0 4.3 2.9 2.4 4.1 3.4 3.8 2.2 2.3 2.0 1.9 3.2 4.8 4.3 3.2 0.8 4.3 4.2 1.3 0.4 0.8 0.5 0.3 0.2 0.5 0.4 0.3 14.7 23.2 19.2 25.3 3.7 14.6 11.2 3.6 4.5 7.2 5.5 7.1 1.5 5.0 1.9 1.6 1.4 4.5 2.0 1.3 1.1 1.9 1.9 1.1 3.0 4.7 4.3 4.2 3.0 4.0 3.9 3.0 11.2 15.0 13.7 14.1 3.5 8.4 7.6 3.6 1.0 2.0 1.6 1.7 1.7 1.6 1.5 1.3 2.5 4.2 3.5 2.0 1.6 3.4 3.3 3.0 1.7 3.2 2.4 1.5 0.8 2.3 2.1 2.2 2.9 6.4 4.1 5.3 1.4 3.7 3.4 4.1 0.1 0.5 0.2 0.1 0.0 0.2 0.2 0.1 0.1 0.1 0.1 0.0 0.0 0.1 0.1 0.0 Source: Authors' calculations, based on MAcMap-HS6 database, CEPII, Paris. Note: For descriptions of scenarios, see table 4.3. Commodities defined at 2-digit level of the Harmonized System. to diminution through allowing sensitive and special products based on 2 percent of tariff lines. The tariff reduction on cereals, for instance, falls from 16 to 4 percentage points. Scenario 6 shows that the introduction of a tariff cap is important only for cere- als. For these, it dramatically increases the size of the tariff cut, from 4 percentage points under scenario 5 to 14 percentage points. Scenario 7 shows that smaller cuts in tariff rates would considerably reduce the potential market access gains from liberalization, even before allowing for any sensitive and special products. Scenario 8 shows that special and differential treatment substantially reduces the overall gains in market access obtainable from the negotiations for several commodities. For cereals this effect is relatively large. Special and differential treatment of the type we have analyzed reduces the fall in average tariffs from 32 to 19 percentage points. 112 Agricultural Trade Reform and the Doha Development Agenda Scenario 10 shows that the sharply top-down Swiss formula would result in sub- stantially higher cuts in protection on the most highly protected commodities. The reduction in the tariff on cereals would be 25 percentage points, compared with 19 points under the tiered formula in scenario 1. This formula, however, would be just as subject to erosion by allowing sensitive and special products as the other formu- las. Designating just 2 percent of tariff lines as sensitive and special products would cause this market access gain to collapse to less than 4 percentage points. Scenarios 11 and 12 show that the diminution in market access gains on the highest-protected products can be reduced significantly by changing the basis on which sensitive products are allowed to a percentage of trade value, rather than a percentage of tariff lines. With these products restricted to 2 percent of imports, the reduction in tariffs on cereals would fall from 19 percentage points under scenario 1 to 15 points under scenario 11. The reduction in protection to meat would be much smaller, with a decline from 11.4 percentage points to 10.6 percentage points. These results reinforce the conclusion from evaluation of the average tariffs in the previous section. If sensitive and special products are to be introduced into the negotiations, considerable attention must be paid to the manner in which this is done lest all semblance of liberalization be lost. Conclusions The July Framework Agreement has advanced the state of the art in the agricul- tural market access negotiations in a number of respects. By moving from the flawed and fundamentally deceptive average cut methodology embedded in some earlier proposals, the framework provides scope for an agreement that would not only increase market access but also lower the highest and most distorting tariffs. Further, it avoids the commitment to essentially unlimited flexibility inherent in the preceding proposal (WTO 2004a) for all of the tariff rate quota commodities, which constitute roughly 20 percent of high-income countries' agricultural tariffs and more than 50 percent of their value of output on some measures. It specifies that tariffs are to be cut in an economically desirable top-down manner, with larger cuts in higher tariff rates, and it provides scope for negotiations on the extent to which flexibility will be included in the negotiations. This chapter points to a critical design issue in the tiered formula, namely, the discontinuities involved in a simple tiered formula with higher rates for higher tariff reductions. The principle of higher cuts in higher tariffs has strong support in economics, in equity, and in the practice of multilateral negotiations. However, literal application of a formula with higher proportional cuts in higher tariffs would lead to discontinuities in the tariff schedule with, for instance, tariffs just over 90 percent ending up close to 10 percentage points below tariffs of Consequences of Alternative Formulas for Agricultural Tariff Cuts 113 90 percent. One possible solution to this problem is examined: implementation of a tiered formula that works like a progressive income tax schedule, with higher marginal rates of reduction on tariffs in higher tariff bands. Scenarios analyzed in the chapter include tiered formulas, a tiered formula with exceptions for sensitive and special products, a proportional cut approach, and varying extents of special and differential treatment. Examination of the tiered formulas shows that only formulas that bring about very deep cuts in bound rates will have a substantial impact on applied tariffs and hence on market access, particularly when allowance is made for slippage due to smaller cuts on sensitive and special products. A progressive tariff reduction formula with cuts of 45, 70, and 75 percent in bound tariffs in developed countries would, for instance, reduce the average tariffs facing developing countries from 15 percent to 10 percent-- an important gain in market access, but only one-third of the way to complete liberalization. Large cuts such as this would be required for there to be a major impact on market access. Another key finding from the scenarios is the extraordinary sensitivity of the results to self-selected sensitive and special products. We made the assumption that countries would put into these categories products that are important in trade, subject to high tariffs, and have relatively little binding overhang. Under this assumption, we found that even allowing 2 percent of products in developed countries to have this treatment (and 4 percent in developing countries) would dramatically reduce the effectiveness of tariff reductions as a means of increasing market access. The reduction in the tariff barriers facing developing countries fell from 5 percentage points without sensitive products to 2 percentage points when such flexibilities were included. A tariff cap of 200 percent helped reduce the losses resulting from inclusion of sensitive and special products, particularly by bringing about substantial reductions on cereals. Clearly, if the Doha Round is to be successful in increasing market access, these results suggest that great care will need to be taken to ensure that the share of products allowed special treatment is extremely limited, or that substantial reductions in protection occur even on these products, or that the number of products to be included is restricted in a more meaningful way than by the number of tariff lines. Comparison of the tiered formula with a regime of proportional cuts con- firmed that either approach could bring about a substantial increase in market access. A proportional cut regime reduces high tariffs by larger absolute numbers of percentage points, although not by a larger proportion, as under the tiered for- mula. The key difference with the proportional cut approach is that some of the countries with the highest tariffs are required to make smaller reductions. This, in turn, reduces the market access gains to countries such as China that face particu- larly high agricultural tariff barriers. 114 Agricultural Trade Reform and the Doha Development Agenda Examination of the impact of special and differential treatment shows that the developing countries can expand each other's market access opportunities sub- stantially by participating fully in the negotiations. While developing countries' tariffs would fall by more in absolute terms than tariffs in developed countries, the proportional fall would still be smaller because of the bigger tariff binding overhang in developing countries. A factor not considered in this analysis is the potential further gains in market access if developing countries were able to trade fuller participation for deeper cuts in protection in developed countries or for reductions in the use of sensitive products of particular interest to developing countries. Notes 1. Martin and Wang (2004) experiment with using tariff-line level data instead of 6-digit data, but find that the broad results are not greatly affected. 2. In the Uruguay Round, it was only after the negotiations were completed that the full extent of the slippage associated with the use of "dirty tariffication" and the average cut routine was revealed (see Hathaway and Ingco 1996). 3. This was an important advance from the preceding draft text (WTO 2004a), which would have treated all TRQ commodities, roughly 20 percent of high-income country agricultural tariff lines and a staggering 52 percent of high-income economy agricultural production, as "sensitive" (de Gorter and Kliauga 2005). 4. Note that for the sake of simplicity, the corresponding calculation is carried out assuming the value of imports (net of taxes) to be unchanged. 5. Korea is a self-declared developing country in the WTO, but a high-income country by World Bank standards and a member of the OECD. 6. This percentage corresponds to products that are at least partly protected by a TRQ (see de Gorter and Kliauga 2005 for details). It should therefore be considered as an upper bound. 7. Note, however, that given the methodology used here, TRQs are also a source of difference between MFN and applied rates, since the MFN duty is always assumed to be equal to the out-of-quota tariff rate, while that is not the case for the applied duty as soon as the quota is not filled by more than 99 percent. 8. Computing perfectly comparable information on MFN and bound ad valorem equivalent tariffs is a complex task. Because treating the information concerning MFN tariffs sometimes involves spe- cific difficulties, such as incomplete raw information, we suspect that the extent of the binding over- hang found here for developed countries, although already small, is still overstated (because the level of MFN duties might have been slightly understated in some cases). This is likely to be the case in par- ticular for the EU and for Japan. 9. Developing countries had 10 years from 1994 to implement their Uruguay Round commit- ments. 10. Very extensive negotiations in the first part of 2005 were required to reach agreement on the technical issue of converting non­ad valorem tariffs into ad valorem equivalents, and the chairman's summary of June 2005 (WTO 2005) makes clear the difficulties remaining ahead. 11. An initial simulation was undertaken with cuts of 35, 60, and 65 percent and is reported in scenario 7. It was not chosen as the base for further simulations because it created insufficient liberal- ization to allow evaluation of the effects of liberalization erosion through the addition of sensitive and special products. Consequences of Alternative Formulas for Agricultural Tariff Cuts 115 References Anderson, K., Y. Hayami, and others. 1986. The Political Economy of Agricultural Protection: East Asia in International Perspective. 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"Is Erosion of Tariff Preferences a Serious Concern?" In Agricultural Trade Reform and the Doha Development Agenda, ed. K. Anderson and W. Martin. Basingstoke, U.K.: Palgrave Macmillan; Washington, DC: World Bank. de Gorter, H., and E. Kliauga. 2005. "Reducing Tariffs Versus Expanding Tariff Rate Quotas." In Agri- cultural Trade Reform and the Doha Development Agenda, ed. K. Anderson and W. Martin. Basingstoke, U.K.: Palgrave Macmillan; Washington, DC: World Bank. Francois, J., and W. Martin. 2003. "Formula Approaches for Market Access Negotiations." World Economy 26 (1): 1­28. ______. 2004. "Commercial Policy, Bindings, and Market Access." European Economic Review 48 (2, June): 665­79. Hathaway, D., and M. Ingco. 1996. "Agricultural Liberalization and the Uruguay Round." In The Uruguay Round and the Developing Countries, ed. W. Martin and L. A. Winters. New York: Cambridge University Press. Jean, S., D. Laborde, and W. Martin. 2005. 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JOB(05)/126, WTO, Geneva. 5 Reducing Tariffs versus Expanding Tariff Rate Quotas Harry de Gorter and Erika Kliauga Tariff rate quotas (TRQs) are two-level tariffs, with a limited volume of imports permitted at the lower "in-quota" tariff and all subsequent imports charged the (often much) higher "out-of-quota" tariff (Ingco 1996; OECD 2001). In lieu of high bound tariffs resulting from tariffication in the Uruguay Round Agreement on Agriculture (URAA), TRQs were adopted for commodities previously sub- ject to nontariff protection. They were meant to guarantee minimum levels of market access (initially 3 percent of domestic consumption, gradually expanded to 5 percent by the end of the implementation period) through "minimum access quotas" and to safeguard current levels of access through "current access quotas" (IATRC 2001a). Hence TRQs may have expanded imports during the URAA implementation period. A total of 1,425 TRQs have been notified to the World Trade Organization (WTO) by 43 countries (WTO 2002c). The imple- mentation was envisioned to maintain or improve preferential market access for developing countries, while often continuing to maintain a managed trade regime (Abbott 2002). Since a substantial proportion of agricultural production in developed countries is protected by TRQs, there is an interest in determining the potential effects of the different ways of liberalizing TRQs. When demand for imports at the low, in-quota tariff is greater than the level of imports allowed by the quota, imports must be rationed, and so the method by which the rights to the quotas are allocated also becomes important. The rights to the quota are allocated by one of several methods, each with numerous conditions that affect "fill" rates and efficiency. Although TRQs may have provided for more trade, a majority of the TRQs are not being filled (WTO 2002a, 2002b, 2002c). 117 118 Agricultural Trade Reform and the Doha Development Agenda While market forces may be a factor, there is widespread agreement that quota under-fill is in part attributable to the administration methods employed to implement TRQs.1 The purpose of this chapter is to evaluate the relative importance of tariff reductions versus quota expansion in liberalizing agricultural trade. In doing so, the extent of quota underfill and the potential influence of quota administration methods on imports is explored. The effects of expanding TRQs or reducing tar- iffs in the WTO negotiations on agriculture depend on several key factors: which instrument is binding (the quota itself, or the in-quota or out-of-quota tariff), whether there are imports above the quota at in-quota tariff rates ("overquota imports"), the extent if any of quota underfill, the levels of in-quota and out-of- quota tariffs, the level of water in the tariffs and tariff binding overhang, the meth- ods of administering the rights to the quotas (with or without licenses), and any government responses in changing domestic policy instruments. 2 The rest of this chapter is organized as follows. The next section presents data showing the importance of TRQs in protecting domestic agricultural production and trade in developed countries. We then explain the economics of liberalizing TRQs by identifying four basic regimes: the first three are where the in-quota tar- iff, the quota, and the out-of-quota tariff, respectively, determine imports, while the fourth regime is where the government allows for overquota imports at the in- quota tariff (where no trade liberalization occurs initially with either an out-of- quota tariff reduction or an increase in the quota). Data are presented on the value of trade, quota under- or overfill, and tariff levels for each of these regimes. We then evaluate the trade liberalizing effects of a 35 percent reduction in tariffs compared with a 50 percent increase in quotas to obtain a glimpse of the situation regarding TRQs and the relative importance of each initial regime. Data are then presented along with an analysis of the administration methods and additional regulations for the TRQs notified to the WTO. Summary data by country and commodity are presented on tariff levels, import values, and quota underfill. We touch on some important issues that may affect the efficacy of TRQs, including minimum versus current access quotas, changes in TRQ administration meth- ods over time, dynamic rent-seeking activities, and domestic policy responses. The chapter ends with some concluding comments and identifies priorities for further research. The Importance of TRQs As many as 43 of the nearly 150 members of the WTO employ TRQs in agri- culture, and 20 percent of their agricultural tariff lines involve TRQs (Gibson and others 2001; Wainio 2001). Table 5.1 summarizes the value of production Reducing Tariffs Versus Expanding Tariff Rate Quotas 119 protected by TRQs for the countries and commodities monitored by the Secre- tariat of the OECD (Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development). It shows that 51 percent of the total is protected by tariff quotas. This number understates the true magnitude because it omits the lightly shaded cells in table 5.1, which indicate commodity groups that have at least some tariff quota lines and situations that are not officially tariff quotas but act like them (sugar import bar- riers in Japan, for example).3 Milk, maize, eggs, and other grains account for a substantially larger proportion of the total value of production protected by tariff quotas than their share of the total value of production, while the opposite is true for beef and veal, rice, oilseeds, and sugar. The Quad countries (Canada, European Union, Japan, and the United States) have well over half of their total production in tariff quota commodities, while the Republic of Korea, Norway, and Poland have close to 90 percent. Using the same assumptions as in table 5.1 on OECD commodity coverage, we estimate that imports under tariff quotas represent 43 percent of total agricultural imports, valued at world prices, in developed countries (table 5.2). Hence, com- modities facing tariff quotas have import values disproportionately lower than their share of total value of agricultural production, perhaps reflecting the higher protection tariff quotas afford. Beef, oilseeds, wheat, dairy, and maize have the highest value of trade in agriculture covered by TRQs. The share of total trade in tariff quota commodities mimics the share of total trade, except for TRQ trade in wheat, maize, rice, and sheep meat, where the shares are substantially higher (whereas those of other grains and pig meat are substantially lower). The EU, Japan, Korea, and the United States have by far the largest share of the total value of tariff quota trade. The Economics of Trade Liberalization with TRQs The impact of reducing tariffs versus expanding quotas depends critically on the instrument that is binding initially, how soon a regime change will occur as a result of trade liberalization, and whether underfill occurs because of the quota administration method (Skully 2001a, 2001b).4 We can identify four basic regimes: the in-quota tariff is binding (because of market conditions or by gov- ernment decree); the quota is binding (resulting in some tariff-equivalent level of protection less than the out-of-quota tariff would otherwise provide); the out-of- quota tariff is binding (out-of-quota imports occur at the high out-of-quota tar- iff); and the quota is filled, but by government decree, imports beyond the quota level are allowed entry at the in-quota tariff. Figure 5.1 depicts the in-quota tariff regime. Figure 5.1a shows the case of quota overfill, where the government has decreed that the in-quota tariff remains 120 Agricultural Trade Reform and the Doha Development Agenda TABLE 5.1 Value of Production for TRQ versus Non-TRQ Commodities in OECD Countries, 2000 (US$ millions except where indicated) Beef and Pig Poultry Country Milk veal meat meat Rice Wheat Maize United States 20,677 31,226 10,791 16,861 1,061 5,848 18,441 European Union 34,659 15,959 21,222 7,906 627 11,533 4,834 Japan 6,058 5,388 4,346 1,900 19,827 938 2 Korea, Rep. of 1,206 2,085 1,852 644 9,323 1 31 Canada 2,798 3,660 2,271 1,088 0 2,297 592 Mexico 2,715 2,061 1,462 2,098 73 531 2,840 Turkey 1,974 1,418 0 918 257 2,684 315 Australia 1,643 3,320 450 617 169 2,533 36 Poland 2,103 252 1,639 327 -- 1,005 96 New Zealand 2,281 832 67 100 0 37 18 Switzerland 1,513 675 617 114 0 245 62 Hungary 523 93 679 426 3 363 448 Czech Republic 524 203 462 165 0 323 30 Norway 622 283 231 77 0 76 0 Slovak Republic 199 68 212 76 0 101 34 Total production 79,496 67,522 46,301 33,318 31,340 28,517 27,779 TRQ share (%) 40.6 80.7 58.1 38.4 95.0 59.6 29.7 operative even above the quota, while figure 5.1b depicts the case of underfill. Figure 5.2 depicts the quota binding regime (exactly 100 percent fill rate in figure 5.2a, and quota underfill in figure 5.2b). Figure 5.3 depicts the out-of-quota tariff regimes with exact, underfill, and overfill of the quota shown in figures 3a, 3b, and 3c, respectively.5 Finally, figure 5.4 depicts the regime where the quota is binding but there is quota overfill at the in-quota tariff rate. Reducing the in- quota tariff has a direct impact on imports only in regime 1, but further reduc- tions can become ineffective in figure 5.1b if the government then allows the quota to become binding. Expanding the quota has an immediate impact only in regime 2, while a reduction in the out-of-quota tariff has an immediate impact in regime 3 only. Under regime 4, a reduction in either tariff or an expansion of the quota has no immediate impact on trade. These four regimes thus present eight cases. Table 5.3 presents summary data for each regime on the value of trade, under- or overfill, out-of-quota imports, tariff levels, and value of tariff revenues and quota rents.6 The out-of-quota tariff regime has the highest value of trade ($22.7 billion, the sum of in-quota and out-of-quota imports) with regime 4 well behind at $7.5 billion, regime 1 (in-quota tariff Reducing Tariffs Versus Expanding Tariff Rate Quotas 121 TABLE 5.1 (Continued) Other Sheep Total TRQ Oilseeds Eggs grains Sugar meat production share (%) 12,549 4,347 1,557 2,129 357 125,845 42.9 2,676 3,694 6,002 4,755 3,616 117,482 60.0 173 3,589 267 126 61 42,676 63.3 251 538 172 0 -- 16,103 89.2 1,642 337 798 31 31 15,546 63.3 23 1,301 773 1,283 240 15,399 43.8 269 547 952 1,414 812 11,562 0.0 352 213 899 389 703 11,325 0.0 178 477 700 307 9 7,092 90.1 0 51 29 0 798 4,213 0.0 32 89 83 98 36 3,563 43.1 83 197 89 48 24 2,975 68.4 133 156 121 70 3 2,190 47.3 1 57 181 0 82 1,611 100.0 40 54 39 21 2 847 47.1 18,403 15,648 12,660 10,671 6,774 378,429 n.a. 4.2 3.4 2.8 79.4 55.2 n.a. 51.6 Source: OECD (2003). Note: n. a. = not applicable. The darkly shaded cells represent tariff quotas, while the lightly shaded cells have few tariff quota lines and so are not included as TRQs in this table. The commodities are those covered. operational) at $3.06 billion, and regime 2 (quota binding) at $2.07 billion. Notice that the value of underfill in regime 3 with out-of-quota imports is almost four times that of regime 2 (where the quota is binding), while underfill is significantly lower in the other two regimes. But net quota underfill (underfill minus overquota imports at the in-quota tariff) is slightly negative in regimes 1 and 4. Using the simple average of bound tariffs, the implied total value of tariff rev- enues is $26 billion (in-quota plus out-of-quota tariffs), and quota rents are $16 billion. Data using trade-weighted applied tariffs indicate that tariff revenues are significantly lower at $19.7 billion using the WTO's Integrated Database data (last column of Table 5.3). Notice that the simple average bound in-quota tariff is low- est in regime 3, where out-of-quota imports occur, and is highest where the in- quota tariff itself is binding in regime 1. Notice also that the total value of quota underfill is 48 percent of the total value of the quota, which has implications for how the quota is administered (see later). 7 122 Agricultural Trade Reform and the Doha Development Agenda TABLE 5.2 Value of Trade for TRQ versus Non-TRQ Commodities in OECD Countries, 2000 (US$ millions except where indicated) Beef and Pig Poultry Country Oilseeds veal meat Milk Maize Wheat meat Japan 1,993 2,667 3,502 744 1,887 1,030 1,400 European Union 4,347 1,093 172 1,217 466 634 773 United States 378 2,551 1,040 1,351 174 295 48 Mexico 1,144 783 338 630 548 340 285 Korea 410 736 263 147 933 471 80 Canada 213 524 187 261 170 13 221 Turkey 233 0.0 0.1 33 147 126 1.0 Poland 45 2.1 56 129 59 95 15 Switzerland 42 76 72 190 10 49 109 Australia 58 9 87 157 0.1 0.6 1.0 Norway 96 13 29 20 3.1 26 0.9 New Zealand 14 20 23 18 1.7 30 13 Czech Republic 24 5.8 29 60 10 3.4 24 Slovak Republic 14 10 20 26 31 6.6 12 Hungary 19 6.6 32 48 11 0.2 5.9 Total imports 9,031 8,496 5,849 5,031 4,453 3,120 2,989 TRQ share (%) 28.6 59.3 11.5 49.8 45.4 85.2 47.4 Approximately 45 percent of all tariff quotas are minimum access quotas, rep- resenting a lower share of total value of TRQ trade (42 percent; see the third col- umn in table 5.3). Under the URAA, these quotas increased from 3 to 5 percent of consumption during each country's implementation period.8 Note that the highest share of minimum access quota trade is in regimes that have lower trade liberalization effects with quota expansion, namely, regimes 1b and 2b. Quotas do not matter in regime 1, but quota underfill in 2b and overfill in regime 4 lower the impact of increases in quotas. The other 55 percent of the quotas are current access quotas, which were implemented to allow developed countries (such as the EU) to continue to extend preferential access to developing countries or to maintain historical access in cases where imports are a large proportion of domestic consumption (for example, wheat in Japan). If only minimum access quotas were to be expanded in the negotiations, as in the URAA, only 45 percent of quotas would be expanded, substantially reducing the impact of any given expansion of TRQs. Reducing Tariffs Versus Expanding Tariff Rate Quotas 123 TABLE 5.2 (Continued) Other Sheep Total TRQ Sugar grains Rice meat Eggs imports share (%) 305 556 265 68 20 14,438 27.9 863 49 419 713 6.8 10,752 47.7 552 261 210 238 2.1 7,099 62.7 11 511 101 46 1.4 4,739 25.0 293 56 46 5.1 0.8 3,441 87.0 210 5.0 113 48 3.1 1,967 51.8 0.9 8.4 108 0.003 0.3 658 0 14 61 25 0.2 0.6 502 88.0 38 17 29 61 11 704 28.0 1.7 0.1 29 0.7 0.3 346 0 47 6.9 10 6.5 0.1 259 77.6 51 10 15 4.8 0.3 201 0 14 12 16 0.6 0.7 200 41.8 15 6.8 8.2 0.0 0.5 149 37.4 2.3 9.2 12 0.4 0 146 46.7 2,419 1,569 1,408 1,193 47 45,603 43.7 59.6 4.0 58.4 60.4 1.5 n.a. n.a. Source: FAOSTAT (http://faostat.fao.org). Note: n.a. = not applicable. The darkly shaded cells represent tariff quotas, while the lightly shaded cells have few tariff quota lines and so are not included as TRQs in this table. The commodities are those covered. An Empirical Assessment of Trade Liberalization An estimate of the effect on the total value of TRQ imports of a 35 percent reduc- tion in tariffs and a 50 percent expansion in import quotas is presented in table 5.4. A 35 percent reduction in the out-of-quota tariffs has a larger impact, expanding trade by $18.3 billion, which is a 51.5 percent increase in the value of total TRQ trade. Most of the increase in trade with a reduction in out-of-quota tariffs comes from changes in imports under regime 3; very little comes from regime 2.The relative increase in imports from regimes 2, 3, and 4 with a decrease in the out-of-quota tariff depends on the level of trade initially in each regime and on the level of out- of-quota tariffs. The trade liberalization effects also depends critically on the amount of water in the tariff for regimes 2 and 4 (assumed here to be 50 percent of the gap between the out-of-quota and in-quota tariff levels, as assumed by Bouët, Fontagné, and Jean 2006). We also assume that the elasticity of excess demand is 4.63 and that world prices do not change.9 These assumptions affect the results 124 Agricultural Trade Reform and the Doha Development Agenda FIGURE 5.1 In-Quota Imports with and without Quota Fill a. Regime 1a: In-quota tariff with overquota imports PW + t2 PW + t1 t1 revenues PW Overquota imports ED Quota Imports b. Regime 1b: In-quota tariff with quota underfill PW + t2 PW + t1 t1 revenues PW Quota underfill ED Imports Quota Source: Authors. Note: PW = world price; t2 = out-of-quota tariff; t1 = in-quota tariff; ED = excess demand curve. Reducing Tariffs Versus Expanding Tariff Rate Quotas 125 FIGURE 5.2 Imports with Quota Full or Underfilled a. Regime 2a: Quota filled PW + t2 Water in tariff Pd quota rents PW + t1 t1 revenues PW ED Quota = imports b. Regime 2b: Quota underfilled PW + t2 Water in tariff Pd Quota rents Pod PW + t1 t1 revenues PW Quota underfill ED Imports Quota Source: Authors. 126 Agricultural Trade Reform and the Doha Development Agenda FIGURE 5.3 Out-of-Quota Imports with and without Quota Fill a. Regime 3a: Out-of-quota imports with quota filled PW + t2 Quota rents t2 revenues PW + t1 t1 revenues PW Out-of-quota imports ED Quota Imports Source: Authors. b. Regime 3b: Out-of-quota imports with quota underfill PW + t2 Quota rents t2 revenues PW + t1 t1 revenues PW Out-of-quota imports ED Quota Imports Source: Authors. Reducing Tariffs Versus Expanding Tariff Rate Quotas 127 FIGURE 5.3 (Continued) c. Regime 3c: Out-of-quota and overquota imports PW + t2 Quota rents t2 revenues PW + t1 t1 tariff revenue PW Overquota ED imports Quota Implied Imports quota Out-of-quota imports Source: Authors. FIGURE 5.4 Overquota Imports Regime 4: PW + t2 Water in tariff Pd Quota rents PW + t1 t1 tariff revenue PW Overquota imports ED Quota Implied quota Source: Authors. 128 Agricultural Trade Reform and the Doha Development Agenda TABLE 5.3 Value of Trade by Regime (US$ millions except where indicated) In-quota imports Number % min Out-of-quota Regime of TRQs Total access Overquota Underfilla imports In-quota tariff Regime 1a 216 1,953 15 1,161 0 0 Regime 1b 224 1,104 75 0 846 0 Total 440 3,057 n.c. 1,161 846 0 Quota binding Regime 2a 16 362 3 0 0 0 Regime 2b 86 1,706 70 0 3,064 0 Total 102 2,068 n.c. 0 3,064 0 Out-of-quota tariff Regime 3a 74 1,784 28 0 0 5,487 Regime 3b 386 6,029 52 0 12,014 7,515 Regime 3c 32 926 16 206 0 988 Total 492 8,739 n.c. 206 12,014 13,990 Overquota imports Regime 4 87 7,560 37 1,735 821 0 Total 1,121 21,424 42 3,102 16,744 13,990 (the most critical assumption relates to water in the tariff), but a sense of the rela- tive impacts of tariff reductions versus quota expansion is nonetheless obtained. Expanding quotas by 50 percent, in contrast, results in a 14.5 percent increase in the value of total TRQ imports ($5.1 billion). The increase in trade comes from regimes 2, 3, and 4, the latter case where the quota is not binding initially. Note that quotas up to a 105 percent fill rate were included in regime 4 (instead of assuming the out-of-quota tariff is automatically binding for fill rates between 100 and 105 percent). This means overquota imports are a lower percent of the quota in many instances in regime 4, so a quota expansion has a relatively larger impact. Three key factors determine the relative amount of trade expansion resulting from an increase in quotas: the level of initial trade in each regime; the degree of underfill in regimes 2b and 3b, and the level of overfill in regimes 3c and 4. If quota overfill is significant, then an increase in quotas will have no effect on trade. The impact of underfill on trade liberalization with a quota increase (regimes 2b and 3b) Reducing Tariffs Versus Expanding Tariff Rate Quotas 129 TABLE 5.3 (Continued) Tariffsb Tariff revenues Applied tariffs In-quota Out-of- Out-of Quota Trade- Tariff (%) quota (%) In-quota quota rents weighted (%) revenue 138 177 1,146 0 0 74 2,003 193 233 587 0 0 51 842 n.c. n.c. 1,733 0 0 n.c. 2,845 29 98 189 0 66 41 147 40 126 248 0 233 42 716 n.c. n.c. 438 0 299 n.c. 863 24 132 82 5,622 3,827 82 5,967 27 111 773 12,999 6,873 36 4,887 41 198 194 796 810 12 233 n.c. n.c. 1,049 19,417 11,510 n.c. 11,086 62 176 3,411 0 4,182 65 4,888 59 115 6,631 19,417 15,991 54 19,682 Source: WTO notifications and Integrated Database (http://www.wto.org/english/tratop_e/agric_e/ agric_e.htm); Agricultural Market Access Database (AMAD; http://www.amad.org). Note: n.c. = not calculated. a. Overquota imports are defined as in-quota imports minus quota while underquota imports equal quota minus in-quota imports. b. Overquota imports are defined as in-quota imports minus quota while underquota imports equal quota minus in-quota imports. depends on the assumption one makes as to how the fill rate changes (de Gorter and Boughner 1999). Here we assume the fill rate remains constant, so an increase in the quota has a proportionate increase in observed imports. But one could con- sider two other plausible scenarios: the underfill has to disappear before trade shows a change, or the absolute level of the underfill is fixed so that the initial change in trade equals the change in the import quota. Which of the three assump- tions one makes in analyzing the impact of quota expansion rests heavily on one's view as to why there is underfill in the first place, a topic we take up later with our discussion of the importance of administration methods on quota underfill. 130 Agricultural Trade Reform and the Doha Development Agenda TABLE 5.4 Effects of Trade Liberalization on Value of Trade (US$ millions except where indicated) 35% reduction in 50% out-of-quota increase Minimum tariffs in quota increase Number Value in value Regime of TRQs of trade value % value % of trade In-quota tariff Regime 1a 216 1,953 493 25.2 n.a. n.a. 493 Regime 1b 224 1,104 426 38.6 n.a. n.a. 426 Total 440 3,057 919 30.0 n.a. n.a. 919 Quota binding Regime 2a 16 362 149 41.1 680 187.9 149 Regime 2b 86 1,706 97 5.7 920 53.9 97 Total 102 2,068 246 11.9 1,600 77.4 246 Out-of-quota tariff Regime 3a 74 7,271 5,274 72.5 85 1.2 85 Regime 3b 386 13,543 9,128 67.4 1,115 8.2 1,115 Regime 3c 32 1,914 1,468 76.7 129 6.8 129 Total 492 22,729 15,870 69.8 1,329 5.8 1,329 Overquota imports Regime 4 87 7,560 1,215 16.0 2,203 29.1 1,215 Total 1,121 35,414 18,249 51.5 5,132 14.5 3,709 Source: WTO notifications and Integrated Database (http://www.wto.org/english/tratop_e/agric_e/ agric_e.htm); Agricultural Market Access Database (AMAD; http://www.amad.org). Note: value = change in value of; n.a. = not applicable. Imports can expand in regimes 2, 3, and 4 if the quota expands substantially (but this is less likely in regime 3, where imports are initially above the quota), but the in-quota tariff may put a brake on the effectiveness of the quota increase. Hence, it is important to emphasize the benefits of a simultaneous reduction in in-quota tariffs, even though these tariffs directly affect imports only in regime 1. Negotiators will have to decide whether to increase both current and minimum access quotas (by, say, 50 percent) or to increase minimum access quotas to 10 percent of consumption (current consumption or that in the base year 1986­88) and require no increases in current access quotas.10 Average in-quota tariffs are still very high, compared with tariffs on products not attached to TRQs, so room for either increasing imports or increasing quota Reducing Tariffs Versus Expanding Tariff Rate Quotas 131 rents remains substantial. However, trade-weighted tariffs are lower: 54 percent, compared with 59 and 115 percent for in-quota and out-of-quota simple average tariffs, respectively (table 5.3). Using the simple average tariff may not be so misleading because bound tariffs are to be negotiated, and if an average tariff- cut formula is used, or sensitive products are not controlled tightly, tariff peaks may remain. Average tariffs need to be interpreted with care because production- weighted tariff equivalents of import barriers as calculated by the OECD are not directly comparable with average tariffs. This is because so many tariff lines and associated imports do not directly protect domestic production. Take the U.S. dairy case as an example: because so many different cheeses and other dairy products are imported (with more than half the value of U.S. dairy imports being nonquota), the average applied tariff (whether a weighted or a simple average) is far lower than the level of protection of domestically produced dairy products. The last column of table 5.4 gives an estimate of the minimum increase in value of trade across the two possible instruments to liberalize for each of the eight cases presented. The change in total value of trade under the minimum is $2.8 billion, significantly less than the increase with either the quota expansion or the out-of-quota tariff reduction scenarios. This finding emphasizes the impor- tance of not allowing importing countries to choose between reducing tariffs or expanding quotas, as has been proposed. The reduction of out-of-quota tariffs holds much promise in liberalizing trade, as the simulations earlier indicated. The outcome depends heavily on what level of tariff reduction versus quota expansion one assumes and also on the level of water in the tariffs. Table 5.5 provides some estimates of water in the tariff for selected countries and commodities. Estimates of the tariff equivalent of the binding quota are given (taken from nominal protection coefficients given in OECD 2003), alongside the implied tariff equivalent with our assumption of the water to be 50 percent of the difference between the out-of-quota and in-quota tariff lev- els. We present two possibilities: using the average out-of-quota tariff or the line with the highest tariff included in the quota category. The actual and assumed water in the tariff are then compared, with the last two columns of table 5.5 indi- cating the error in our assumption using the average and the maximum out-of- quota tariffs, respectively. We overestimate the water and hence underestimate the trade liberalizing effects of an out-of-quota tariff reduction when using average tariffs, but we underestimate water and so overestimate trade liberalization effects when we assume that a maximum tariff protects domestic production. Hence, substantial reductions in out-of-quota tariffs may be needed in regimes 2 and 4 before trade liberalization occurs, especially with the high number of tariff peaks and tariff dispersion. 132 Agricultural Trade Reform and the Doha Development Agenda TABLE 5.5 Estimates of Water in the Tariff for Selected TRQs Tariffs Out-of-quota TRQ Product Country numbera category In-quota Actual Max. Canada 2 Poultry meat 4.3 246 298 Canada 3 Poultry meat 5 161 200 Canada 1 Eggs 0.3 238 283 European Union 83 Rice 31.1 73.7 73.7 European Union 84 Rice 0 123 133 European Union 38 Sugar 0 118 118 European Union 7 Beef and veal 20 153 153 European Union 11 Sheep meat 0 92.3 92.3 European Union 64 Poultry meat 0 83 83 European Union 69 Eggs 19.34 38.7 84 European Union 70 Eggs 11.6 24.1 79 Hungary 42 Rice 25 57.5 63.4 Hungary 52 Sugar 60 61.5 63.8 Hungary 7 Milk 30 51.2 51.2 Hungary 2 Beef and veal 17.5 56 71.7 Hungary 5 Poultry meat 25 35.5 39.0 Hungary 11 Eggs 35 38.3 38.3 Hungary 13 Potatoes 10 44.2 44.2 Hungary 16 Cabbage 12 32 32 Hungary 37 Red peppers 40 44.2 44.2 Hungary 14 Tomatoes 12 46.1 46.1 Hungary 30 Grapes 40 48 51.0 Hungary 32 Apples 25 49.3 49.3 Hungary 65 Coffee 60 51.2 51.2 Hungary 45 Beans 30 29.8 29.8 Iceland 80 Beef and veal 32 511 511 Iceland 82 Sheep meat 32 372 372 Iceland 83 Sheep meat 32 0 220 Iceland 81 Pig meat 32 470 470 Iceland 84 Poultry meat 32 529 529 Iceland 87 Eggs 32 406 460 Japan 14 Wheat 19 201 693 Japan 1 Milk 0 174 174 Japan 2 Milk 20 198 198 Japan 3 Milk 30 0 -- Japan 4 Milk 30 388 388 Reducing Tariffs Versus Expanding Tariff Rate Quotas 133 TABLE 5.5 (Continued) Tariffs equivalent (%) Water in the tariffs (%) Assumed Actual Assumed Error (%) Actual Average Max. Average Max. Average Max. Average Max. 0.01 1.25 1.51 2.45 2.97 1.21 1.47 -1.24 -1.50 0.01 0.83 1.02 1.6 1.98 0.78 0.97 -0.82 -1.01 0.2 1.19 1.42 2.18 2.63 1.19 1.42 -0.99 -1.22 0.53 0.52 0.52 0.2 0.2 0.21 0.21 0.01 0.01 0.53 0.62 0.67 0.7 0.8 0.62 0.67 -0.08 -0.13 0.87 0.59 0.59 0.32 0.32 0.59 0.59 0.28 0.28 5.45 0.86 0.86 -3.92 -3.92 0.66 0.66 4.58 4.58 1.17 0.46 0.46 -0.25 -0.25 0.46 0.46 0.71 0.71 0.84 0.42 0.42 -0.01 -0.01 0.42 0.42 0.42 0.42 0.06 0.29 0.52 0.33 0.78 0.10 0.32 -0.23 -0.46 0.06 0.18 0.45 0.18 0.73 0.06 0.34 -0.12 -0.39 0 0.41 0.44 0.58 0.63 0.16 0.19 -0.41 -0.44 0.1 0.61 0.62 0.52 0.54 0.01 0.02 -0.51 -0.52 0.26 0.41 0.41 0.25 0.25 0.11 0.11 -0.14 -0.14 0.14 0.37 0.45 0.42 0.57 0.19 0.27 -0.22 -0.30 0.12 0.30 0.32 0.24 0.27 0.05 0.07 -0.18 -0.20 1.52 0.37 0.37 -1.14 -1.14 0.02 0.02 1.16 1.16 0.2 0.27 0.27 0.24 0.24 0.17 0.17 -0.07 -0.07 0 0.22 0.22 0.32 0.32 0.10 0.10 -0.22 -0.22 0 0.42 0.42 0.44 0.44 0.02 0.02 -0.42 -0.42 0 0.29 0.29 0.46 0.46 0.17 0.17 -0.29 -0.29 0 0.44 0.46 0.48 0.51 0.04 0.06 -0.44 -0.46 0 0.37 0.37 0.49 0.49 0.12 0.12 -0.37 -0.37 0 0.56 0.6 0.5 0.5 0 0 -0.6 -0.6 0 0.3 0.3 0.3 0.3 0 0 -0.3 -0.3 0.99 2.71 2.71 4.11 4.11 2.39 2.39 -1.72 -1.72 0.13 2.02 2.02 3.59 3.59 1.70 1.70 -1.89 -1.89 0.13 0.16 1.26 -0.13 2.07 -0.16 0.94 -0.03 -1.13 0.18 2.51 2.51 4.52 4.52 2.19 2.19 -2.33 -2.33 4.36 2.81 2.81 0.94 0.94 2.49 2.49 1.55 1.55 2.14 2.19 2.46 1.92 2.46 1.87 2.14 -0.05 -0.32 2.80 1.1 3.56 -0.79 4.13 0.91 3.37 1.70 -0.76 2.75 0.87 0.87 -1.01 -1.01 0.87 0.87 1.88 1.88 2.75 1.09 1.09 -0.77 -0.77 0.89 0.89 1.66 1.66 2.75 0.15 -- -2.75 -- -0.15 -- 2.60 -- 2.75 2.09 2.09 1.13 1.13 1.79 1.79 0.66 0.66 134 Agricultural Trade Reform and the Doha Development Agenda TABLE 5.5 (Continued) Tariffs Out-of-quota TRQ Product Country numbera category In-quota Actual Max. Korea, Rep. of 42 Other grains 3 779 779 Korea, Rep. of 41 Rice 5 0 n.a. Korea, Rep. of 63 Oil seeds 5 63 63.0 Korea, Rep. of 1 Beef and veal 0 89.1 89.1 Korea, Rep. of 10 Milk 20 49.5 176 Korea, Rep. of 12 Eggs 30 41.6 89.1 Korea, Rep. of 15 Eggs 8 18 18 Korea, Rep. of 19 Potatoes 30 304 304 Korea, Rep. of 49 Potatoes 8 325 320 Korea, Rep. of 21 Garlic 50 360 360 Norway 224 Pig meat 137 363 363 Norway 173 Poultry meat 64.5 331 331 Norway 228 Poultry meat 160 425 425 Norway 91 Apples 0.7 94.3 188 Norway 93 Apples 0.7 94.3 188 Poland 69 Sugar 67.7 148 96 Poland 27 Tomatoes 20 224 40 Slovak Republic 17 Sugar 50 28.3 60 Switzerland 9 Eggs 25.7 191 244 Switzerland 17 Apples 6.4 85.9 145 United States 21 Sugar 4 93.8 93.8 United States 2 Milk 0 0 57.6 United States 4 Milk 1.5 39.7 44.4 United States 5 Milk 4.5 71.6 71.6 United States 8 Milk 2.9 37 49 United States 35 Cotton 0 17 17 United States 37 Cotton 2.4 17 18.8 United States 38 Cotton 0.8 17 17 Average n.a. n.a. n.a. n.a. n.a. Reducing Tariffs Versus Expanding Tariff Rate Quotas 135 TABLE 5.5 (Continued) Tariffs equivalent (%) Water in theTariffs (%) Assumed Actual Assumed Error (%) Actual Average Max. Average Max. Average Max. Average Max. 2.39 3.91 3.91 5.40 5.40 3.88 3.88 -1.52 -1.52 4.09 0.03 -- -4.09 -- -0.03 -- 4.07 -- 0.62 0.34 0.34 0.01 0.01 0.29 0.29 0.28 0.28 1.82 0.45 0.45 -0.93 -0.93 0.45 0.45 1.37 1.37 1.82 0.35 0.98 -1.33 -0.06 0.15 0.78 1.47 0.84 0.14 0.36 0.60 0.27 0.75 0.06 0.30 -0.21 -0.45 0.14 0.13 0.13 0.04 0.04 0.05 0.05 0.01 0.01 0 1.67 1.67 3.04 3.04 1.37 1.37 -1.67 -1.67 0 1.67 1.64 3.25 3.20 1.59 1.56 -1.67 -1.64 0.28 2.05 2.05 3.32 3.32 1.55 1.55 -1.77 -1.77 0.24 2.50 2.50 3.39 3.39 1.13 1.13 -2.26 -2.26 1.72 1.98 1.98 1.58 1.58 1.33 1.33 -0.25 -0.25 1.72 2.93 2.93 2.53 2.53 1.33 1.33 -1.20 -1.20 0 0.48 0.94 0.94 1.88 0.47 0.94 -0.48 -0.94 0 0.48 0.94 0.94 1.88 0.47 0.94 -0.48 -0.94 0.95 1.08 0.82 0.53 0.01 0.40 0.14 -0.13 0.13 0 1.22 0.30 2.24 0.40 1.02 0.10 -1.22 -0.30 0.39 0.39 0.55 -0.11 0.21 -0.11 0.05 0.00 -0.16 3.28 1.08 1.35 -1.37 -0.83 0.83 1.09 2.19 1.93 0.00 0.46 0.76 0.86 1.45 0.40 0.70 -0.46 -0.76 1.32 0.49 0.49 -0.38 -0.38 0.45 0.45 0.83 0.83 0.93 0.00 0.29 -0.93 -0.36 0.00 0.29 0.93 0.65 0.93 0.21 0.23 -0.54 -0.49 0.19 0.21 0.73 0.70 0.93 0.38 0.38 -0.22 -0.22 0.34 0.34 0.55 0.55 0.93 0.20 0.26 -0.56 -0.44 0.17 0.23 0.73 0.67 0 0.09 0.09 0.17 0.17 0.09 0.09 -0.09 -0.09 0 0.10 0.11 0.17 0.19 0.07 0.08 -0.10 -0.11 0 0.09 0.09 0.17 0.17 0.08 0.08 -0.09 -0.09 n.a. n.a. n.a. n.a. n.a. n.a. n.a. 0.05 -0.17 Source: WTO notifications and Integrated Database (http://www.wto.org/english/tratop_e/agric_e/ agric_e.htm); Agricultural Market Access Database (AMAD; http://www.amad.org). Note: -- = not available; n.a. = not applicable. a. Refers to a number that each country designates to each TRQ. 136 Agricultural Trade Reform and the Doha Development Agenda Finally, one has to allow for the possibility of tariff binding overhang for both in-quota and out-of-quota tariffs, where the applied tariff is below the bound tar- iff. Overhang would make tariff reductions in table 5.4 even more muted, given that bound rates are assumed to be affecting trade levels in our analysis. Jean, Laborde, and Martin (2006) present estimates of the binding overhang. They find that the average applied tariff is about half of the bound tariff in several developed countries and even less in developing countries. Preliminary Conclusions from Empirical Evidence Our empirical data thus indicate that reducing out-of-quota tariffs is the most effective means of liberalizing trade--the same result that the OECD (2002) found. Our conclusion, however, is heavily dependent on the level of water assumed in the tariffs. Also, we do not know what would happen if all three liberalizations occurred simultaneously. Reducing the in-quota tariff for those cases where the in-quota tariff is binding and there is no in-quota tariff binding overhang has limited effects (as shown in table 5.4), because the in-quota tariff is binding initially for so little trade in TRQ commodities. In cases where the in-quota tariff is not binding, however, an increase in quota rents will occur, perhaps spurring more political pressure from domestic firms to maintain the status quo and reducing efficiency, depending on the quota administration method (discussed later). Reductions in out-of-quota tariffs will be more effective only if water in the tariffs can be eliminated and only where fill rates are less than 100 percent because of administration methods and additional regulations. Which approaches to reform are of greatest benefit to developing countries will depend critically on who obtains the quota rents. Reductions in out-of-quota tariffs can reduce rents while expansion of the quota can increase rents, even when the per unit rent falls. Methods of Quota Administration and Additional Regulations TRQ administration involves distributing the rights to import at the in-quota tar- iff. Whoever obtains such rights can make a risk-free profit from the difference between the domestic price and the world price inclusive of the in-quota tariff (Skully 1999, 2001a). Therefore, governments need to ration or otherwise admin- ister the TRQ. We summarize the definitions of the alternative tariff quota admin- istration methods in table 5.6. Applied tariffs are by far the most used method, representing 39.3 percent of the total number of TRQs (but only 14.4 percent of the total value of TRQ trade). Licenses on demand; first-come, first-served; and historical importers are the next most commonly used methods in descending Reducing Tariffs Versus Expanding Tariff Rate Quotas 137 order of importance, representing 28, 12, and 9 percent of total TRQs (but each having 17­19 percent of the total value of trade). Auctions are the next most commonly used method, representing only 5.4 percent of the total number of TRQs and less than 1 percent of the total value of trade. Other administration methods include state trading enterprises (STEs) (producer groups are subsumed in this category) and mixed methods (a combination of at least two administration methods), for which the share of trade was much higher than the corresponding share of TRQs. Finally, for some TRQs, no administration methods are specified, so the information on how these TRQs are administered is incomplete. First-come, first-served is the third most widely used administration method in terms of trade value. The high use of this method has several implications, one of which is that some of the potential quota rents are likely to be appropriated by consumers or middlemen (Chau, de Gorter, and Hranaiova 2003). Furthermore, there is the likelihood of rent dissipation in rent seeking as firms try to mitigate the negative impacts of first-come, first-served on prices when imports are brought forward in order to obtain the quota rents. Approximately 36 percent of all tariff quotas are filled (407 TRQs have a fill rate above 100 percent, divided by a total of 1,121 TRQs in table 5.6). Quota overfill occurs in the applied tariff, state trading enterprise, and mixed allocation categories. A total of 278 quotas were overfilled (at the in-quota tariff) and 129 quotas exactly filled at 100 percent fill rate (data are not reported in table). There is a bimodal dis- tribution of fill rates, with 339 TRQs having a fill rate of less than 20 percent with a simple average fill rate of only 4 percent, but the trade-weighted fill rates are signifi- cantly higher (no average was calculated for the trade-weighted fill rates). The sim- ple average fill rates as reported by the WTO and cited by many academic studies give the same picture as the trade-weighted fill rates developed in this paper. The average fill rate as reported in this paper is 60.6 percent excluding overquota imports, while the trade-weighted fill rate is 60.9 percent. Indeed, the quota overfill for the applied tariff, state trading enterprise, and mixed allocation categories amounted to $3.1 billion (see table 5.3). Underfill net of overquota imports, in con- trast, is $13.7 billion, with license on demand; first-come, first-served; and historical importer categories having the largest underfill levels. These three administration types have the highest share of trade and so are important to analyze. As we show later, these three administration types are prone to inefficiency. Finally, the value of quota underfill is estimated to be $16.8 billion, approximately 48 percent of the value of the quota when filled (assuming world prices do not change), thereby rep- resenting a huge amount of trade and rents forgone.11 This lost potential value of tariff revenues and quota rents may be dissipated to a large extent (or appropriated by other countries or groups), so further analysis of tariff quota administration methods and additional regulations is warranted (see later discussion). 138 Agricultural Trade Reform and the Doha Development Agenda TABLE 5.6 Value of In-quota Trade and Fill Rates by TRQ Administration Method Share (%) Quota fill < 20 Administration Number Value (US$ Value (US$ Fill rate (%) method of TRQ Number millions) Number millions) Simple Weighted Applied 440 39.3 14.4 104 91 5.0 12.1 tariff Licenses 310 27.7 18.1 129 94 3.8 1.3 on demand First-come, 138 12.3 16.8 56 145 3.8 3.7 first-served Historical 105 9.4 18.8 18 14 4.7 1.0 importers Auctioning 60 5.4 0.5 24 1 4.2 5.6 State trading 29 2.6 12.2 3 0 1.1 1.1 enterprises Mixed 11 1.0 4.6 0 0 0 0 allocation Nonspecified 28 2.5 14.9 5 39 5.5 8.6 Total 1,121 100 100 339 384 4.0 n.c. Average in-quota tariffs are highest for applied tariffs and auctions, while the average out-of-quota tariffs are also high for these same methods, as well as for the state trading enterprise method. Reducing in-quota tariffs would have an impact on trade only for cases described by regime 1. Even then, the benefits of some reductions in the in-quota tariff would end when it causes a regime change to a binding quota, thereby generating quota rents. Either way, the reduction of in-quota tariffs increases quota rents and hence political opposi- tion to trade liberalization. As we show later, the increase in per unit rent can have very different effects on efficiency, depending on the quota administration method in place. Several other key regulations can also affect the fill rate, such as time limits, past trading performance (applied to methods other than historical importers), license limits per firm, seasonal quotas (quarterly or semiannual), domestic purchase requirements, and taxes for licenses and nonuse. Table 5.7 summarizes the number of quotas, countries, commodities, and filled quotas for each additional type of regulation. These additional conditions imposed on firms are very significant, affecting many quotas, countries, and commodities. Time limits, for example, affect $7.7 billion of trade. Fill rates are particularly low for seasonal, export Reducing Tariffs Versus Expanding Tariff Rate Quotas 139 TABLE 5.6 (Continued) Quota fill 100 Total in-quota imports Quota Tariffs (%) Value (US% Fill rate (%) Value (US% Fill rate (%) Underfill Out-of- Number millions) weighted) millions) Truncated Weighted net In-quota quota 230 1,982 241 3,057 68 111 -315 166 206 63 2,340 141 3,874 48 34 7,635 35 110 37 878 107 3,581 52 46 4,151 20 72 44 2,927 146 4,026 73 85 679 37 143 8 7 120 116 46 75 39 56 210 10 1,028 897 2,585 79 152 -886 31 286 8 945 114 985 91 111 -96 40 200 7 885 100 3,200 65 56 2,545 23 150 407 10,993 n.c. 21,424 61.0 61.0 13,753 59 115 Source: WTO notifications and Integrated Database (http://www.wto.org/english/tratop_e/ agric_e/ agric_e.htm); Agricultural Market Access Database (AMAD; http://www.amad.org). Note: n.c. = not calculated. "Simple" is the simple average fill rate, defined as the average of the ratios of the value of in-quota imports over the value of the quota (can be greater than 100 percent if overquota imports dominate underfill). "Truncated" is the simple average fill rate except it takes a maximum value of 100 percent (ignores overquota imports). "Weighted" is the trade-weighted fill rate, defined as the sum of the value of in-quota imports divided by the sum of the value of the quota (can be greater than 100 percent). "Nonspecified" refers to TRQs whose administration method was not specified in the WTO notifications. certificates, license fees, and provision for unused licenses. For example, less than 10 percent of the seasonal quotas are filled, while the "provision for entry" has a high proportion of filled quotas, second only to license fees; later, we show how fees can increase efficiency. Note that "use-it-or-lose-it" is one of three regulations with a trade-weighted fill rate over 100 percent, implying that firms perhaps import when it does not pay in order to hold the valuable asset for later use, thereby adding to inefficiencies. The next step is to match each additional regulation with the principal quota administration method (table 5.8). Analysis of this table reveals a high number of additional regulations for licenses on demand; historical importers; first-come, first-served; and state trading enterprise administration methods. The implications 140 Agricultural Trade Reform and the Doha Development Agenda TABLE 5.7 Value of In-quota Trade and Fill Rates by TRQ Additional Regulation Share (%) Quota fill < 20 Aditional Number Value (US$ Value (US$ Fill rate (%) regulation of TRQ Number millions) Number millions) Simple Weighted Time limit 247 17.1 25.7 76 66 5.1 1.84 Past trading 170 11.7 12.9 53 174 5.6 2.72 performance Limit per firm 133 9.2 2.4 48 30 4.5 0.92 Seasonal 101 7.0 0.5 49 39 3.7 0.99 Domestic 44 3.0 6.6 4 1 7.4 3.26 purchase requirement Provision for 30 2.1 4.1 5 0 0.0 0.00 entry Use it or lose it 35 2.4 1.6 14 2.7 2.5 6.02 Export 26 1.8 12.0 6 5.2 3.5 0.45 certificate License fee 26 1.8 2.2 8 17 10.0 1.35 Provision for 23 1.6 0.4 10 1.4 6.2 10.87 unused licenses Nonuse penalty 13 0.9 0.2 3 0 6.2 17.61 Refundable 4 0.3 0.1 1 0 3.6 0.00 down payment No descriptions 422 29.2 13.3 109 131 4.7 6.37 were identified None of above 173 12.0 17.9 46 20 2.6 2.52 Total 1,447 100 100 432 489 4.0 n.c. of additional conditions are manifold. For example, one cannot automatically assume "applied tariffs" are represented by regime 1 (in-quota tariff binding) because one of several additional conditions associated with applied tariffs (such as domestic purchase requirements) may increase the costs of importation (or act as a nontariff barrier), thus creating rents. At the same time, methods other than applied tariffs could produce a regime 1 result, especially if there are no additional conditions and the quota is not binding. Notice that the value of trade affected by additional regulations for the license auction method is higher than the value of trade under auctions, implying that no trade may occur under a basic auction system that economists appear to favor. Additional regulations impose costs on the classic textbook case of efficiency with auctions. Reducing Tariffs Versus Expanding Tariff Rate Quotas 141 TABLE 5.7 (Continued) Quota fill 100 Total in-quota imports Tariffs ($) Quota Value (US$ Fill rate ($) Value (US$ Fill rate ($) underfill Out-of- Number millions) weighted millions) Truncated Weighted net In-quota quota 78 4,865 127 7,686 60.9 69.5 3,313 20.5 129.6 36 1,050 131 3,783 56.9 37.4 6,336 23.9 105.1 14 148 134 851 52.7 17.6 3,330 31.3 101.6 8 28 100 150 40.6 3.6 3,992 26.8 49.8 25 1,692 207 1,946 78.5 143.8 -593 86.6 183.9 16 942 100 1,203 75.7 92.2 102 21.8 193.0 15 468 119 479 54.3 106.5 -29 20.7 94.7 6 2,782 136 3,519 59.6 77.4 1,025 13.3 128.9 14 347 207 654 68.6 36.5 1,141 37.6 92.3 1 0 0 111 40.3 46.1 129 239.6 400.5 3 44 113 45 64.2 111.2 -5 31.1 55.8 0 0 0 25 53.9 0.0 22 30.0 49.5 205 1,349 372 3,886 64.4 54.7 3,222 169.4 212.4 63 2,643 147 5,256 63.2 93.2 380 35.0 93.3 484 16,361 n.c. 29,592 60.6 60.9 22,365 59 115 Source: WTO notifications and Integrated Database (http://www.wto.org/english/tratop_e/ agric_e/ agric_e.htm); Agricultural Market Access Database (AMAD; http://www.amad.org). Note: n.c. = not calculated. "Simple" is the simple average fill rate, defined as the average of the ratios of the value of in-quota imports over the value of the quota (can be greater than 100 percent if overquota imports dominate underfill). "Truncated" is the simple average fill rate except it takes a maximum value of 100 percent (ignores overquota imports). "Weighted" is the trade-weighted fill rate, defined as the sum of the value of in-quota imports divided by the sum of the value of the quota (can be > 100 percent). A Note on TRQ Fill Rates Fill rates do not give a complete picture of the efficacy of a tariff quota regime. A fill rate of less than 100 percent may not imply inefficiency if demand and supply conditions are such that the in-quota tariff is binding. But a fill rate of 100 percent does not necessarily mean efficiency either, because the lowest-cost supplier may not have been used. 142 Agricultural Trade Reform and the Doha Development Agenda TABLE 5.8 Fill Rate by Administration Method and Additional Regulation Applied tariff Historical importer Aditional Number Value (US$ Weighted Value (US$ Weighted regulation of TRQ Number millions) fill rate(%) Number millions) fill rate (%) Time limit 247 15 723 97.9 71 3,224 83.1 Past trading 170 11 37.6 145 32 1,022 96.5 performance Limit per firm 133 7 19.0 96.1 10 272.7 88.9 Seasonal 101 0 0 0 0 0 0 Domestic 44 1 16.9 110 0 0 0 purchase requirement Provision for 30 0 0 0 23 291.6 74.6 entry Use it or lose it 35 0 0 0 8 249.3 120.5 Export 26 0 0 0 3 1,981 140.7 certificate License fee 26 11 37.6 145 15 616.7 34.9 Provision for 23 6 1.6 18.5 3 3.0 77.1 unused licenses Nonuse penalty 13 1 44.0 113 11 0.4 44.0 Refundable 4 0 0 0 0 0.0 0.0 down payment No description 422 369 1,402 124 3 101.2 148.7 None of above 173 41 851 108 18 435.8 102.5 were identified Total 1,447 462 3,132 nc 197 8,198 nc Average fill rates as reported by the WTO and academic studies can be mislead- ing because of aggregation problems: a subset of some commodity or country groupings may have zero fill rates and others 100 percent fill rates. Trade-weighted fill rates are more indicative of import performance (OECD 2002). Data pub- lished so far do not take into account overquota imports assessed the in-quota tar- iff rate, biasing the fill rates downward. Furthermore, some countries only report imports up to the quota level (ignoring imports at the in-quota tariff that are over the quota), while others simply report the number of import licenses issued, which may not be fully used. To overcome these difficulties, we present both the number and the value of trade corresponding to the simple average (truncated) fill rate reported by the Reducing Tariffs Versus Expanding Tariff Rate Quotas 143 TABLE 5.8 (Continued) STEs and Licenses on demand First-come, first-served producer groups Auction Value Weighted Value Weighted Weighted Weighted No. (US$ mil.) fill rate(%) No. (US$ mil.) fill rate(%) No. value fill rate (%) No. value fill rate (%) 85 2,321 49.0 46 200 49.3 14 98.9 121.0 4 0.4 13.2 104 963 22.8 18 260 7.9 4 1,497 99.7 0 0 0 75 197.8 5.8 17 184 75.8 0 0 0 22 14.8 60.1 100 149.7 3.6 1 0.1 1.1 0 0 0 0 0.0 0.0 30 729.9 121.0 1 44 98.2 1 396.9 2,164 1 1.4 100 3 5.7 81.2 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 26 229.7 97.0 1 0.1 1.1 0 0 0 0 0 0 18 1,299 48.1 5 238 55.0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0.0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 4 101.2 46.9 0 0 0 0 0 0 10 4.8 41.7 1 0.7 82.7 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0.0 0.0 4 24.8 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0.0 0.0 22 150.7 13.1 1 1 0 0 0 0 11 6.5 0.0 22 217.8 44.4 59 2,830 81.1 10 592.0 607.8 22 93.1 82.0 494 6,392 nc 149 3,758 nc 29 2,585 nc 70 121 nc Source: WTO notifications and Integrated Database (http://www.wto.org/english/tratop_e/agric_e/ agric_e.htm); Agricultural Market Access Database (AMAD; http://www.amad.org). Note: nc = not calculated. Weighted fill rate is the sum of the value of in-quota imports divided by the sum of the value of the quota (can be greater than 100 percent). Data are for most recent year reported. WTO as well as the trade-weighted fill rates. Fill rates weighted by value take into account overquota imports at the in-quota tariff. TRQs by Country and Commodity Group The number of tariff quotas by country and commodity group is given in tables 5.9 and 5.10, respectively. The total value of in-quota plus out-of-quota trade is $35.4 billion, while net quota underfill (subtracting overquota imports) is $13.7 billion, or 39 percent of the total TRQ trade. Countries with the highest levels of 144 Agricultural Trade Reform and the Doha Development Agenda TABLE 5.9 Value of TRQ Trade by Economy (US$ millions unless otherwise indicated) Fill rate (%) Number Economy of TRQ Truncated Weighted Australia 2 90 100 Barbados 5 80 69 Brazil 1 100 2,825 Bulgaria 62 40 37 Canada 20 85 106 Chile 0 0 0 China 10 30 30 Colombia 56 75 187 Costa Rica 10 29 185 Croatia 0 0 0 Czech Republic 24 55 49 Dominican Republic 7 74 140 European Union 72 56 72 El Salvador 11 67 44 Ecuador 8 53 15 Guatemala 22 82 149 Hungary 65 48 2 Iceland 49 83 66 Indonesia 2 100 584 Israel 0 0 0 Japan 18 70 89 Korea, Rep. of 67 68 79 Latvia 3 33 8 Lithuania 0 0 0 Malaysia 16 40 53 Mexico 11 87 122 Morocco 3 100 100 New Zealand 3 34 2 Nicaragua 8 92 0 Norway 219 64 96 Panama 19 49 88 Philippines 13 66 46 Poland 36 26 5 Romania 7 10 4 Slovak Republic 24 33 29 Slovenia 20 38 112 South Africa 42 67 85 Reducing Tariffs Versus Expanding Tariff Rate Quotas 145 TABLE 5.9 (Continued) Imports Tariffs (%) Quota In-quota Out-of-quota underfill (net) In-quota Out-of-quota 66 86 0b 9 25 1 0 0b 125 125 177 0 -170 14 29 115 46 196 26 71 703 183 -43 4 179 0 0 0 0 0 2,338 214 5,533 0 0 952 40 -444 133 135 15 2 -7 48 111 0 0 0 0 0 72 94 75 28 49 65 0 -19 0 0 4,500 7,710 1,759 15 67 52 4 66 34 68 10 52 58 29 42 146 15 -48 31 121 81 391 3,619 25 40 21 4 11 32 187 659 0 -546 65 185 0 0 0 0 0 1,851 415 218 20 536 1,807 1,746 488 20 277 0a 1 2 25 47 0 0 0 0 0 107 16 93 103 233 887 0 -158 45 152 185 1 0 115 115 1 0 66 0 6 52 0 -51 43 67 194 111 8 296 319 29 4 4 15 84 0 296 0c 35 35 61 267 1,244 37 81 2 1 42 97 249 19 131 47 28 42 46 38 -5 18 67 217 77 37 20 60 146 Agricultural Trade Reform and the Doha Development Agenda TABLE 5.9 (Continued) Fill rate (%) Number Economy of TRQ Truncated Weighted Switzerland 27 89 106 Taiwan (China) 22 61 72 Thailand 23 40 166 Tunisia 13 59 82 United States 41 70 80 Venezuela, R.B. de 60 59 41 Total 1,121 61 61 in-quota trade are Canada, China, Colombia, the EU, Indonesia, Japan, Korea, Mexico, Thailand, Switzerland, the United States, and República Bolivariana de Venezuela. Notice countries with high levels of overquota imports (in absolute terms and even more so in relative terms) are predominantly developing countries. Countries with high levels of out-of-quota imports are China, the EU, Hungary, Japan, Korea, the Philippines, Poland, República Bolivariana de Venezuela, and the United States. Quota underfill is dominated by six economies: China, the EU, Hungary, Poland, República Bolivariana de Venezuela, and the United States. The simple average in-quota and out-of-quota bound tariffs are also presented in table 5.9. The simple average fill rates and trade-weighted fill rates for each coun- try also are presented in table 5.9. Corresponding data by commodity in table 5.10 show that the value of in-quota trade and the quota are evenly distributed by level of trade. The highly traded group of commodities includes cereals, dairy, fruit and vegetables, meat, oilseeds, and sugar. Overquota imports are highest for cereals and oilseeds. Out-of-quota imports are high for cereals, fruit and vegetables, meat, and sugar. Net quota underfill is highest for beverages, cereals, fibers, fruit and vegetables, and meat. Trade-weighted fill rates are below average for beverages, cereals, eggs, fibers, fruit and vegetables, and other. Notice that the trade-weighted fill rate is substantially higher than that of the simple average for coffee and tea, dairy, meat, and sugar. In-quota tariffs are above average for beverages, cereals, eggs, fruit and vegetables, meat, other products, and tobacco. Except for beverages, the same commodities have an above-average out-of-quota tariff. Average tariffs for quotas with several tariff lines that differ may be misleading because of aggregation problems. A simple or trade-weighted average does not overcome the impact of a few high tariffs pro- tecting most of domestic production. Reducing Tariffs Versus Expanding Tariff Rate Quotas 147 TABLE 5.9 (Continued) Imports Tariffs (%) Quota In-quota Out-of-quota underfill (net) In-quota Out-of-quota 1,581 10 -83 41 205 98 57 38 0 0 688 69 -273 28 98 186 106 41 26 100 2,508 1,075 613 7 64 929 727 1,345 37 101 21,424 13,990 13,752 59 115 Source: WTO notifications and Integrated Database (http://www.wto.org/english/tratop_e/agric_e/ agric_e.htm); Agricultural Market Access Database (AMAD; http://www.amad.org). Note: "Truncated" is the simple average fill rate as defined in table 5.6 except it takes a maximum value of 100 percent (ignores overquota imports). "Weighted" is the trade-weighted fill rate, defined as the sum of the value of in-quota imports divided by the sum of the value of the quota (can be >100 percent). a. $200,000 b. $300,000 c. $400,000 Can TRQ Administration Methods and Regulations Affect Trade? Earlier we discussed five major quota administration methods (or combinations thereof) and a host of additional conditions that have the potential to affect not only efficiency but also quota fill rates (Mönnich 2003; Skully 2001a). At first glance, one would expect that applied tariffs would allow for unrestricted levels of imports at the in-quota tariff. But several applied tariff quotas are restricted by time limits, past trading performance, volume limits per firm, domestic purchase requirements, and license fees. These regulations are in the notifications (several may be unreported) and can all reduce fill rates. The number and significance of these regulations are shown in table 5.8. License allocation on the basis of historical imports is the second most com- monly used method of quota administration. This trade liberalization has the opposite effect on efficiency from licenses on demand. For example, a decrease in the in-quota tariff decreases efficiency under licenses on demand, but increases efficiency under historical shares unless high-cost firms hold a disproportionate share of the quota licenses according to historical performance. Meanwhile, an increase in the quota, holding per unit rents constant, increases efficiency with licenses on demand because high-cost firms are already at their desired level of 148 Agricultural Trade Reform and the Doha Development Agenda TABLE 5.10 Value of Trade by Commodity (US$ millions unless otherwise indicated) Number Fill rate (%) Commodity of TRQ Truncated Weighted In-quota Quota Beverages 27 43 16 536 3,283 Cereals 185 58 53 5,420 10,197 Coffee and tea 44 62 92 128 138 Dairy products 144 63 78 2,402 3,048 Eggs and egg 19 34 21 77 359 products Agricultural fibers 12 41 48 932 1,950 Fruits and vegetables 281 66 64 3,160 4,937 Meat products 205 52 76 3,900 5,099 Other agricultural 45 55 55 70 128 products Oilseeds products 106 67 75 2,775 3,689 Sugar and sugar 42 67 89 1,574 1,771 products Tobacco 11 76 78 451 579 Total 1,121 60.6 60.9 21,424 35,178 licenses and additional imports are allocated to lower-cost firms only. The decline in per unit rent resulting from a quota increase reinforces this increase in effi- ciency effect with high-cost firms exiting (unless no high-cost firms exist and the most efficient allocation is achieved). With historical shares, however, an increase in the quota unambiguously reduces efficiency (and potentially reduces fill rates), except in the unlikely event that the historical share to each firm corre- sponds exactly to optimal shares with an auction. This example emphasizes the potential importance of quota administration methods on trade patterns and how trade-liberalizing effects can have opposite effects, depending on the method used. Licenses on demand are the third most commonly used administration method in terms of the value of trade. Licenses are allocated on a prorated basis, whereby the amount that can be imported is reduced proportionately if total requests exceed the quota. Inefficiency is incurred because licenses tend to be allocated to high-cost firms away from low-cost firms (Hranaiova, de Gorter, and Falk 2003). The higher the firm's costs, the closer the allocated quantity to its desired allocation and the higher the probability that it will receive its desired Reducing Tariffs Versus Expanding Tariff Rate Quotas 149 TABLE 5.10 (Continued) Underfill Tariffs (%) Overquota Out-of-quota Total Net In-quota Out-of-quota 0.5 90 2,747 2,746.8 66 114 1,027 4,372 5,804 4,777 91 155 31 101 41.2 10.1 48 121 318 715 964 646 57 152 10 8 293 283 75 126 78 246 1,096 1,018 17 101 309 2,903 2,086 1,777 110 170 270 4,153 1,469 1,199 105 174 21 79.7 78 57 145 255 882 288 1,796 915 46 115 72 961 269 197 55 104 84 72 212 128 110 337 3,103 13,990 16,856 13,753 59 115 Source: WTO notifications and Integrated Database (http://www.wto.org/english/tratop_e/agric_e/ agric_e.htm); Agricultural Market Access Database (AMAD; http://www.amad.org). Note: "Truncated" is the simple average fill rate as defined in table 5.6 except it takes a maximum value of 100 percent (ignores overquota imports). "Weighted" is the trade-weighted fill rate, defined as the sum of the value of in-quota imports divided by the sum of the value of the quota (can be greater than 100 percent). allocation. Quota expansion causes high-cost firms to decrease their bids and so reduces inefficiency. The entry of a new firm causes all incumbent firms to increase bids or bid the quota. How that affects efficiency depends on whether high-cost or low-cost firms enter. Failure to penalize firms for not using their licenses almost guarantees quota underfill, which also increases with the hetero- geneity of cost structures across firms. In-quota tariff reductions cause per unit rents to increase and so provide incentives for high-cost firms not to exit (or to enter), thereby increasing inefficiency.12 When a limit is imposed on the licenses received by each firm, inefficiency increases because the limit is more binding on low-cost firms. First-come, first-served is the next most commonly used method. It can generate inefficiencies due to hurrying up imports and waiting in line (Chau, de Gorter, and Hranaiova 2003). Time limits are very common under this method (see table 5.8). 150 Agricultural Trade Reform and the Doha Development Agenda Countries that are close to the exporting country and so easier to reach will benefit, and uncertainty as to whether the quota will be filled upon arrival at the border is increased with the time limits. Commodities that are more perishable reduce rents, to the disadvantage of importing firms, exporting countries, and producers in the importing region. The degree of "rent appropriation" (rather than "rent dissipation") depends critically on, among other things, the ratio of the import quota volume to free trade levels. Given that first-come, first-served represents 16.8 percent of the total value of TRQ commodities traded, the scope for rent appropriation is very large indeed. Licenses allocated on a first-come, first-served basis reduce the effectiveness of quotas in protecting domestic producers in the importing country but aid domestic consumers. Furthermore, some of the rents may be dissipated in rent seeking where firms try to avoid the consequences of hurried-up imports and reduced domestic prices by changing the timing of domestic production or storing the domestically grown product. Although these latter practices increase profits for the firms involved, they also increase social costs relative to what they would be if property rights to the import licenses were clearly defined. State trading enterprises can also have significant impacts on efficiency and fill rates, because such enterprises are immune to some degree from market forces and so may not have the incentive to fill the quota. If the STE represents producers' interests, it may choose to limit the quota to lower-valued imports within the category or to pay exporters lower prices for the goods in question. STEs also have been alleged to price discriminate and to allocate export quotas to higher-cost exporters for political reasons. If the quota rents are blended with revenues from domestic production, domestic production expands beyond efficient levels for a given domestic price determined by the import quota. The impact of the STE on efficiency and fill rates depends on its objective function (maximizing producer profits, for example, or stabilizing prices) and on the degree of control it has over imports and the domestic market. In many countries with STEs, some of the import quotas are given directly to private traders. STE influence on domestic market prices and production varies by country and over time. The outcome also depends on whether the STE feels obligated to fill the quota or, when it does, whether it sells the product on the domestic market or uses it in noncompetitive markets (livestock feed, for example). The effect of the STE also depends on what the initial regime of the tariff quota would be under perfect competition (quota binding, in-quota tariffs, or out-of-quota tariffs), while the effects of trade liberalization through tariff reductions and quota expansion depend on which instrument is binding under the initial STE equilibrium. Reducing Tariffs Versus Expanding Tariff Rate Quotas 151 Imperfect competition can result in higher quota fill rates. It can also alter the effects of liberalization because of monopoly or monopsony water in the tariff and the interaction effects between the two tariffs and the quota (Hranaiova and de Gorter 2002; de Gorter and Hranaiova 2004). The effectiveness of market power increases with the tariff, but trade liberalization may not increase social welfare. Regime switches may occur, with the possibility of losses in efficiency and social welfare. Trade liberalization outcomes depend on the initial optimal solution for the imperfect competitor (that is, which tariff quota instrument is binding), the level of the binding instrument, and the type and degree of trade liberalization (McCorriston and Sheldon 1994). The import quota fill rate is not necessarily an indicator of economic effi- ciency. A quota may be underfilled under perfect competition, yet can be fully filled under a monopoly solution. For a monopsonist, there is no partial underfill of the quota. A decrease in the in-quota tariff may induce a switch in regimes from a price taker to a monopsonist. Import quotas may be superior to tariffs in achieving the same level of protec- tion in the case of monopsony. This is because the domestic buyer can exercise full monopsony power at low levels of tariffs, while the introduction of a quota increases welfare. The decrease in economic efficiency due to a switch to a monopsonistic solution when sufficiently high tariffs are introduced may offset any efficiency advantages of tariffs over quotas. For a monopolist-monopsonist, the outcome is further complicated by the possibility of two discrete changes in the optimal solution and two supply curves to choose from. The Role of Dynamic Rent Seeking The widespread use of additional regulations in combination with each other and with major quota administration methods can also potentially affect trade in a dynamic rent-seeking context. For example, rules governing entry of new firms can either increase or decrease efficiency, depending on the administration method, the level of out-of-quota tariffs, and the regulations determining entry. Some firms, either high- or low-cost, may import at a loss to build up a historical import level so that they can then receive licenses under the historical share allo- cation method or qualify to be either a bona fide importing firm (potentially relevant to all administration methods) or fulfill the "past trading performance" additional condition for nonhistorical administration methods. Use-it-or-lose-it rules imply access to the quota in the following year, so firms may import--even at a loss--in order to have access to excess rents in the future. A firm may engage in rent-seeking activities to mitigate the costs (in forgoing economies of scale) of a limit on the number of licenses it can receive. For example, 152 Agricultural Trade Reform and the Doha Development Agenda firms try to obtain more licenses by splitting up into smaller entities, yet incur extra costs in so doing. Seasonal licenses (quarterly or semiannual) are very common and do not allow for the exploitation of seasonality in the gap between world and domestic prices. Not taking advantage of seasonal high prices may be particularly important for developing countries where harvest seasons are often different from those of countries in the North. Once a license is allocated, time limits on its use introduce uncertainty and transactions costs. The resulting inefficiency also depends on whether other con- ditions are required (such as losing the right to the license). Domestic purchase requirements may result in consolidation of the importing and domestic production sectors, which can dissipate rents and perhaps spark an increase in the domestic price. The notifications do not indicate whether licenses are permanent or must be renewed annually, or whether licenses can be traded to other firms within a year. These two features can have significant impacts on the efficiency of quota administration methods. Undocumented regulations also may have a signifi- cant impact on efficiency and fill rates. Mexico, for example, has issued quar- terly import permits (cupos) for imports into specific regions of the domestic market. Changes in Administration Methods There have been significant increases in the level of the quotas for each administra- tion method category since 1995,especially for applied tariffs and licenses on demand. This increase probably reflects relatively more minimum,versus current access,quotas designated in these administration categories (WTO 2002a). Table 5.11 provides summary data on the number of tariff quotas that changed from one administration method to another. A total of 64 applied tariffs were switched to other methods, with most becoming historical importers or licenses on demand. Potential Domestic Policy Responses to TRQ Liberalization Import quotas give domestic firms, STEs, or domestic governments more latitude in fixing domestic prices and hence reducing their volatility. This means world prices are more volatile except in some circumstances (Tyers and Anderson 1992). Imperfect competitors can charge higher prices under a quota than under tariffs; STEs and producer groups that control import licenses can also charge higher prices under a quota than under a tariff. At the same time, governments often try Reducing Tariffs Versus Expanding Tariff Rate Quotas 153 TABLE 5.11 Changes in Administration Methods Away from (1995) To (most recent) Number of TRQs Applied tariffs Historical importers 36 Licenses on demand 20 Mixed allocation 7 Auctioning 1 Total 64 Licenses on demand Applied tariff 10 Historical importers 3 Auctioning 2 Mixed allocation 2 Other 2 Producer groups 2 Total 21 Historical importers Applied tariff 3 Producer groups 1 Mixed allocation 1 Licenses on demand 1 Total 6 Other Historical importers 5 Total 5 Mixed Applied tariff 1 Licenses on demand 3 Total 4 State trading Licenses on demand 3 Total 3 Auction Licenses on demand 2 Total 2 Producer group Licenses on demand 1 State trading enterprises 1 Total 2 Not specificed Applied tariff 1 Licenses on demand 1 Total 2 First-come, first-served Applied tariff 1 Total 1 Total number of changes 110 154 Agricultural Trade Reform and the Doha Development Agenda TABLE 5.11 Changes in Administration Methods (Continued) Increases in administration methods Method Number of increases Historical importers 44 Licenses on demand 31 Applied tariff 16 Mixed allocation 10 Producer groups 3 Auctioning 3 Other 2 State trading enterprises 1 Not specified 0 First-come, first-served 0 Total 110 Source: WTO notifications and Integrated Database (http://www.wto.org/english/tratop_e/agric_e/agric_e.htm); Agricultural Market Access Database (AMAD; http://www.amad.org). to stabilize domestic prices (albeit at levels sometimes much higher than world prices) through several mechanisms, depending on the country and commodity. Both an expansion of the quota and reductions in out-of-quota tariffs increase efficiency and decrease international price volatility. It is also possible that inefficiency increases with domestic policy responses to trade liberalization (Schmitz, de Gorter, and Schmitz 1995). In almost all cases, government employs domestic policy price supports and other instruments in tandem with a TRQ. Canada, for example, has supply management schemes, whereas the European Union employs acreage restrictions, production quotas, stockpiling, and export subsidies. The U.S. sugar program uses the loan rate as the target farm price and allocates "flexible marketing allotments" to farmers who accept bids from processors to obtain defaulted loans in exchange for reducing sugar production. So the benefits of liberalizing TRQs can be at least partially off- set by adjusting domestic policy parameters. To illustrate, consider Asian rice markets with TRQs that employ several domestic policy instruments simultaneously to stabilize domestic prices. Manda- tory acreage set-asides, purchase limits by the STEs (or marketing controls), the importation of low-quality rice (sometimes fed to livestock and even destroyed in one country; see Choi and Sumner 2000) by that proportion of the TRQ con- trolled by the STE, an increase in stocks year to year, and the use of exports as food aid represent the portfolio of policy instruments typically used to stabilize prices. Reducing Tariffs Versus Expanding Tariff Rate Quotas 155 An example of how this works in Japan is given in table 5.12. Although Japan's rice imports increased substantially (from zero before the URAA), the increase in sup- ply to domestic markets has often been less than half the increase in imports. Exports as food aid have increased over the years, and stocks have always been increasing. Acreage reduction requirements have been ratcheted upward as well. Imports by private traders represent a growing share of the import quota, but rents remain high for the STE. All of these actions illustrate the potential for gov- ernment policy responses to mitigate the positive liberalization effects of TRQs. Concluding Comments This chapter shows that TRQs protect more than 50 percent of agricultural pro- duction and approximately 43 percent of agricultural trade of developed countries, even though the total number of tariff lines under TRQs is relatively low. Using applied tariffs, annual total tariff revenues and quota rents are estimated to be on the order of $19.6 billion. We identify four key TRQ regimes associated with the in- quota tariff, quota, out-of-quota tariff, and overquota imports that determine the market equilibrium. There are a total of eight cases under these four regimes, depending on whether there is exact fill, underfill, or overfill of the TRQ. Data show that the out-of-quota regime has the largest value of trade at $22.7 billion, followed by the overquota import regime at $7.5 billion and the quota binding regimes at $2 billion. The value of trade for the in-quota tariff regime is $3 billion. A reduction in out-of quota tariffs has the largest impact on trade liberaliza- tion. Our analysis shows that out-of quota reductions increase the value of trade by $18.2 billion, while a quota expansion increases trade by $5.1 billion. But the outcome also depends critically on the level of water assumed to be in the tariff, the relative values of tariff reduction versus quota expansion (assumed to be 35 percent and 50 percent, respectively) and the level of under- and overfill in each case. We also assume simple average bound tariffs are reduced (rather than trade-weighted applied tariffs). The analysis shows that in-quota tariffs may stifle trade liberalization in the quota expansion and out-of-quota tariff reduction sce- narios, the extent to which was not analyzed empirically. Nevertheless, this find- ing highlights the importance of including in-quota tariff reductions in the WTO negotiations, even though they are not officially bound and no in-quota tariff reductions were required in the URAA. Furthermore, if countries are allowed to choose the least liberalizing of the two trade liberalization options, we show empirically that it is possible that the increase in the total value of trade would only be 40 percent of that under the quota expansion case for all countries and 25 percent of the trade expansion if all countries followed the out-of-quota tariff reduction case only. 156 Agricultural Trade Reform and the Doha Development Agenda TABLE 5.12 STE, Domestic Policy Responses, and Rice Tariff Quota in Japan (metric tons unless otherwise specified) Minimum access imports Supply to domestic markets Ratea Rateb Total Year Quantity (%) (%) Total (% of quota) Private STE 1995­96 43 4.0 4.2 12 27.9 1 11 1996­97 51 4.8 5.0 31 60.8 1 30 1997­98 60 5.6 5.9 23 38.3 5 18 1998­99 68 6.4 6.9 38 55.9 12 26 1999­2000 72 6.8 7.3 34 47.2 12 22 2000­1 77 7.2 7.9 37 48.1 12 25 2001­2 77 7.2 8.0 34 44.2 10 24 2002­3 77 7.2 8.1 25 32.5 10 15 The trade-weighted fill rates were calculated by administration method and addi- tional regulation. Although applied tariffs are used in 39 percent of the cases, they represent only 14 percent of trade. Auctions, in contrast, are used about 5 percent of the time but account for only 0.5 percent of the total value of trade. The impor- tance of licenses on demand; historical importers; first-come, first-served; and state trading enterprises were also analyzed. Fill rates for quotas are sharply split, with many falling below 20 percent, many at 100 percent or above, and compara- tively few in the middle ranges. The average fill rate is 60.5 percent, similar to the percentage reported by the WTO (2002b, 2002c), and our calculated trade- weighted fill rate is almost identical at 61.1 percent. We discuss how licenses on demand and historical importer methods allow high-cost importers to operate; and how the first-come, first-served method results in lower prices earlier in the season; that in turn results in rent appropriation by consumers and middlemen or in rent dissipation as producers trying to circumvent the price declines. State trad- ing enterprises can negatively affect efficiency as well, depending on their objec- tive function, constraints such as international obligations, and their control of domestic market parameters such as marketings, stocks, or prices. The interaction of additional regulations with each of these major administration methods is also shown to be important for fill rates and efficiency. Fully $7.6 billion worth of trade is subject to time limits on quotas, $3.7 billion to past importing performance, $3.5 billion to export certificates, and $1.9 billion to domestic purchase requirements. Each of these regulations and others (including seasonal licenses and limits per firm) increase the costs of importing and so inevitably affect fill rates. Reducing Tariffs Versus Expanding Tariff Rate Quotas 157 TABLE 5.12 (Continued) Quota rentsc Exports as Ending-period Total Privated Acreage food aid Stock flow stocks US$ millions (%) control (%) 0 31 31 33.7 8.4 24.3 12 8 39 27.9 9.7 28.5 34 3 42 47.2 28.8 28.7 28 2 44 60.8 74.8 34.8 26 12 56 70.8 56.3 35.0 21 19 75 78.7 47.6 35.2 23 20 95 77.5 37.9 37.2 20 32 127 75.8 36.3 37.4 Source: Kimura (2004). a. Rate of base period consumption. b. Rate of current period consumption. c. In-quota and out-of-quota tariffs are zero. d. Rents to private traders are higher than share of import quota because of higher quality imports that have higher margins. Even applied tariffs have significant regulations associated with them; pure tariff regimes do not exist in many cases. More analysis is required on the extent to which additional regulations are pervasive in either out-of-quota or in-quota tariff regimes before definitive conclusions can be made about how much they limit the effects of trade liberalization. We also present summary data on the levels of out-of-quota and overquota imports and quota underfill by commodity and country. These data can be cross- referenced to administration type, additional regulation, minimum or current access, and other relevant indicators in analyzing various factors that may influence TRQ fill rates. The total value of TRQ trade is $35.4 billion, with net quota under- fill (after adjusting for overquota imports) at $13.7 billion, or about 39 percent of total TRQ trade. Quota underfill by itself totals $16.8 billion, amounting to 48 percent of the value of the total quotas. The average applied tariff is 53.5 percent, considerably lower than the average bound in-quota tariff of 59 percent and out- of-quota tariff of 115 percent. But this trade-weighted applied average tariff for TRQ commodities is much higher than the average applied tariff for all of agriculture (World Bank 2003, ch. 3). 158 Agricultural Trade Reform and the Doha Development Agenda We also determined that 42 percent of TRQ trade is under minimum access quo- tas, which were required to expand during the URAA implementation time period. But the majority of minimum access quotas are in regimes where a quota increase has no immediate impact on imports. We also found that a significant numbers of TRQs once administered as applied tariffs had been shifted to the license-on- demand and historical importer categories, both methods that are deemed fraught with inefficiencies (along with first-come, first-served and state trading enterprises). Consideration was also given to the ways in which some administration methods can lead to dynamic rent seeking and further inefficiencies in the quota administra- tion system. Finally, we consider potential domestic policy responses to TRQ liberal- ization that mitigate the effects of trade liberalization. The data and analysis in this chapter cannot come to any definitive conclusion as to how well the TRQs liberalized trade in agriculture, not least because of the assumptions that had to be made and the further work required in analyzing the extensive database that has been developed. In particular, analysis of a combination of tariff reductions and quota expansion is warranted, along with an analysis of how in-quota tariffs stifle quota expansion. To obtain a better understanding of TRQs, even more data and information are required, especially on the exact levels of water in the tariffs and tariff binding overhang. The impact of preferential tariffs also requires investigation, as does the distribution of rents between importers and exporters. The analysis here also does not analyze TRQs that are not administered under the WTO, nor does it compare our results to non-TRQ imports and tariffs. Notes 1. This and various other problems identified in the implementation of TRQs have been analyzed by, for example, Skully (1999, 2001a, 2001b); Abbott and Paarlberg (1998); and de Gorter and Sheldon (2000, 2001). 2. Water in the tariff and tariff binding overhang refer to situations where a reduction in out-of- quota tariffs has no initial impact on trade. Water refers to situations where there are no out-of-quota imports and the domestic price is below the out-of-quota tariff-inclusive world price. Binding over- hang refers to the gap between bound tariffs (to be reduced in the negotiations) and applied tariffs. 3. At the same time, the data overestimates the level of coverage in that it includes commodities that are heavily exported (such as wheat for Canada). 4. See Moschini (1991), Boughner, de Gorter, and Sheldon (2000), and IATRC (2001b) for more detail on the economics of TRQs. 5. Figure 5.3b shows that there can be quota underfill and out-of-quota imports at the same time. This necessarily implies inefficiency in the quota administration method because traders are forgoing potential quota rents that, if available, they would gladly have taken. 6. Although the total number of TRQs notified to the WTO is 1,425, totals for the data presented in the tables are often less than that because of missing data. 7. Calculated as quota underfill of 16,744 as a percentage of quota calculated as in-quota imports of 21,424 less overquota imports of 3,102 plus quota underfill of 16,744. 8. Six years from 1995 for developed countries and ten years for developing countries. Reducing Tariffs Versus Expanding Tariff Rate Quotas 159 9. For consistency with other estimates in this volume, the import elasticity used is the average of the elasticities of substitution used in the LINKAGE model for agriculture discussed in chapter 12 of this volume. 10. For example, a minimum access quota of 5 percent of baseline consumption is equivalent to 8 percent of current rice consumption in Japan today. 11. This ignores the fact that in many cases, out-of-quota imports replace the quota underfill so the actual value of trade at observed prices attributed to quota underfill is even lower. 12. A tariff reduction has the opposite effect of introducing a license fee. References Abbott, P. 2002."Tariff Rate Quotas: Failed Market Access Instruments."European Review of Agricultural Economics 29 (1): 109­30. Abbott, P., and P. Paarlberg. 1998. "Tariff Rate Quotas: Structural and Stability Impacts in Growing Markets." Agricultural Economics 19: 257­67. Bouët, A., L. 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Antoine Bouët, Lionel Fontagné, and Sébastien Jean Preferential trade arrangements (PTAs) have become a key feature of the world trading system, with their number rising dramatically since the early 1990s. More than 200 have been notified to the WTO (World Trade Organization). Their objectives have also widened in scope. In particular, trade preferences are being used increasingly as a substitute for more ambitious development policies, especially since the Singapore WTO Ministerial Conference in 1996. Granting developing countries nonreciprocal preferential access to markets is not new. However, the long-standing importance to developing countries of schemes such as European Union's Cotonou Agreement (formerly Lomé Convention) or the United States' Caribbean Basin Initiative (CBI), as well as the use of new schemes targeted on least developed countries (LDCs) or on Sub-Saharan Africa (SSA), have changed the nature of this issue. Preferences in general, and nonreciprocal preferences in particu- lar, are among the important issues to be addressed during the Doha Round.A major concern of the G-90 member countries, in particular those in SSA, is that multilateral trade liberalization will erode these preferences.1 This concern contributed to its inclusion as an issue in the July 2004 Framework Agreement (WTO 2004). This chapter aims to clarify the specific issues raised by trade preferences, in particular nonreciprocal ones, as they pertain to the Doha Round. How important are trade preferences for developing countries, and for which developing countries are such preferences of special importance? What issues arise from the perspective of multilateral liberalization for preference-receiving countries? In particular, is the erosion of preferences a legitimate concern? If so, for which countries? And what are the possible policy implications? 161 162 Agricultural Trade Reform and the Doha Development Agenda The importance of preferences for numerous developing countries is well rec- ognized and has been widely documented and discussed. Preferences have not interfered much with multilateral trade liberalization in the past, however, for at least two reasons. First, the impact of preferences was most substantial in agricul- ture and textiles and clothing, sectors where previous trade rounds failed to expand market access, at least until the recent phaseout of the Multifibre Arrange- ment (MFA). Second, until recently, the quantitative economic analysis of multi- lateral liberalization failed to deal satisfactorily with trade preferences. No comprehensive global database describing the levels of protection ade- quately took into account preferences until 2004. Since the Uruguay Round, most worldwide empirical studies of multilateral liberalization have been based on computable general equilibrium (CGE) models that drew on Purdue University's Global Trade Analysis Project (GTAP) database. But until GTAP Version 6, released in late 2004, this database did not take into account PTAs, except five among the most important reciprocal agreements: the European Union, EU­European Free Trade Association (EU-EFTA), North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA), Australia­New Zealand Closer Economic Relations Agreement (ANZCERTA), and SACU (South African Customs Union). Until now virtually all global quantitative assessments of the impact of multi- lateral liberalization have been unable to address the issue of nonreciprocal trade preferences. That lacuna has now been filled by the MAcMap database, jointly developed by the Centre d'Etudes Prospectives et d'Informations Internationales (CEPII) in Paris and the International Trade Commission (ITC, a joint agency of WTO and the UN Conference on Trade and Development, or UNCTAD, in Geneva). That database now offers a consistent and near-complete set of ad valorem protection rates across the world for 2001, taking account of all preferential agreements enforced at that date (Bouët and others 2005b). In this chapter we take advantage of this new protection database, as well as of a series of studies recently carried out by CEPII (Bouët and others 2005a; Bchir, Jean, and Laborde forthcoming; Candau, Fontagné, and Jean 2004), to determine whether the erosion of trade preferences is a serious concern. The scenarios con- sidered are a subset of those described in Jean, Laborde, and Martin in chapter 4, but the information is used directly at the HS6 level of product disaggregation. The"mechanics"of the erosion of preferences are simple. Following multilateral trade negotiations, cuts are applied to bound import duties, not directly to applied tariffs. A most-favored-nation (MFN) applied duty is reduced only if the liberal- ized bound duty for this product is lower than the initial applied duty, and then only to the extent of that difference. In turn, preferential rates (which are applied duties that had been set lower than the MFN rate) typically are cut by less than the Is Erosion of Tariff Preferences a Serious Concern? 163 MFN applied rates because they are not affected until the bound rate comes below the preferential rate. This means preferential margins are eroded when tariffs are cut, other things equal. Also important is the fact that preferential tariff rate quotas (TRQs) are fairly common among agricultural products. Many of them give rise to substantial rents for some developing countries, and those rents are reduced if multilateral trade negotiations result in cuts in the out-of-quota tariff rate. This chapter begins by reviewing the historical context of preferences and by exploring their effect on market access for developing-country exporters. It then assesses how multilateral liberalization following the Doha Round could erode preferences. This assessment clarifies the mechanics of preference erosion and evaluates the corresponding implications for preference margins. CGE simula- tions are then conducted to gauge the impact of preference erosion on trade, out- put, and welfare. Policy implications are discussed in the final section. An Overview of Preferences The current situation is the result of a gradual piling up of numerous individual pref- erence schemes. The situation is particularly complicated for farm products, not only because of the nature of the instruments used (specific tariffs and TRQs) but also because these instruments are frequently managed in a nontransparent manner. The Starting Point WTO members are generally constrained to offer all other members nondiscrim- inatory access to their markets. A core rule of the multilateral trade system holds that a member should not discriminate between its trading partners or between its domestic products and imports. This rule is manifested in the MFN clause, which requires MFN tariffs to be applied equally to all WTO members. Accordingly, Article I (paragraph 1) of GATT (WTO's predecessor, the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade) states that "any advantage, favor, privilege or immunity granted by any contracting party to any product originating in or destined for any other country shall be accorded immediately and unconditionally to the like product originating in or destined for the territories of all other contracting parties." Despite this very clear statement, substantial amounts of goods shipped around the world do not face an MFN tariff when entering the destination market.2 The reason for this is the existence of preferences, introduced in Paragraph 2 of that same Article I: "The provisions of paragraph 1 of this Article shall not require the elim- ination of any preferences." Generally speaking, two kinds of preferential schemes operate: symmetric schemes, under which two countries mutually offer preferential access to their 164 Agricultural Trade Reform and the Doha Development Agenda market; and asymmetric ones in which one country unilaterally concedes prefer- ential access to a well-defined (but not necessarily stable) list of exporting coun- tries. The former includes the treatment of regional agreements by the GATT, while the latter is associated with the Generalized System of Preferences (GSP) and its extensions. These include the EU's recent Everything But Arms (EBA) Ini- tiative, which offers duty- and quota-free market access for LDCs; the United States' African Growth and Opportunity Act (AGOA); and development-targeted agreements introduced earlier (such as Cotonou and the CBI). Article XXIV of the GATT, which allows the formation of customs unions and free trade areas, has also translated into myriad preferential agreements.3 Many of these trade agreements are regional; examples are the Common Market in the late 1950s, NAFTA, and Mercosur.4 But plenty of bilateral agreements involve noncontiguous countries (United States­Morocco or Mexico-Israel, for instance). According to notifications to the WTO, the number of such agree- ments in force by the end of 2005 might approach 300. Many of the 148 WTO members participate in various trade agreements. Accordingly, their tariff schedules involve many different levels of treatment, often defined at the product level, and frequently embodying numerous exceptions to the MFN principle. The official and optimistic view that regionalism is a building block toward multilat- eral trade liberalization leaves unexplained the desire by WTO members to use these efforts to escape from complying with the nondiscrimination clause in Article 1 of the GATT. For nonreciprocal trade agreements, the picture is even more complicated. The Millennium Development Goals aim, among other things, at developing a global partnership for development through more aid, better market access, and debt sustainability. This target is an extension of the decision taken in 1968 under the auspices of UNCTAD to grant developing countries nonreciprocal preferential access to developed-country markets under the GSP scheme.5 Under GSP, rich countries offer nonreciprocal preferential access to products originating in a list of developing countries, with preference-giving countries unilaterally choosing countries and products to be included in their GSP schemes. The lists are revised on a regular basis, leading to "entries" and "exits." In addition, the preferences con- ceded can include products subject to quotas or considered politically "sensitive." Not surprisingly, preferences generally aim at preserving the vested interests of domestic producers. For instance, until 1994, the EU's GSP scheme applied quantitative limits on GSP imports.6 This system has been replaced by "tariff modulation" in which reduced rates of duty are classified into four categories: very sensitive products (preferential margin equal to 15 percent of the MFN tariff), sensitive products (30 percent), semisensitive (65 percent), nonsensitive products (duty free). There are also special incentive schemes, offering additional tariff Is Erosion of Tariff Preferences a Serious Concern? 165 preferences for specific development purposes (such as the protection of labor rights or efforts to combat drug production and trafficking). The general goal of such asymmetric, or nonreciprocal, preferences is to make it possible for countries with limited export potential to more easily reap the ben- efits of globalization. The multilateral trading system also provides "special and differential treatment" (SDT) to developing countries according to the so-called "Enabling Clause."7 Besides longer implementation periods or smoother commit- ments, SDT offers asymmetric market access. A recent extension of such agree- ments involves specific concessions granted to LDCs by the EU, Japan, Norway, and the United States. The European initiative is the previously mentioned Every- thing But Arms deal, which offers duty-free and quota-free access to all products originating in LDCs except for weapons and three agricultural products for which liberalization has been delayed (banana, rice, and sugar). The EU and U.S Preferential Schemes at a Glance Figure 6.1 illustrates the intricacy of the European Union's trade policy in 2004.8 The EU has negotiated several regional (European Free Trade Association/European Economic Area) and bilateral (including with Chile, Mexico, and Turkey) free trade agreements. It has also entered into a trading framework with a number of Mediterranean countries, known as the Euromed Initiative. The structure of European preferences has reached great complexity. Since 1995, the European GSP has been divided into five regimes: the standard GSP, the GSP granted to countries fighting against drug production and trafficking, the one granted to countries enforcing labor rights, the scheme for environmental protection (which has not been granted so far), and the EBA Initiative for LDCs. A preferential regime has long been established with developing countries of Africa, the Caribbean, and the Pacific (ACP), with which the EU has historical links. This scheme, which is not WTO-compatible but has survived under a GATT waiver, expires on January 1, 2008, and must be replaced if preferential treatment is to continue. The Cotonou Agreement, signed in 2000, renewed the nonrecipro- cal ACP preferential arrangements formerly offered under the Lomé Convention, but it also foreshadowed the negotiation of Economic Partnerships Agreements (EPAs) with six groups of countries, later defined as countries from Central Africa, Eastern and Southern Africa, the Southern African Development Commu- nity (SADC), the Pacific, the Caribbean Islands, and Western Africa. The EPAs are currently scheduled to come into force by the end of 2007, but that may change if the GATT waiver is extended. These myriad trade preference regimes mean that EU trade policy is highly fragmented. Today for Europe as an importing zone, the WTO multilateral regime 166 Agricultural Trade Reform and the Doha Development Agenda FIGURE 6.1 European Union Trade Policy, 2004 Guam Norfolk Islands Uzbekistan Tajikistan Bouvet Islands Niue Bosnia & Herzegovina GSP Greenland Kazakhstan Netherlands Antilles Cook Isl. Bilat. Agreement Sandw. Isl. Turks & Caicos Islands Nauru Tonga India Andorra GSP/LDC Tuvalu Georgia Mongolia Sao Tome Cambodia Australia Vanuatu Kiribati Bangladesh Armenia Kyrgyzstan Yemen Nepal Singapore Eq. Guinea an n Thailand Macao Cape Verde Maldives Mali Croatia Somalia Haiti Myanmara Chinese Taipei Brunei Ethiopia Zambia Solomon Isl. Bolivia Togo Nicaragua WTO Liberia Panama EEA Senegal Djibouti Ctrl. Afr. Rep. Brazil Costa Rica Norway Eritrea El Salvador Mauritania Malawi Peru Liechtenstein Gambia Rwanda Korea, Rep. of Chad Iceland Samoa Niger Mozambique Fiji Guatemala Ecuador Burundi Switzerland Sierra Leone St. Vincentt Colombia Venezuela Sudan Angola Congo DR Guinea Papua Benin U.S. Romania Tanzania Barbados Pakistan Honduras Comoros Guinea-Bissau Uganda Lesotho Bahrain New Zealand Madagascar Burkina Faso G.S.P/Drugs Japan Palau Belize Uruguay Bahamas Kenya Mauritius Trinidad Nigeria Namibia Botswana ot Cuba TDCA Hong Kong Antigua Cameroon Congo Jamaica Côte d'Ivoire Canada Seychelles Dominica Zimbabwe Guyana Swaziland South Africa Gabon Qatar EUCAA Bulgaria Micronesia St. Lucia Grenada Suriname Ghana Dominican Rep p. Marshall Isl. St. Kitts Chile ACP Hungary MEUFTA EU enlargement Santa Helena Iraq Indonesia Poland China U.A.E. Mexico Paraguay Slovakia Lithuania Aruba Malaysia Kuwait Estonia Montserrat Czech Rep. Macedonia Slovenia Albania Philippines Cyprus Malta Latvia Yugoslavia New Caledonia Bermuda Morocco Israel Falklands Islands Argentina GSP/Labor rights Turkey Anguilla Egypt Tunisia Tokelau Oman Sri Lanka Korea, Dem. Rep. of Russia Libya Turkmenistan Iran Syria Euromed Jordan Algeria EUPAAA Vietnam Belarus Gibraltar Lebanon Christmas Islands Palestinian Cocos Islands Antarctica Ukraine Authority Azerbaijan Cayman Islands Pitcairn Wallis & Futuna Saudi Arabia French Polynesia McDonald Islands Mariana Islands US Minor outlying Islands East Timor Virgin Islands Mayotte Source: MAcMap-HS6. Note: ACP = African, Caribbean and Pacific Group of States; EEA = European Economic Area; EUCAA = European Union-Chile Association Agreement; EUPAAA = European Union-Palestinian Authority Association Agreement; Euromed = Euro-Mediterranean Partnership; GSP = Generalized System of Preferences; LDC = least developed countries; MEUFTA = Mexico-European Union Free Trade Agreement; TDCA = Trade Development Cooperation Agreement; WTO = World Trade Organization. a. Tariff preferences temporarily withdrawn. applies to only 11 countries among the 208 potential exporting countries. Under the GSP scheme as it was originally negotiated in 1971, tariff preferences had to be nondiscriminatory with deeper preferences applying only to the LDCs. Figure 6.1 reveals how much the current scheme has departed from that initial principle. In part the multiple trade preferences reflect the fact that trade policy has been the European Community's only foreign policy instrument. U.S. trade policy is also fragmented, although not as much as the EU's; under U.S. trade policy, the WTO regime applies to 25 partners (figure 6.2). Recently the United States has been pursuing a bilateral path, negotiating free trade agreements with single trade partners including Australia, Bahrain, Jordan, Morocco, Panama, and Singapore. Trade preferences granted to developing countries are also less fragmented than the EU's, with just four preferential regimes being defined (the Is Erosion of Tariff Preferences a Serious Concern? 167 FIGURE 6.2 U.S. Trade Policy, 2004 Falklands Isl. Anguilla Tokelau New Caledonia Micronesia Palau AGOA Iraq Libya Marshall Islands Gabon Mauritania Switzerland Andorra St Pierre & Miquands Zambia U.A.E Botswana Nigeria Mongolia Cook Islands Nauru GSP Sao Tome Mali Brunei Turkmenistan Bolivia ATPA New Zealand Chad Mozambique Niue Cape Verde Sierra Leone Peru Ecuador Kuwait Malta Maldives Cameroon Colombia Pakistan Chinese Taipei Seychelles Mauritius WTO Ghana Macedonia Senegal South Africa Czech Rep. Guinea Qatar Norway Georgia Brazil Gambia Kenya Fiji Romania Congo China Ethiopia Niger Togo Estonia Iceland Korea, Rep. of Philippines Djibouti Rwanda Côte d'Ivoire Poland Cyprus Liechtenstein Angola Papua Suriname Venezuela Namibia Malawi Benin E.U. Malaysia Tanzania Bulgaria Tunisia Thailand Cuba Uganda Swaziland Paraguay Macao Guinea-Bissau Lesotho Myanmar Madagascar Armenia Bahrain Japan Australia Zimbabwe Kiribati Latvia Eq. Guinea Egypt Nepal Burkina Faso NAFTA Slovenia Chile Bilateral FTA Oman Israel Argentina Solomon Islands Bhutan Hungary Canada India Lithuania Turkey Russia Cambodia Morocco Belarus Burundi Singapore Mexico Tuvalu Kyrgyzstan Sri Lanka Uruguay Indonesia Ukraine Albania Slovakia Hong Kong Kazakhstan St. Vincent St. Kitts El Salvador Norfolk Islands USPFTA Lebanon Bangladesh Barbados Nicaragua Tonga Panama Haiti Costa Rica Yugoslavia CAFTA Christmas Islands Somalia Croatia Dominican Tajikistan USJFTA Belize Antigua Honduras Bosnia & Herzegovina Grenada Rep. Yemen Trinidad Guatemala Moldova Jordan Jamaica St. Lucia Comoros Korea, Dem. Rep. of Liberia Guyana Dominica Aruba Samoa Vanuatu Algeria Bermuda Netherlands Antilles Bahamas Santa Helena Guam Montserrat Gibraltar Greenland Eritrea Vietnam CBI Cocos Islands Antarctica Uzbekistan Palestinian Authority Wallis & Futuna Mayotte Bouvet Islands Azerbaijan Laos East Timor US Minor outlying Islands Saudi Arabia Pitcairn Sandw. Isl. Syria Cayman Islands French Polynesia McDonald Isl. Afghanistan Sudan Mariana Islands Iran Turks & Caicos Virgin Islands Source: MAcMap-HS6. Note: AGOA = African Growth and Opportunity Act; ATPA = Andean Trade Preference Act; CAFTA = Central American Free Trade Agreement; NAFTA = North American Free Trade Agreement; CBI = Caribbean Basin Initiative; GSP = Generalized System of Preferences; USJFTA = United States-Jordan Free Trade Agreement; USPFTA = United States-Panama Free Trade Agreement; WTO = World Trade Organization. GSP, CBI, Andean Trade Pact Agreement, and AGOA). Another noteworthy differ- ence is that, unlike the EU, the United States has designated a set of sensitive products that are excluded from all preferential schemes (although the United States' GSP scheme generally offers duty-free access to all products that benefit, in contrast with only partial reductions in tariffs from MFN levels applied by the EU). Implications of Preferences on Market Access What are the implications of these intricate preference schemes for the exports of both developed and developing countries? The MAcMap HS6 database allows for an aggregation of applied duties across all products and all reporters (importers), for each partner (exporter), to obtain the average duty faced by each country on its exports to the rest of the world. The first and fifth columns in table 6.1 report this average for agricultural and industrial products, respectively, using the MAcMap's reference-group based weighting scheme (see Bouët and others 2005b). 168 Agricultural Trade Reform and the Doha Development Agenda TABLE 6.1 Decomposition of the Average Duty Faced by Each Exporting Country, 2001 (percent, ad valorem equivalent duty) Agriculture Applied Apparent Composition True duty margin effect margin Lesotho 18.4 0.8 -24.1 24.9 Aruba 26.7 -7.6 -32.2 24.6 Gambia, The 16.6 2.6 -13.3 15.9 St. Vincent 22.3 -3.2 -13.4 10.2 Uruguay 25.4 -6.3 -16.0 9.7 Yugoslavia, former 15.9 3.3 -5.2 8.5 St. Lucia 18.6 0.6 -7.5 8.0 Guyana 87.1 -67.9 -75.6 7.6 Suriname 38.8 -19.6 -27.3 7.6 Turkmenistan 3.3 15.8 8.4 7.5 Virgin Islands 12.0 7.1 0.4 6.8 Mali 2.9 16.3 9.9 6.4 Burkina Faso 9.2 9.9 4.0 5.9 Benin 8.2 10.9 5.6 5.3 Dominica 17.1 2.1 -3.0 5.1 Malawi 21.6 -2.5 -7.3 4.9 Kiribati 10.3 8.9 4.0 4.8 Kazakhstan 21.4 -2.3 -6.3 4.0 Vanuatu 4.1 15.1 11.2 3.9 Argentina 18.7 0.5 -3.4 3.8 Belize 42.8 -23.6 -27.4 3.8 Sudan 10.1 9.0 5.7 3.3 Iraq 30.5 -11.4 -14.4 3.0 Saudi Arabia 29.0 -9.8 -12.7 2.9 Togo 8.6 10.5 7.8 2.7 Andorra 12.1 7.1 4.6 2.4 Turks and Caicos 17.5 1.7 -0.7 2.3 Croatia 22.0 -2.9 -5.0 2.0 Dominican Rep. 21.2 -2.0 -4.0 2.0 Eritrea 8.8 10.3 8.5 1.9 Zimbabwe 23.5 -4.4 -6.2 1.8 Botswana 35.9 -16.8 -18.5 1.7 Bolivia 13.7 5.4 3.9 1.5 Egypt, Arab Rep. of 14.0 5.2 3.9 1.3 Jamaica 33.2 -14.1 -15.3 1.2 Is Erosion of Tariff Preferences a Serious Concern? 169 TABLE 6.1 (Continued) Industry Applied Apparent Composition True duty margin effect margin Seychelles 3.8 0.7 -7.2 8.6 Lesotho 5.4 -0.8 -7.0 6.9 Haiti 5.3 -0.7 -6.5 6.5 Madagascar 4.1 0.5 -5.0 6.2 Bangladesh 5.3 -0.7 -6.2 6.2 Cambodia 6.0 -1.5 -6.7 6.0 Mauritius 7.3 -2.7 -7.3 5.3 Maldives 9.2 -4.6 -9.2 5.3 Nicaragua 5.7 -1.2 -5.4 4.9 Honduras 5.9 -1.4 -5.5 4.8 Fiji 4.8 -0.2 -4.3 4.8 Palau 5.1 -0.5 -4.6 4.7 Djibouti 12.0 -7.4 -11.3 4.7 Nepal 10.1 -5.5 -9.3 4.5 Greenland 4.1 0.5 -3.1 4.3 Dominican Republic 4.3 0.3 -3.2 4.2 El Salvador 9.6 -5.0 -8.3 4.0 St. Pierre and Miquelon 2.8 1.8 -1.4 3.9 Tonga 3.3 1.3 -1.8 3.8 Belize 3.9 0.7 -2.2 3.7 Guatemala 9.6 -5.0 -7.8 3.6 Pakistan 6.2 -1.6 -4.3 3.4 Tunisia 4.8 -0.2 -2.9 3.4 Morocco 4.7 -0.2 -2.7 3.3 Cape Verde 3.6 1.0 -1.5 3.2 Turkey 6.5 -1.9 -4.3 3.1 Falkland Islands 2.8 1.8 -0.6 3.1 Turks and Caicos 3.9 0.7 -1.6 3.0 Malawi 15.3 -10.7 -13.0 3.0 Sierra Leone 2.9 1.7 -0.5 2.9 Mozambique 2.4 2.2 0.0 2.9 Albania 4.9 -0.3 -2.4 2.8 Uganda 6.1 -1.5 -3.5 2.7 Senegal 10.4 -5.8 -7.7 2.7 Micronesia 9.6 -5.0 -6.9 2.6 Source: Authors' calculations, based on MAcMap-HS6 Version 1. Note: Countries are ranked by decreasing true preference margin, and the table is limited to the first 35 countries. 170 Agricultural Trade Reform and the Doha Development Agenda In agriculture, the average duty faced on exports ranges from 0.6 percent (Equa- torial Guinea) to 87 percent (Guyana). For member countries of the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD), the average duty faced is regularly below 20 percent (except for Australia and New Zealand), whereas prod- ucts originating from numerous small developing countries (such as Barbados, Belize, Botswana, Gabon, Guyana, and Mauritius) are highly taxed. These huge dif- ferences result from a combination of two different effects: a composition effect and a true preferential margin. The composition effect refers to variation in exports caused by product specialization and the geographic destination of exports.9 The true preferential margin captures the fact that each country is bene- fiting from an average preferential margin, thanks to the trade regimes it has been conceded. Compared with the world average preferential margin (the worldwide average difference between MFN and applied duties), a country might benefit from a higher or lower average preferential margin. We call this variation from the world average the "true" preferential margin. To understand the implications of these different components, we derive the following equation. Let ths,r be the applied ad valorem equivalent (AVE) duty imposed by country s on product h exported by country r, let whs,r be the weight of this flow, let MFNhs be the MFN AVE duty imposed by country s on ,r product h.10 For a given country i, let us define the apparent margin, AMi, as: ws,rts,r h h ws,its,, h h i (6.1) AMi = r s h ws,r - s h h ws h ,i r s h s h The first term on the right-hand side of equation 6.1 is the applied duty faced by the world, the second one is the applied duty faced by country i. From equation 6.1, we derive: AM = - r s h ,r i ws,rts,r h h ws,r MMFNs h h r s h ws,r h ws,rh r s h r s h + ws MFNs h h h h r s h ,r ,,r ws MFNs - s h ,r ,r ws,r h ws,i h s h s h h h h h (6.2) + ws,i MFNs,r ws,,its s h - s h ,i ws,i h ws,ih s h s h Is Erosion of Tariff Preferences a Serious Concern? 171 The apparent preferential margin obtained by country i on its exports is thus defined by the sum of three components. The first term is the worldwide differ- ence between the average applied duty and the MFN duty. It is the opposite of the world average preferential margin. The second term is the difference between the MFN duty faced by the world and the one faced by country i. It measures a com- position effect of country i's exports. The third term is the difference between the average MFN duty and the average applied duty faced by country i; it is country i's preferential margin. What we call the true preference margin is the sum of the first and the third terms, that is, the difference between the country's and the world's average preferential margin, defined as the weighted average across products of the difference between the MFN and the applied rate. Based on equations 6.1 and 6.2, the average applied duty faced by country i on its exports can thus be defined as the applied duty faced by the world, minus the composition effect (the second difference term in equation 6.2), minus the true preferential margin effect. A positive composition effect means that country i is specialized in products (or in geographical destinations) that are less protected all around the world. A positive true preferential margin means that, on average across its export markets, country i reaps a larger preference on its exports com- pared with the world average. The corresponding decomposition is reported in table 6.1. For the sake of clarity, since world average levels are taken as references in these calculations, they are reported in table 6.2. Table 6.1 should be read as follows. The first row shows that Lesotho's agricul- tural exports face an average applied AVE tariff duty of 18.4 percent, 0.8 percentage points less than the world average. But this tiny apparent preference margin results from the combination of strongly negative composition effect (-24.1 percentage points), revealing specialization in highly taxed products, and of strongly positive true average preferential margin (24.9 percentage points), because of the preferen- tial agreements from which Lesotho benefits. In agriculture, the composition effect appears to vary strongly across countries. It is strongly negative for several countries (Guyana, -76 percent; Mauritius, -36 percent, St Kitts and Nevis, -35 percent; Barbados, -25 percent; Belize, -27 percent), TABLE 6.2 Average World Applied and MFN Tariff Protection Rates, 2001 (percent) Sector Applied duty faced MFN duty faced MFN-applied margin Agriculture 19.1 26.8 7.6 Industry 4.6 5.3 0.7 Source: Authors' calculations, based on MAcMap-HS6 Version 1. 172 Agricultural Trade Reform and the Doha Development Agenda as a result of their specialization in products still highly protected in most large markets.11 These large, negative composition effects are likely to be primarily endogenous: although preferential agreements frequently exclude highly sensitive products, preferential margins, by construction, can only be large in highly pro- tected products. As a matter of fact, preference-receiving countries thus face incentives to specialize in highly protected products, since that is where their pref- erential margin is higher. This is not a systematic rule, however; some developing countries tend to specialize in largely liberalized products, as reflected in a positive composition effect (Equatorial Guinea, 26 percent; Chad, 20 percent). Orders of magnitude are far lower in nonagricultural products, but it is even more striking that most countries with significant true preferential margins exhibit large, nega- tive composition effects. Although the true average preferential margin does not reach the extreme val- ues seen in the composition effects, it does reach almost 25 percentage points for Lesotho and Aruba, and it is above 6 points for 10 countries. Overall, the true average preferential margin in agriculture is above 1 point for 47 developing countries, and above 2 points for 33 countries, according to our calculations. Countries with high true preferential margins are primarily Sub-Saharan and Caribbean countries. True preferential margins are less varied in nonagricultural products, with a maximum of 8.6 points for the Seychelles, but they are significant for large numbers of countries: 103 countries exhibit a true average preferential margin above 1 percentage point; 57 a true margin higher than 2 percentage points. The countries exhibiting the largest true preferential margins are those that benefit from important preferential arrangements and that are specialized in exporting textiles and apparel--although, as already noted, this specialization is likely to be at least partly endogenous. This important role of textiles and apparel explains why several South Asian countries are among those exhibiting the high- est margin in industrial products. Many developing countries export only a few, highly specialized products, and that lack of diversification is often interpreted as an economic weakness. Dur- ing the Doha Round, LDCs voiced their concern that countries with highly con- centrated exports would be especially vulnerable to preference erosion. A few products appear to be the source of this concern: bananas, sugar, meat, vegetables and fruits, and textiles and apparel. Table 6.3 reports the true average preferential margin for each of these products for those developing countries belonging to WTO that display the highest preferential margins in agriculture. Importantly, this average is calculated (as above) using trade flows from the exporter to the reference group of the importer, thus minimizing the extent of the endogeneity bias (linked to the influence of applied tariffs on the level of bilateral exports), which is likely to be sizable for such highly protected products.12 The table shows Is Erosion of Tariff Preferences a Serious Concern? 173 TABLE 6.3 Average True Preferential Margin by Country, by Sector and Commodity (percent) By sector By commodity Agricul- Indus- Vegetables, Textiles, Country ture try Sugar Meat Banana fruit apparel Other Lesotho 24.9 6.9 -6.0 47.4 -7.2 8.2 5.2 4.6 Aruba 24.6 1.1 52.9 -7.4 -7.2 -5.0 -1.4 1.2 Gambia,The 15.9 2.5 -11.6 -8.6 -7.2 -0.5 0.0 14.5 St. Vincent 10.2 1.5 -11.6 -9.2 13.6 -2.9 -1.6 2.6 Uruguay 9.7 2.3 -5.2 13.6 -2.5 0.3 0.8 6.1 Yugoslavia, 8.5 1.3 78.5 -8.1 -7.1 -1.0 1.6 1.2 former St. Lucia 8.0 2.2 -11.6 -1.7 13.8 6.0 3.6 0.2 Guyana 7.6 1.5 -3.1 -8.5 9.5 1.2 4.2 4.1 Suriname 7.6 2.0 16.0 -8.6 11.6 2.4 1.4 1.5 Turkmenistan 7.5 0.1 -11.4 -9.2 -7.2 -4.5 -1.5 0.1 VirginIslands 6.8 0.4 15.7 -8.5 14.9 -1.7 0.1 -0.3 Mali 6.4 0.7 -5.3 -6.4 -7.2 1.2 0.4 9.8 Burkina Faso 5.9 0.9 12.4 -8.0 -5.4 1.3 -0.4 9.5 Benin 5.3 1.1 -8.3 8.3 -7.2 -3.6 -0.8 11.4 Dominica 5.1 0.8 -11.6 -2.0 11.8 -2.8 2.6 -0.1 Malawi 4.9 3.0 -5.1 -8.4 -7.2 11.1 1.4 11.6 Kiribati 4.8 1.7 -11.6 -9.2 -7.2 -4.6 2.2 0.7 Kazakhstan 4.0 0.2 11.3 -8.9 -6.5 -2.9 0.1 -0.0 Vanuatu 3.9 0.9 -11.6 53.1 -7.2 31.2 2.8 0.3 Argentina 3.8 0.6 -5.9 2.8 -6.4 -0.6 -1.2 4.5 Belize 3.8 3.7 -2.9 -7.6 13.9 -0.4 3.9 4.1 Sudan 3.3 0.6 -4.3 -7.8 -6.4 -2.2 -0.6 1.1 Iraq 3.0 -0.0 -0.8 -0.6 -4.9 -2.4 -0.1 -1.0 Saudi Arabia 2.9 0.1 0.5 -0.5 -7.2 -0.2 -1.0 -0.9 Togo 2.7 0.9 -9.5 -2.8 -7.2 2.8 6.2 3.0 Andorra 2.4 1.4 51.6 9.7 -7.2 3.0 1.8 0.3 Turks and 2.3 3.0 -11.6 -9.2 -7.2 -4.6 2.1 2.9 Caicos Croatia 2.0 1.8 61.3 -5.5 14.9 0.5 2.9 0.6 Dominican Republic 2.0 4.2 -4.6 -8.7 14.1 2.0 3.9 2.0 Eritrea 1.9 1.5 -11.6 9.5 -7.2 4.1 -0.2 1.2 Zimbabwe 1.8 1.8 -1.1 -3.4 1.0 0.7 1.7 4.7 Botswana 1.7 0.9 -7.1 2.0 -7.2 -2.6 1.8 -0.5 Bolivia 1.5 0.9 8.6 -8.6 -0.2 -2.7 1.8 2.3 Egypt, Arab 1.3 2.2 -9.7 -7.2 -4.6 0.7 2.6 1.7 Rep. of Jamaica 1.2 2.5 -3.4 -5.0 14.5 2.4 3.8 1.8 Source: Authors' calculations, based on MAcMap-HS6 Version 1. Note: Countries are ranked by decreasing order of initial true preference margin in agriculture. The commodity figures are computed in the same way as indicated above for true preference margins by large sector: average preferential margin for the country (that is, the average across markets and products concerned of MFN duty minus the applied duty faced by the country), minus world average preferential margin for the products concerned. 174 Agricultural Trade Reform and the Doha Development Agenda that preferential margins are also highly concentrated, as Alexandraki and Lankes (2004), among others, have already emphasized. For most countries exhibiting a significant true preferential margin, one single (group of) products turns out to be the source of this preferential margin: meat products for Lesotho, Uruguay, and Vanuatu; sugar for Aruba, Croatia, Suriname, and the former Yugoslavia; bananas for several Caribbean countries. With exports concentrated on a small number of products, on which their preferential margin is especially high, these countries are likely to be very vulnerable to the erosion of preferences. Assessing the Interaction of Preferences and Multilateral Liberalization Multilateral liberalization, as it is conducted under the aegis of the WTO, can lead to an erosion of preferences. Tariff formulas are applied to cut bound tariffs, which are greater than or equal to MFN applied tariffs, which are greater than or equal to preferential tariffs. The preferential tariffs are set either as a fixed propor- tion of the MFN applied duty (the most frequent case) or as a lower duty inde- pendent of the MFN rate. When bound duties are reduced, several implications for developing countries benefiting from trade preferences may arise: · The MFN applied duty may not be changed, in which case market access and preferential margins are not affected; · The MFN tariff may be reduced, so if the preferential tariff is a fixed proportion of the MFN duty, then market access is improved for developing countries, but their preferential margin is reduced, leading to more competition from MFN duty-paying countries; or · The preferential tariff is independent of the MFN duty (it might be zero), in which case market access is not improved for preference-receiving developing countries and their preferential margin is eroded. The magnitude of the erosion may depend on the tariff-cutting formula adopted. Following the approach taken by Jean, Laborde, and Martin (2006), we simulate the impacts on preference margins of two liberalizing scenarios. Scenario 1 is a tiered tariff-cutting formula in agriculture and a 50 percent cut in industrial tariffs.13 Scenario 2 adds a sensitive products clause, which allows 2 percent of tariff lines to be reduced by only 15 percent. In most cases, the impact of scenario 1 on the true preferential margin is spec- tacular in agriculture: among the 12 countries with an initial preference margin higher than 6 points, only 4 end up with a margin higher than 3 points after the tariff-cutting formula is applied (table 6.4). The results are varied across countries, Is Erosion of Tariff Preferences a Serious Concern? 175 TABLE 6.4 Simulation of the Impact of a Proportional Cut in Bound Duties under Scenarios 1 and 2 Initial true margin Scenario 1 Scenario 2 Country Farm Nonfarm Farm Nonfarm Farm Nonfarm Lesotho 24.9 6.9 3.2 5.3 7.7 6.3 Aruba 24.6 1.1 -3.3 -0.5 21.2 0.5 Gambia, The 15.9 2.5 2.1 1.0 2.1 2.0 St. Vincent 10.2 1.5 1.8 -0.1 8.1 0.9 Uruguay 9.7 2.3 2.6 0.7 6.4 1.7 Yugoslavia, 8.5 1.3 -3.3 -1.2 2.0 -0.2 former St. Lucia 8.0 2.2 -1.1 0.6 6.8 1.6 Guyana 7.6 1.5 -0.7 -0.1 1.3 1.0 Suriname 7.6 2.0 3.9 0.5 13.3 1.6 Turkmenistan 7.5 0.1 3.1 -3.2 2.5 -2.1 Virgin Islands 6.8 0.4 1.5 -1.8 3.1 -0.8 Mali 6.4 0.7 3.1 -0.9 2.4 0.1 Burkina Faso 5.9 0.9 2.6 -0.8 1.9 0.3 Benin 5.3 1.1 2.6 -0.5 2.0 0.5 Dominica 5.1 0.8 -0.9 -0.8 5.1 0.2 Malawi 4.9 3.0 3.6 1.3 2.6 2.4 Kiribati 4.8 1.6 0.5 -0.8 1.0 0.2 Kazakhstan 4.0 0.2 -3.3 -1.5 -1.1 -0.5 Vanuatu 3.9 0.9 0.6 -1.1 3.8 0.0 Argentina 3.8 0.6 1.7 -1.1 1.4 0.0 Belize 3.8 3.7 0.3 2.3 2.6 3.3 Sudan 3.3 0.6 -2.7 -1.4 -2.1 -0.3 Iraq 3.0 -0.1 -6.1 -1.7 -3.2 -0.7 Saudi Arabia 2.9 0.1 -12.8 -1.6 -12.5 -0.6 Togo 2.7 0.9 2.0 -0.7 1.3 0.3 Andorra 2.4 1.4 -0.6 -0.1 3.5 0.9 Turks and Caicos 2.3 3.0 -6.1 1.4 5.0 2.5 Croatia 2.0 1.8 1.5 0.1 3.2 1.1 Dominican 2.0 4.2 1.5 2.6 2.1 3.7 Republic Eritrea 1.9 1.5 -3.1 -0.1 0.5 0.9 Zimbabwe 1.8 1.8 2.2 0.2 1.6 1.2 Botswana 1.7 0.9 1.0 -0.7 2.1 0.3 Bolivia 1.5 0.9 -0.5 -0.7 -1.2 0.3 Egypt, Arab 1.3 2.2 1.2 0.6 0.5 1.6 Rep. of Jamaica 1.2 2.5 0.1 1.0 0.6 2.0 Source: Authors' calculations based on MAcMap-HS6 Version 1. Note: Countries are ranked by decreasing true preference margin. Only countries with a true preference margin higher than 1 percent are shown in agriculture (1.5 percent for industry). See text for explanation of scenarios. 176 Agricultural Trade Reform and the Doha Development Agenda but in most cases, the preferential margin is largely swept out in this scenario. Scenario 2 leads to very different results in some cases, with preference margins essentially preserved (see, for example, Aruba, St. Vincent and the Grenadines, or St. Lucia). In other cases, the results are broadly comparable to those under scenario 1. This suggests that products identified as sensitive are the main source of the prefer- ence margin for a number of countries, but not for all. That is because sensitive products are frequently excluded from preferential agreements and because prefer- ences for such products are frequently tied to quantitative limitations. TRQ Rents and Their Erosion Lower tariff duties are not the only type of trade preferences. In many instances (particularly for the most sensitive products), they are granted through preferen- tial tariff rate quotas. In such cases, the benefit of a reduced (frequently to zero) tariff within a quota is limited either to a given country or to a set of preference- receiving countries. As soon as such preferential TRQs are filled, they give rise to rents, since the quantitative limitation on sales at the in-quota tariff is binding. These rents are not necessarily wholly captured by the exporter (see de Gorter and Kliauga 2006 for a detailed discussion). Still, exporters generally earn a substantial part of these rents, and this benefit often represents an important share of the benefit countries are able to reap from their preferential access. Table 6.5, based on Bou¨et and others (2005b), displays the magnitude of these rents, for those developing countries for which they represented more than 0.15 percent of gross domestic product (GDP) in 2001. The methodology used to assess TRQ rents can be summarized as follows (for details, see Bou¨et and others 2005b). The rent is assumed to be zero when the fill rate of the TRQ (restricted to the partners the quota is allocated to, if applicable) is below 90 percent.14 The calculation is based on the shadow tariff, defined as the ad valorem tariff that would lead to the same level of imports as is observed under the tariff rate quota. This shadow tariff is computed as a simple arithmetic average of the in-quota and the out-of-quota tariff rates when the fill rate lies between 90 and 99 percent, based on the assumption that the quota is binding, but that the out-of-quota tariff rate is prohibitive. As soon as the fill rate is higher than 99 percent, the shadow tariff is assumed to be equal to the out-of- quota tariff rate. For each HS-6 product concerned, the quota rent is then computed as follows: rent = Min uv × q × SR - IQTR 1+ IQTR , tradev ×SR - IQTR 1+ SSR where uv refers to the unit value, q to the quota allocated to the line, tradev to the trade value, SR to the shadow tariff rate, and IQTR to the in-quota tariff rate. Is Erosion of Tariff Preferences a Serious Concern? 177 TABLE 6.5 TRQ Rents Received by Developing Country, in 2001 and after Scenarios 1 and 2 TRQ rents received (as % of GDP) 2001 Country (US$ millions) 2001 Scenario 1 Scenario 2 Guyana 59.8 8.28 3.28 7.89 Fiji 51.4 3.26 1.27 3.09 Mauritius 125.8 2.89 1.37 2.68 Belize 20.5 2.40 1.09 2.32 Ecuador 267.3 1.60 0.72 1.55 Panama 143.1 1.44 0.67 1.40 Costa Rica 228.2 1.37 0.63 1.33 St. Kitts and Nevis 4.1 1.26 0.59 1.16 Malawi 17.3 0.99 0.62 0.92 Jamaica 51.3 0.68 0.29 0.65 St. Vincent 2.3 0.67 0.48 0.67 Swaziland 6.0 0.52 0.21 0.49 Barbados 13.5 0.52 0.19 0.49 Honduras 31.7 0.50 0.26 0.48 Dominica 1.3 0.47 0.34 0.47 St. Lucia 3.3 0.46 0.33 0.46 Nicaragua 8.3 0.33 0.21 0.32 Zimbabwe 30.6 0.33 0.22 0.32 Suriname 2.3 0.26 0.21 0.26 Colombia 199.0 0.25 0.12 0.24 Côte d'Ivoire 23.3 0.25 0.16 0.24 Zambia 7.6 0.24 0.18 0.23 Dominican Republic 50.4 0.22 0.17 0.22 Cameroon 17.4 0.20 0.15 0.20 Trinidad and Tobago 14.5 0.18 0.09 0.16 Guatemala 30.0 0.15 0.08 0.14 Source: Authors' calculations, based on MAcMap-HS6 Version 1. Note: Developing countries only, ranked by decreasing order of rents received in 2001 as a percentage of gross domestic product (GDP), and limited to countries for which this value is higher than 0.15 percent. See text for explanation of scenarios. Assessed rents are as high as 8.3 percent of GDP in Guyana, 3.3 percent in Fiji, 2.9 percent in Mauritius, and 2.4 percent in Belize, suggesting that quota rents are important for these countries. Several other countries were earning rents in 2001 amounting to more than 1 percent of GDP, and another six countries were earn- ing rents higher than 0.5 percent of GDP. Countries earning substantial rents as a 178 Agricultural Trade Reform and the Doha Development Agenda share of GDP are mainly Sub-Saharan and Caribbean countries, but Central American countries are also strongly represented in table 6.5. To assess how multilateral liberalization is likely to change the magnitude of these rents, the same calculations were carried out for scenarios 1 and 2, described earlier. For this exercise, we assumed that in-quota tariff rates and fill rates remained unchanged. This is a crude proxy, but because it is unclear how in-quota tariff rates will be liberalized, it is difficult to evaluate how liberalization will change fill rates.15 These calculations suggest that applying scenario 1 would strongly erode the value of TRQ rents; in most cases the rents are more than halved. Such a reduction would represent a sizable shock, even at a macroeconomic level, especially for those countries with the highest rents. Although it is questionable whether TRQ rents are effectively used in many cases, such a sudden fall would cer- tainly involve significant adjustment cost for the economies concerned. Scenario 2 presents a striking contrast: as soon as sensitive products are granted flexible treat- ment, multilateral liberalization does not entail such strong drops in TRQ rents. This result illustrates the well-known fact that TRQs generally apply to highly sen- sitive products. Exempting such products from substantial liberalization would thus largely maintain these rents. Assumptions of CGE Simulations The purpose of this section is to see how taking preferences into account modifies our conclusions regarding the expected benefits of trade liberalization, and how countries are affected differently as a result of the inclusion of preferences and their erosion. We draw on Bouët and others (2005a) and make use of the same model, which is an adapted version of the MIRAGE CGE model, to include more explicit modeling of agricultural policies. A number of liberalization scenarios, which correspond to plausible outcomes of the negotiations on market access in agriculture, are considered by simulating their consequences with and without preferences taken into account. Liberalization is limited to the agricultural sector in this exercise. Accordingly, tariffs on nonagricultural merchandise are not liber- alized, nor is trade in services. Distortions such as export subsidies or domestic support also are not reduced. TRQs are explicitly modeled (and we assume that their rents accrue entirely to the exporters). The assessed impact of eroded prefer- ences thus takes into account both the decrease in the tariff preference margin and the fall in TRQ rents. Our baseline incorporates the most recent developments in the agricultural sector: the implementation of the EU's 2000 Agenda, the recent (partial) decou- pling introduced into European policy, and the 2002 U.S. farm bill. The 2001 pro- tection data were also amended to take into account the addition of 10 members Is Erosion of Tariff Preferences a Serious Concern? 179 to the EU (by freeing trade between the old and new members and replacing the new members' external tariff structure with the existing EU structure) and the accession of China to the WTO. To assess the specific impact of preferences on multilateral liberalization, sce- narios 1 and 2 are each modeled twice: with preferences and without preferences, meaning that preferential agreements are ignored when measuring initial protec- tion in the model (except for a handful of large free trade agreements between developed countries), such that applied rates are assumed to be equal to MFN rates. This alternative dataset is introduced as a change in the initial dataset, not as a shock.16 The liberalization is modeled with the MIRAGE-AG model (see Bchir and others 2002 for the base model and Bouët and others 2004a for the model devoted to the analysis of agricultural liberalization). The regional and sectoral breakdowns are reported in table 6.6. Results of CGE Simulations Do preferences matter? The simulation results in table 6.7, where overall results at the world level are considered for our two scenarios, show that the answer is defin- itively yes. The simulated increase in world agricultural exports associated with the tiered formula (scenario 1) is 14 percent when preferences are taken into account, but 21 percent when neglecting preferences. The difference in the effect on world welfare is not quite as large but still sizable. Not surprisingly (given the results reported in Jean, Laborde, and Martin 2006), exempting sensitive products from tariff cuts (scenario 2) has a much more limited impact on world agricultural exports and welfare. But the impact of including preferences is even higher in scenario 2 than in scenario 1: if preferences were neglected, the estimated increase in exports would be twice as large and the impact on welfare three times as large. Overvaluation of the impact of trade liberalization when preferences are not taken into account translates into larger estimated impacts of liberalization on world prices. Since we are mostly interested in developing countries, we show only the expected changes in international prices faced by these countries. They are much lower than those generally reported using models that do not account for preferences, averaging no more than 2 percent in scenario 1 and even less in scenario 2 (table 6.8). The impact under scenario 1 is most pronounced for sugar, meat, oilseeds, and cereals. When sensitive products are excluded from the tariff cuts (scenario 2), the effect is greatest on wheat, while rice is one of the less- affected products. Results also vary across regions. For the first, more ambitious, trade liberaliza- tion scenario, table 6.9 shows that Argentina, Brazil, CairnsAsia, SADC (Southern 180 Agricultural Trade Reform and the Doha Development Agenda TABLE 6.6 Sectoral and Geographical Breakdown in the Simulation Exercise Sector Counterparts in GTAP Rice Paddy rice, processed rice Wheat Wheat Cereals Cereal grains nec VegFruits Vegetables, fruit, nuts Oilseeds Oilseeds Sugar Sugar cane, sugar beet, sugar Fibers Plant-based fibers OthAgr Crops nec, animal products nec; wool, silk-worm cocoons Meat Cattle, sheep, goat, horses; meat: cattle, sheep, goat, horse; meat products nec Milk Raw milk, dairy products Fats Vegetable oils and fats Food Food products nec, beverages and tobacco products Clothing Wearing apparel, leather products AgrInputs Chemical,rubber,plasticproducts;machineryandequipmentnec Other Forestry; fishing; coal; oil; gas; minerals nec; textiles; wood products; paper products, publishing; petroleum, coal products; mineral products nec; ferrous metals; metals nec; metal products; motor vehicles and parts; transport equipment nec; electronic equipment; manufactures nec TrT Trade; transport nec; sea transport; air transport OthSer Electricity; gas manufacture, distribution; water; construction; communication; financial services nec; insurance; business services nec; recreation and other services; public administration/defense/health/education; dwellings Note: nec = not elsewhere classified. African Development Community), and South Africa would enjoy significant welfare gains and positive changes in the returns to land. (In contrast, the factor price change is negative in Canada, European Free Trade Agreement [EFTA], the EU, Japan, and the Republic of Korea.) Including preferences in the exercise reduces the positive impacts of agricultural trade liberalization for most regions, but especially for CairnsAsia and SADC. Sub-Saharan African (SSA) countries excluding SADC, however, sustain losses when preferences are taken into account, but not when they are assumed not to exist. Table 6.10 provides more detailed results for SSA countries excluding SADC. In scenario 1, their export volume increases by 0.5 percent when preferences are not taken into account, but decreases by 3.9 percent when preferences are included. Is Erosion of Tariff Preferences a Serious Concern? 181 Geographical Breakdown 1. ANZCERTA: Australia, New Zealand 2. Bangladesh 3. BraArg: Brazil, Argentina 4. CairnsAsia: Indonesia, Malaysia, Philippines, Thailand 5. Canada 6. CentrAmCar: Central America, Rest of FTAA, rest of Caribbean 7. China 8. DdAsia: Rest of developed Asia--Hong Kong (China), Singapore, Taiwan (China) 9. EU25: European Union--25 countries 10. EFTA: Iceland, Norway, Switzerland 11. India 12. Japan 13. Korea, Rep. of 14. MorTun: Morocco, Tunisia 15. OthLatAm: Other Latin America (Chile, Colombia, Mexico, Peru, Uruguay, R.B. Venezuela, rest of Andean Pact, rest of South America) 16. Row: Rest of the world (Albania, Bulgaria, Croatia, Romania, Russian Federa- tion, Sri Lanka, Vietnam, rest of former Soviet Union, rest of East Asia, rest of Oceania, rest of Southeast Asia, rest of South Asia, rest of Middle East, rest of North Africa, rest of North America) 17. SADCxSA: South African Development Community except South Africa 18. SouthAf: South Africa 19. SSAxSADC: Sub-Saharan Africa except SADC 20. Turkey 21. US: United States Source: Authors. Agricultural imports are boosted in both scenarios, however, leading to an overall reduction in agrofood production in these countries. The magnitude of these effects is large enough to lead to a depreciation of the real exchange rate and a decline in unskilled wages when preferences are included. The returns to land are depressed too, but less in scenario 1 than in scenario 2. Overall welfare changes very little in both scenarios but is slightly positive if preferences are ignored and slightly negative when they are taken into account. Utilization of Preferences So far, we have taken for granted that exporters fully used statutory trade prefer- ences without restriction or any cost. In reality, however, that may not be the case, since benefiting from a preferential scheme requires complying with several 182 Agricultural Trade Reform and the Doha Development Agenda TABLE 6.7 Simulated Impact of Two Alternative Agricultural Tariff Cut Scenarios on World Trade and Welfare (percent change) Including Excluding preferences preferences Ratio Scenario (a) (b) (a)/(b) Scenario 1 World trade 0.80 1.22 1.5 World agricultural exports 13.59 21.08 1.6 World welfare 0.14 0.18 1.3 Scenario 2 World trade 0.25 0.49 2.0 World agricultural exports 4.21 8.72 2.1 World welfare 0.02 0.06 3.0 Ratio (2)/(1) World trade 0.30 0.40 World agricultural exports 0.30 0.40 World welfare 0.10 0.30 Source: Authors' MIRAGE-Agr model simulation results. Note: See text for explanation of scenarios. requirements: purely administrative issues, technical requirements that may be attached to the benefit of the scheme, other specific conditions, and most of all rules of origin (ROOs). A priori, there is no reason to contest the legitimacy of these conditions attached to the benefit of preferential schemes. ROOs are of special importance. They are justified by the need to avoid trade deflection, that is, reexports through the preference-receiving country of goods essentially produced in a third country. ROOs prevent misuses of preference schemes, arguably reinforcing the benefit of the scheme for the preference-receiv- ing country to the extent that they create an incentive for third countries to invest in the preference-receiving country in order to benefit from preferential market access. There can be a direct cost associated with meeting the ROOs, however. Required administrative paperwork is potentially cumbersome and costly if it requires operating a parallel accounting system differing in definition, scope, and concept from the system imposed by domestic legal requirements.17 ROOs also constrain the sourcing of intermediate inputs. These costs have been the subject of close scrutiny, because of the widespread suspicion that requirements associated with preferential agreements, and especially ROOs, are used as protective measures that undermine the benefit of preferential access (Krishna and Krueger 1995; Is Erosion of Tariff Preferences a Serious Concern? 183 TABLE 6.8 Simulated Impact of Two Alternative Agricultural Tariff Cut Scenarios on International Prices of Developing-Country Exports (percent change) Scenario 1 Scenario 2 Including Excluding Including Excluding Export preferences preferences preferences preferences Cereals 1.1 1.85 0.31 0.75 Fats 0.77 1.14 0.21 0.44 Fibers 0.38 0.79 0.08 0.29 Food 0.54 0.9 0.13 0.36 Meat 1.39 2.07 0.33 0.61 Milk 0.63 1.18 0.19 0.68 Oilseeds 1.31 2 0.32 0.56 OthAgr 0.67 1.34 0.2 0.52 Other 0.42 0.67 0.1 0.28 Rice 0.99 1.33 0.19 0.51 Sugar 1.5 2.12 0.36 0.72 VegFruits 0.89 1.46 0.19 0.57 Wheat 0.79 1.27 0.51 1.99 Clothing 0.41 0.68 0.09 0.3 AgrInputs 0.43 0.69 0.11 0.29 OthSer 0.48 0.76 0.12 0.31 TrT 0.45 0.73 0.11 0.32 Source: Authors' MIRAGE-Agr model simulation results. Note: See text for explanation of scenarios. Falvey and Reed 1998, 2002). It has also been argued that ROOs are sometimes used as export subsidies, insofar as restrictive rules can create an incentive for the preference-receiving country to buy its inputs from the preference-granting coun- try (Cadot, Estevadeordal, and Suwa-Eisenmann 2004). In practice, the magnitude of these costs is difficult to assess. Based on indirect evidence, several studies estimate the administrative compliance costs of prefer- ential schemes to be between 1 and 5 percent of the value of exports (Herin 1986; Anson and others 2004), depending on the precise nature of the requirements and on the technical capacity of exporters to comply with them. Nonadministra- tive costs, linked in particular to the constraint on sourcing imposed by ROOs, vary even more across products and countries. They depend in particular on the possibilities for splitting the value-added chain for the product among countries and on whether the agreement includes low-cost input suppliers. In addition, several different types of ROOs are used (Estevadeordal and Suominen 2003), 184 Agricultural Trade Reform and the Doha Development Agenda TABLE 6.9 Simulated Impact of Scenario 1 on Welfare, Terms of Trade, and Returns to Land, by Region (percent change) Welfare Terms of trade Returns to land Including Excluding Including Excluding Including Excluding Region preferences preferences preferences preferences preferences preferences ANZCERTA 0.06 0.23 1.04 2.28 9.25 8.83 Bangladesh -0.04 -0.05 -0.02 0.01 0.04 0.04 BraArg 0.10 0.16 1.22 1.75 0.20 0.32 CairnsAsia 0.29 0.48 0.18 0.28 0.67 1.01 Canada 0.19 0.74 -0.07 -0.22 -0.23 -1.75 CentrAmCar -0.09 -0.05 0.39 0.65 1.13 1.30 China 0.06 0.09 0.12 0.24 0.03 0.47 DdAsia -0.01 0.01 -0.03 -0.02 -1.06 2.45 EFTA 0.50 2.07 -0.06 -0.23 -2.30 -3.37 EU25 0.16 0.21 -0.20 -0.33 -0.65 -0.92 India 0.09 0.10 0.34 0.39 1.49 1.26 Japan 1.08 1.37 -0.34 -0.50 -13.67 -19.19 Korea,Rep.of 1.95 2.13 -0.22 -0.31 -5.64 -4.23 MorTun 1.20 1.59 -0.14 0.04 -0.13 -1.28 OthLatAm 0.04 0.08 0.14 0.33 -0.12 0.07 RoW 0.09 0.11 0.09 0.18 -0.67 -0.71 SADCxSA 0.13 0.42 0.86 1.67 1.49 1.71 SouthAf 0.12 0.20 0.15 0.34 1.00 5.50 SSAxSADC -0.02 0.00 -0.03 0.17 -0.16 -0.37 Turkey 0.10 0.15 0.15 0.40 -0.13 0.37 United States -0.02 -0.02 0.05 -0.02 2.22 1.86 Source: Authors' MIRAGE-Agr model simulation results. Note: See text for explanation of scenario 1. See table 6.6 for geographical breakdown. the restrictiveness of which differs widely. Based on the detailed work undertaken by Estevadeordal (2000), several studies have focused on the North American Free Trade Agreement and have found that ROOs hamper Mexican exports to the United States, particularly in the automotive and textile-clothing sector (Cadot and others 2002; Anson and others 2004). Their cost varies with the nature of the rule, but the whole cost seems to be close to the preferential margin itself, suggesting that the value of the agreement would be very low for Mexican exporters. Studying free trade agreements between the EU and Central European partners, Brenton and Manchin (2003) conclude that the rules associated with the agreements preclude Is Erosion of Tariff Preferences a Serious Concern? 185 TABLE 6.10 Detailed Impact of Two Tariff-Cutting Scenarios on Selected Sub-Saharan Countries (percent change) Scenario 1 Scenario 2 Including Excluding Including Excluding Indicator affected preferences preferences preferences preferences Agricultural exports -3.90 0.58 -1.36 0.16 (volume) Agricultural imports 2.01 3.17 0.26 0.53 (volume) Agricultural real wages -0.35 0.19 -0.09 0.06 Agro-food production -0.57 -0.29 -0.16 0.00 Agro-food production 0.05 0.57 0.01 0.24 price Exports (volume) 0.08 0.61 -0.02 0.16 GDP (volume) 0.01 0.01 0.00 0.00 Imports (volume) -0.05 0.29 -0.04 0.06 Nonagricultural unskilled -0.04 0.09 -0.02 0.04 real wages Real effective exchange -0.03 0.21 -0.01 0.09 rate Real return to capital 0.14 0.09 0.03 0.05 Real return to land -0.16 -0.37 -0.07 -0.15 Real return to natural 0.64 0.34 0.16 0.10 resources Skilled real wages 0.05 -0.01 0.00 0.03 Terms of trade -0.03 0.17 -0.02 0.07 Unskilled real wages -0.24 0.15 -0.07 0.05 Welfare -0.02 0.00 -0.01 0.01 Source: Authors' MIRAGE-Agr model simulation results. Note: See text for explanation of scenarios. exporters from reaping any substantial benefit, as evidenced by the very low use of these agreements.18 Nonreciprocal preferences face the same kind of issues, but not necessarily the same results because of differences in rules applied, in product specialization, and in income levels of the exporters. Reporting that the EBA initiative was very underused by LDC exporters to the EU in 2001, Brenton (2003) casts doubts on the actual benefit of this preferential scheme and points to the stringency of rules of origin as the main culprit. Subramanian, Mattoo, and Roy (2002) make a similar point about AGOA, showing that rules of origin, in particular, strongly undermine 186 Agricultural Trade Reform and the Doha Development Agenda the "generosity" of this agreement. These findings of a poor utilization rate, not only for both EBA and AGOA but also for the GSP scheme, have been confirmed and qualified by Inama (2003). However, studying the utilization of various preferential schemes individually may be misleading. Candau, Fontagné, and Jean (2004) and OECD (2004) emphasize the problem of "competing preferences": when a country is eligible for several preferential schemes (and this is the case with numerous developing countries, with preferential access to the EU or the U.S. market), underuse of a given scheme can merely mean that another scheme is judged more interesting by the exporter. In this case, underutilization may not be a problem, since the exporter still enjoys the benefit of preferential market, although the preference margin available under the chosen scheme may be lower than under the one with more restrictive rules. Typically, the very low utilization rate of EBA among ACP LDCs (3 percent on average for all products in 2001, according to Candau, Fontagné, and Jean 2004) simply means that exporters prefer to use the preferen- tial access offered through the Cotonou Agreement, which has existed for a long time and has less-restrictive rules.19 When due account is taken of these overlapping preference schemes, preferences appear to have been well utilized in agricultural products, at around 90 percent. Wainio and Gibson's (2004) analysis of U.S. nonreciprocal preferential regimes for agricultural products confirms this finding. In summarizing four case studies carried out in Botswana, Kenya, Lesotho, and Mauritius, Stevens and Kennan (2004) also report that very few exports from these countries to the EU (1­6 percent) do not benefit from any preference (or from zero MFN duty). As they conclude, it is "inherently implausible that for the countries and products studied, preferences have not been well utilized," given the magnitude of preferential margins, and the place they take in the long-standing export structure of these countries. In addition, Stevens and Kennan report that their detailed analysis does not show product coverage significantly limiting the benefit of the Cotonou Agreement (except for quantitative limitations linked to preferential tariff quotas). Indeed, no significant exports are made to the EU, nor to markets in Canada, Japan, or the United States, for products for which preferences were not available (Stevens and Kennan 2004, 8). The average figures given by Candau, Fontagné, and Jean (2004) summarize the resulting effects on market access barriers: for raw agricultural products in 2001, the lowest duty available to Sub-Saharan countries (assuming perfect utilization of preferences) was zero for LDCs and 0.4 percent for non-LDCs and the average duty actually faced was 0.8 percent in both cases; for food products, the lowest duty avail- able averaged 4.9 percent for LDCs and 12.6 percent for non-LDCs, while the average duty faced was respectively 5.4 percent for LDCs and 13.8 percent for non-LDCs.20 Is Erosion of Tariff Preferences a Serious Concern? 187 Introducing preferences more explicitly in the CGE simulations allows a quan- titative assessment of the impact concerning the erosion of preferences. Although existing data do not raise any particular technical problem, we feel that they fall short of paving the way for a complete and detailed analysis, mainly because of incomplete geographical coverage. More important, the results show that taking underutilization of preferences into account changes only marginally the broader effect caused by the erosion of preferences in agricultural products. Nevertheless, it is worth emphasizing that this conclusion is not true outside agriculture. Here the main concern is textiles and clothing, both because a deep international division of labor takes place in this industry and because it is the main industrial sector for which poor countries have a significant export potential. It is also an industry where lobbies have played a significant role in recent decades. As a result, the arguments about the use of ROOs as protective instruments are fully applicable. The use of preferences in textiles and clothing is as low as 35 percent under AGOA (Inama 2003), and Brenton (2003) and Inama (2003) point to the low utilization rate of the EU's EBA preferences in textiles and clothing, even by non-ACP countries. (In particular, Bangladesh uses this scheme for only about half its exports in the sector, and Cambodia hardly makes any use of it). Candau, Fontagné, and Jean (2004) confirm this finding but also show that the problem of underusage of preferences in textiles and clothing is limited to the GSP scheme and does not, for instance, extend to the Cotonou Agreement, although this agree- ment fully covers the sector. Still, the problem is important, especially for the EBA Initiative, where preferential margins are rather large. According to calculations by Candau, Fontagné, and Jean (2004), the average duty rate faced by non-ACP LDCs exporters in textiles and clothing is 5.2 percent, even thought they are eligi- ble for duty-free access. As far as textiles and clothing are concerned, underuse of preferential schemes is thus widespread. All authors agree in pointing out the prominent role of stringent ROOs as the overwhelming cause for this underusage, thus suggesting that even exports benefiting from preferential access might suffer from the additional costs imposed by these rules. ROOs thus seem to seriously undermine the benefit that poor countries can reap from most nonreciprocal preferential agreements. Conclusions and Policy Implications It is clear that the threat of preference erosion following the Doha Round is real, insofar as trade preferences are now playing a key role in the world trading system, and in particular in the pro-poor policies undertaken by rich countries. But it is equally clear that these concerns are likely to be used by vested interests to lobby against multilateral liberalization as they try to take advantage of the convergence 188 Agricultural Trade Reform and the Doha Development Agenda of interests between poor countries' producers benefiting from rents created by preferential access to rich markets and rich countries' protected producers. The conventional response to these concerns is to assume that the erosion of preferences is a problem of limited magnitude, focused on a handful of products and on a limited number of countries (Subramanian 2003; Alexandraki and Lankes 2004). Our analysis is consistent with this view, but it suggests that the magnitude of forthcoming difficulties for poor countries has perhaps been understated. Prefer- ences can have perverse consequences, they suffer from several drawbacks, and they can be underutilized. Still, preferential schemes such as the Cotonou Agreement or the CBI are of particular importance for benefiting countries. In other words, the erosion of preferences is most of all a problem for a limited number of African and Caribbean countries, whose export specialization is largely a function of prefer- ences. Sugar, bananas, textiles and clothing, and meat products play a central role. In addition, poor countries generally have a very low adjustment capacity because of a combination of deficient capital markets, obstacles to labor mobility, the absence of safety nets, and the lack of training capacities. The adjustment costs for poor countries faced with eroded preferences may therefore be fairly high. Thus we believe the erosion of preferences to be a serious concern for poor countries (although further research is needed to determine to what extent the benefits of preferences within those countries accrue to poor households). What are the possible policy responses to this issue? The alternative should not be the status quo, not least because EU-ACP nonreciprocal preferences have been ruled incompatible with WTO rules and a WTO waiver protecting them is scheduled to expire in 2008. At that time, this nonreciprocal scheme could be replaced by recip- rocal Economic Partnership Agreements (EPAs), negotiated between the EU and regional groupings of ACP countries, as planned in the Cotonou Agreement. The perspective of eroded preferences must therefore be gauged against this back- ground, although the precise shape of EPAs is difficult to foresee.21 The possibility of granting preference-dependent countries an adjustment package has been repeatedly mentioned, including during the Cancun Ministe-´ rial Conference. The basis for such an approach was set up with the launch in April 2004 of the International Monetary Fund's Trade Integration Mechanism, designed to "assist member countries to meet balance of payments shortfalls that might result from multilateral trade liberalization."22 This new instrument is explicitly motivated by adjustments required as a result of "measures imple- mented by other countries that lead to more open market access for goods and services," which clearly includes preference erosion. 23It creates a new frame- work within which future adjustment packages could be managed, and it could be helpful to the extent that adjustment costs are likely to be substantial in sev- eral poor countries. It remains doubtful, however, whether such a temporary Is Erosion of Tariff Preferences a Serious Concern? 189 adjustment facility is a suitable answer to the permanent shock resulting from the erosion of preferences. If preferences have been of some interest to recipient countries--and, notwithstanding their drawbacks, we believe they have--then an adjustment package would not be a satisfactory answer. The record of techni- cal assistance so far has not proven to be very convincing, so other possibilities should be considered to make trade liberalization "work for the poor." In the current case, that means making sure that vulnerable countries gain elsewhere from the Doha Round. Improving market access conditions for poor countries can contribute, particularly by allowing the poorest countries duty-free, quota-free access to rich countries' markets. Easing restrictive ROOs in textile and clothing can also be of interest in this perspective, as can giving preferential schemes more predictability and stability across time.24 The benefits poor countries could reap from such measures are not clear, however. Targeted offensive initia- tives are thus also of interest. These could include the cotton initiative discussed in Sumner (2006), or a more proactive stance on Mode IV trade in services (trade where the service provider moves to the consuming region) (Winters and others 2003). The difficulties of standards and technical barriers to trade, particularly those linked to the Sanitary and Phytosanitary Agreement, also need to be acknowledged for poor countries trying to access rich-country markets. Here, a balance is very difficult to strike between legitimate collective choices and preserved opportunities for poor countries to integrate into world markets. Perhaps consideration needs to be given to a new proposal, mentioned in Anderson, Martin, and van der Mensbrugghe (2006), to reward developing-country commitments to greater trade reform with an expansion of trade-facilitating aid, to be provided by a major expansion of the current Integrated Framework, which is operated by a consortium of international agencies for least developed countries (Hoekman forthcoming). This approach may well provide an attractive path for developing countries seeking to trade their way out of poverty, as well as a poten- tially more efficient way for developed countries to assist people in low-income countries than the current systems of tariff preferences (provided of course that governments spend that additional aid on initiatives that benefit the poor). Notes 1. The G-90 is an umbrella body of the African Group, which is composed of the least developed countries, and the African, Caribbean, and Pacific (ACP) Group. It is the largest grouping of members in the WTO. 2. According to World Bank (2004), regional trade agreements cover more than 20 percent of world trade when imports subject to zero MFN tariffs are excluded. 3. Article XXIV states, "the provisions of this Agreement shall not prevent, as between the territo- ries of contracting parties, the formation of a customs union or of a free-trade area." 190 Agricultural Trade Reform and the Doha Development Agenda 4. Mercosur includes Argentina, Brazil, Paraguay, and Uruguay. 5. Resolution 21(ii), taken at the UNCTAD II conference in New Delhi in 1968, states that "the objectives of the generalised, non-reciprocal, non-discriminatory system of preferences in favour of the developing countries, including special measures in favour of the least advanced among the devel- oping countries, should be: to increase their export earnings; to promote their industrialisation; and to accelerate their rates of economic growth." The resolution was a follow-up to a proposal made in 1964 by Ra´ul Prebisch, the first secretary-general of UNCTAD. 6. See UNCTAD (2003) for an overview. 7. This Enabling Clause is the translation into GATT law of the GSP scheme, formally undertaken in 1979; it states that"notwithstanding the provisions of Article I of the General Agreement, contracting par- ties may accord differential and more favourable treatment to developing countries, without according such treatment to other contracting parties." For more on SDT as it relates to Doha, see Josling (2005). 8. The complexity also concerns exporting countries: for example, products shipped by 28 coun- tries, including Angola, Burundi, Chad, Malawi, Sierra Leone, and Solomon Islands, might be taxed under any of four alternative tariff regimes and administrative rules. This creates sizeable information costs for small exporters. 9. The unit value used in computing the ad valorem equivalent of specific tariffs also varies across reference groups. 10. The MFN AVE duty is defined as a three-dimensional variable (reporter, product, and partner) due to the calculation of the ad valorem equivalent of specific duties based on a bilateral unit value. 11. Some of the examples cited here are not reported in the table, since it includes only countries with the highest true preferential margin, in order to save space. 12. When aggregating tariffs across products, exporters, and importers, MAcMap-HS6 uses a weight- ing scheme based on trade flows between the exporter and the reference group to which the importer belongs. Reference groups gather similar countries and are determined by use of a clustering analysis. This method tends to limit the extent of the well-known endogeneity bias arising when bilateral trade flows are used as weighting schemes. For a more detailed explanation, see Bouët and others 2004b. 13. The tiered formula is directly inspired by the Harbinson proposal, but it is corrected to avoid discontinuities (see Jean, Laborde, and Martin 2006). 14. Note, however, that this is a crude approximation. In many cases, the quota is not filled because of limitations imposed by the administrative regime, not by the level of the in-quota tariff rate (see de Gorter and Kliauga 2006). Because of data limitations, we do not take this into account. 15. A priori, however, should in-quota tariff rates remain unchanged, multilateral liberalization should decrease fill rates of TRQs, since competition from out-of-quota exports would be tougher. 16. The algorithm used to make this change is intended to distort the initial dataset as little as pos- sible; in particular, we leave unchanged the international trade flows. The welfare results would not dif- fer widely if we had used an initial shock. 17. See, for example, UNCTAD (2003, 54) and Inama (2003). 18. They found that only 35 percent of Central and Eastern European countries' exports enter the EU using the lowest tariff for which they would be eligible. 19. The EBA initiative is embedded in the GSP scheme, the rules of origin of which are far more stringent than under the Cotonou Agreement. In particular, no diagonal cumulation is allowed among beneficiaries of the GSP schemes, except under a few regional agreements, while such cumulation is possible across Cotonou Agreement's beneficiaries. 20. The statistics refer only to the import regime requested by the importer; it does not make clear how customs officers treat these requests. Differentiating raw agricultural products and food products makes sense as rules of origin are supposed to have different impact on preference utilization accord- ing to the level of product transformation (UNCTAD 2003). 21. 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"Decision Adopted by the General Council on 1 August 2004" (July Framework Agreement). WT/L/579, WTO, Geneva. Part III Export Subsidies and Domestic Support 7 Removing the Exception of Agricultural Export Subsidies Bernard Hoekman and Patrick Messerlin Agricultural support policies pursued by high-income countries--domestic pro- duction and export subsidies, as well as trade barriers--hurt developing-country exporters of the affected commodities. They do so by boosting domestic production of the supported products, depressing international prices, exacerbating the volatil- ity of world prices by insulating domestic markets, and reducing the scope for con- testing markets. These policies may, however, benefit net importers of the products concerned by providing access to the subsidized commodities at lower prices. Thus, national interests regarding reform of agricultural trade and support policies may differ substantially, both across countries and within countries, depending on the pattern of production and consumption of the commodities involved. To date, the Doha Round has been similar to the Uruguay Round in placing heavy emphasis on strengthening disciplines on a specific subset of the agricultural policy mix, namely, export subsidies. Much effort has focused on obtaining agree- ment to ban export subsidies in this sector, bringing it into line with other sectors. Elimination of export subsidies was finally accepted by those World Trade Organi- zation (WTO) members that are the most intensive users of such subsidies--most notably, the European Union (EU)--in the July 2004 Framework Agreement (WTO 2004). That agreement spells out in some detail how liberalization is to occur: export subsidies are to be eliminated by a "credible" date, decreases are to be implemented in annual installments during the transition period, and an explicit link is to be made between the abolition of export subsidies and the negotiation of equivalent disciplines on other forms of export support, in particular the subsidy component of export credits, subsidies granted by state trading enterprises (STEs), 195 196 Agricultural Trade Reform and the Doha Development Agenda and food aid. Special and differential treatment for export support granted by developing countries is to be limited to a longer transition period and "special con- sideration" for poorer countries' state trading enterprises. In contrast to the specificity with which export subsidies are treated, the Framework Agreement is much vaguer when it comes to other dimensions of agricultural support policies such as market access and nonexport subsidies. It merely notes the need for "substantial improvements in market access for all products," it does not specify the formula to be used for cutting tariffs, and opens the door to many exceptions to tariff cuts by, among other things, accepting the possibility for countries to define sensitive and special products and by allowing for safeguard measures (Jean, Laborde, and Martin 2006). From an economic per- spective, the emphasis on export subsidies is somewhat puzzling in that the available evidence and analysis suggests that domestic market price supports, especially through trade restrictions (tariffs, tariff rate quotas) can be expected to have the greatest impact on world prices (Hertel and Keeney 2006). The magnitude of export subsidies is determined by the gap between domestic and world prices. Export subsidies are used when high tariffs raise the domestic price of commodities as a result of which domestic output expands. If there are also domestic production support programs, this output expansion will be greater, potentially affecting world prices through an artificially increased global supply. In principle it would be much more logical to see the elimination of export subsidies as a key consequence of reducing the gap between domestic and world prices created by border barriers and domestic support programs. Elimi- nating export support without reducing tariffs and domestic support would simply result in putting world agriculture in the situation faced by manufacturing at the dawn of the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT) in the late 1940s-- no export subsidies but high tariffs and domestic support. The abolition of export subsidies would be an achievement in itself, but from an economic perspective, it is likely to have a limited impact. How large the impact would be is of course an empirical matter, as is the incidence of the associated benefits and costs. In this chapter we do not undertake a quantitative assessment but instead review the available information on the magnitude of export subsidies, the prod- ucts that are subsidized, and the countries that are affected. The first section doc- uments the trend in export subsidies in the world since the end of the Uruguay Round. The available information provides some evidence of a noticeable decline of export subsidies since 2000, as well as an interest on the part of middle-income and emerging market economies to be able to use export subsidies as well. The second section focuses on the use of export subsidies by the EU, given that the EU is the WTO member that dominates in this area. The data reveal that the use of export subsidies has declined significantly since 2000, suggesting that the EU may Removing the Exception of Agricultural Export Subsidies 197 be selling a rapidly depreciating "asset." The third section summarizes the available evidence on the other forms of export support (export credits, STEs, and food aid) before some conclusions are presented. Export Subsidies: On a Declining Path? The Uruguay Round Agreement on Agriculture (URAA) allows 25 WTO mem- bers to subsidize exports, but only for products for which they have made URAA "commitments" (in WTO parlance) regarding the maximum value and quantities of farm exports that can be subsidized. In other words, commitments establish the limits on members' capacity to subsidize their farm exports. Other WTO members may not subsidize agriculture (or any other) exports at all. In the case of developing countries, subsidies are, however, allowed for certain inputs. Article 9.4 of the URAA permits developing countries to pay subsidies for internal trans- port and for marketing during the Uruguay Round implementation period. The July Framework envisages continuation of Article 9.4 "for a reasonable period." Indirectly, therefore, developing countries will continue to be allowed to support exports insofar as the commodities involved are exported. An Aggregate, Country-Based Perspective The total amount of export subsidy commitments across WTO members amounted to $96 billion in the 1995­2000 period. High-income countries accounted for some 85 percent of the total commitments; middle-income economies accounted for the remainder. Least developed countries (LDCs) do not report any export subsidies. Table 7.1 lists the 25 countries, ranked by decreasing magnitude of their commit- ments in value terms (aggregated over the period 1995­2000).1 Eight of the 25 are developing countries--two of them (Brazil and South Africa) being leaders of the G-20 coalition that plays a key role in the Doha Round. The URAA requires these 25 countries to notify the extent to which they actually use subsidies. Table 7.1 also reports notified use (in value terms) of these subsidies. The data suggest four observations. First, the WTO notification procedure does not work well. There is no consoli- dated information on the actual use of subsidies after 2000, and almost none for 2002 and after. For 2000 there is no information on some $1.7 billion of commitments-- an amount equivalent to one-fourth of total EU commitments, or two-thirds of the amount notified as actually used by the EU in 2000. In several years members did not notify the use of their commitments for all their products. This is a poor record from a transparency perspective and somewhat surprising given the high profile and contested nature of export subsidies. The lack of data may imply that 198 Agricultural Trade Reform and the Doha Development Agenda TABLE 7.1 WTO Commitments and Notifications of Used Export Subsidies, 1995­2000 Number Commitments (US$ millions) WTO of member products 1995 1996 1997 1998 1999 2000 All Averagea European 20 15,371 13,809 11,374 10,269 8,848 6,859 66,530 3,327 Union United States 13 1,168 1,053 939 824 709 594 5,288 407 Mexico 5 728 708 689 670 650 631 4,076 815 Turkey 44 872 787 702 617 532 446 3,956 90 Poland 17 737 690 643 596 549 500 3,713 218 Canada 11 502 466 420 356 320 284 2,348 213 Colombia 18 367 367 357 347 337 327 2,101 117 Switzerland 5 547 490 399 361 -- -- 1,798 360 Czech 16 240 220 175 160 137 112 1,045 65 Republic South Africa 62 232 183 159 123 103 83 883 14 Bulgaria 44 195 175 146 133 118 94 657 15 Norway 11 151 134 109 90 75 56 614 56 Hungary 16 167 129 98 79 66 51 591 37 New Zealand 1 140 138 123 92 84 0 577 577 Brazil 16 94 92 89 87 85 82 529 33 Australia 5 101 99 87 67 63 51 468 94 Slovak 17 82 74 63 56 44 36 355 21 Republic Israel 6 55 53 52 51 49 48 308 51 Venezuela, 72 34 33 33 32 31 30 193 3 R. B. de Indonesia 1 28 27 26 26 25 24 156 156 Iceland 2 26 24 21 19 18 16 124 62 Uruguay 3 2 2 2 2 2 2 10 3 Panama 1 -- -- -- -- -- -- -- -- Cyprus 9 -- -- -- -- -- -- -- -- Romania 13 -- -- -- -- -- -- -- -- Total 21,839 19,754 16,707 15,056 12,84310,325 96,254 -- Removing the Exception of Agricultural Export Subsidies 199 TABLE 7.1 (Continued) Used subsidies (US$ millions) Utilization rates (%) 1995 1996 1997 1998 1999 2000 All 1995 1996 1997 1998 1999 2000 All 6,390 7,057 4,946 5,976 5,978 2,544 32,891 41.6 51.1 43.5 58.2 67.6 37.1 49.4 26 121 112 147 80 -- 486 2.2 11.5 12.0 17.8 11.3 -- 9.2 0 0 14 2 -- -- 15 0.0 0.0 2.0 0.2 -- -- 0.4 30 17 39 29 28 27 170 3.4 2.2 5.5 4.7 5.3 6.1 4.3 0 16 9 14 55 37 130 0.0 2.3 1.4 2.3 10.0 7.4 3.5 37 4 0 0 0 -- 42 7.5 0.9 0.0 0.0 0.0 -- 1.8 15 19 23 20 0 0 77 4.0 5.2 6.4 5.8 0.0 0.0 3.6 447 369 296 292 -- -- 1,403 81.7 75.2 74.1 80.8 -- -- 78.0 40 42 40 42 35 24 223 16.7 19.0 22.9 26.2 25.2 21.6 21.3 40 42 18 3 5 3 111 17.3 22.7 11.4 2.7 4.8 3.8 12.6 0 0 0 0 0 -- 0 -- -- 0.0 0.0 0.0 -- 0.0 83 78 102 77 128 -- 470 55.3 58.6 94.0 86.0171.2 -- 76.5 41 18 10 12 13 -- 94 24.6 14.0 9.9 14.8 20.0 -- 15.9 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0 0 0 0 -- -- 0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 -- -- 0.0 0 0 0 1 2 0 4 0.0 0.0 0.0 1.9 3.8 0.0 0.8 8 8 13 12 12 12 65 10.2 11.0 19.9 22.0 27.1 32.3 18.3 19 13 6 1 1 0 40 34.4 23.7 11.3 1.9 2.9 0.0 12.9 3 20 2 6 -- -- 31 9.4 60.0 7.3 17.3 -- -- 16.2 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 5 1 0 0 0 -- 6 20.7 3.1 0.7 0.0 0.0 -- 5.1 0 0 0 0 0 -- 0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 -- 0.0 -- -- -- -- -- -- -- -- -- -- -- -- -- -- -- -- -- -- -- -- -- -- -- -- -- -- -- -- -- -- 0 0 -- -- -- -- -- -- -- -- -- -- 7,185 7,829 5,629 6,634 6,338 2,648 36,258 29.5 35.8 32.0 41.8 49.4 25.6 37.6 Source: WTO (2002). Note: -- = not available. a. Average commitment value per product. 200 Agricultural Trade Reform and the Doha Development Agenda WTO members do not regard the issue of monitoring use of export subsidies as being very important, or that key players obtain the information through other channels. In any event, it is clear that the notification process is not working well. An implication of the data gap is that inferences from what is reported should be drawn with some caution. Second, table 7.1 does not suggest a clear trend on the use of export subsidies: they increased up to 1999 but declined substantially in 2000. Although the aggregate decline for 2000 largely reflects the evolution of the EU export subsidies (the next section confirms this observation), it is interesting to note that a similar decline with respect to the level of subsidies actually used in 1999 is observed for all other members for which data are reported. Even if this decline is confirmed, it should be kept in mind that governments do not define or apply export subsidies on an ad valorem or percentage basis (say, as a percentage of world prices), but rather as an amount of money that is neces- sary to offset the gap between domestic and world prices. The low level of export subsidies in 1995­96 reflects high world prices (relative to domestic prices) in key farm products such as cereals. Indeed, during a few months of this period, world prices were so high (relative to domestic prices) that the EU imposed export taxes on products traditionally benefiting from export subsidies. Declining world prices after 1996 automatically generated increasing export subsidies because domestic prices were held constant--as a result of insulation of markets through trade bar- riers and other forms of market price support. Between 2000 and 2004, world prices increased significantly for commodities such as wheat and maize. The world price of wheat rose 40 percent from a cyclical low in 1999, whereas the world price for maize increased 30 percent relative to a cyclical low in 2000.2 The third observation concerns utilization rates, defined as actually used sub- sidies as a percentage of the maximum permitted, that is, the commitments. Until 1999, utilization rates increased under the combined evolution of declining commitments and increasing use of permitted subsidies. These utilization ratios deserve two comments. First, there is only one instance where the ratio exceeds 100 percent at the aggregate country level. This finding can be regarded as reas- suring because it shows that WTO members appear to be abiding by their com- mitments. There are caveats, however: it remains to be seen whether the existing commitments impose effective disciplines (the next section suggests doubts are in order); and it is also not evident that at the product level "utilization ratios" are below 100 percent (the discussion in the next section reveals that they are not). Second, utilization rates vary greatly by country, but there is no clear corre- lation between the level of commitments and the level of subsidies granted. Last, WTO notifications reveal that middle-income countries perceive an inter- est in having the ability to use export subsidies. The absence of information on Removing the Exception of Agricultural Export Subsidies 201 actual use of subsidies again poses a problem: it is not known to what extent noti- fications lead to actual subsidies being applied. Even if in practice the countries concerned have not implemented much in the way of export subsidization, the fact that commitments were made suggests that an additional rationale for seek- ing to discipline the use of export subsidies is to prevent the gradual expansion of the use of these instruments. As discussed later, the poorest countries in particular appear to have a strong incentive to seek such disciplines, as the notified subsidy commitments from middle-income countries pertain much more to products that LDC countries also export than is the case for high-income countries. The Incidence of Notified Export Subsidy Commitments The global pattern of protection and support to agriculture has different impacts on countries depending on whether they are net producers or consumers of the commodities affected. A first cut at identifying the likely implications of protec- tionist policies for individual countries is to calculate the relative importance of the products for which export subsidies have been notified to the WTO in terms of a country's exports and imports. Because farm export subsidies depress the prices of the targeted agricultural products, eliminating the subsidies reduces the welfare of net importers and increases that of net exporters. It should be under- lined, however, that the net trade status of countries is not necessarily very indica- tive of the longer-run impacts. Even in the short run, negative impacts will be attenuated or reversed if market access is (seriously) improved (Anderson 2005). A more precise assessment of the effects of agricultural support policy reforms requires formal modeling, but as we show later, the (short-run) effect that emerges from model-based analyses is quite consistent with the conclusions that emerge from a simple analysis based on trade shares. At the same time, analysis of "affected" trade on a country-by-country basis has the advantage of showing which export subsidies have the greatest affect on and thus relevance for specific low-income economies. The WTO notifications have a noteworthy feature: the products notified by middle-income countries are much more heavily concentrated in commodities that LDCs either export or import. Indeed, on average, the pattern of trade of developing countries is such that subsidies in the Quad (Canada, EU, Japan, and the United States) appear to have a smaller net negative impact on LDCs than do the agricultural support policies of middle-income countries. Around 17 percent of the value of LDC exports comprise products that are subject to an export subsidy in one or more WTO members (Hoekman, Olarreaga, and Ng 2004). The numbers for developed and developing countries are 5 and 4 percent, respectively. More than half of the exports from Benin, Burkina Faso, Burundi, Chad, Côte d'Ivoire, Malawi, 202 Agricultural Trade Reform and the Doha Development Agenda Mali, Rwanda, Tanzania, and Uganda are affected by export subsidies in some WTO member country. Most of these export subsidies are actually notified by other devel- oping countries, however, rather than developed countries. Indeed, the share of the exports from these 10 countries that are potentially affected by an export subsidy in the Quad is below 1 percent. Overall, 6 percent of imports of LDCs are subject to export subsidies in the OECD (5 percent by export subsidies in the Quad), and 2 percent of imports from all developing countries are potentially affected by export subsidies in the Quad. More than 10 percent of the import bundle from Algeria, Cuba, the Arab Republic of Egypt, the Islamic Republic of Iran, Jordan, and Mauri- tania is subject to an export subsidy in at least one developed country. Figures 7.1 and 7.2 plot the relationship between the indicator I = sx - sm and the log of GDP (gross domestic product) per capita across countries, where sx is the share of exports that is affected by an export subsidy and sm is the share of imports that is affected by an export subsidy in each country (a large value for I suggests that the country is likely to benefit from the removal of export subsidies). Figure 7.1 plots these relationships for export subsidy notifications (commitments) across all WTO members, while figure 7.2 plots a similar relationship for export subsidies of Quad members only. FIGURE 7.1 Incidence of All Notified Export Subsidies Uganda 76.1855 Mali MalawiChad Burkina Faso Benin Burundi Tanzania St. Lucia Zimbabwe Cote d'Ivoire Rwanda Belize Costa Rivoire Sudan Cuba Ghana Guatemala Guinea-BKenya Togo EcuadorColombia Fiji Argentina Guyana St. Vincent Nicaragu Honduras Dominica St. Kitts New Zealand Madagascar Cameroon Panama Indicator Mozambique Kyrgyz Rep. Paraguay Mauritius Uruguay Bolivia El Salvador Australia Central Grenada Brazil Barbados Papua Ne Myanmar Cyprus Kazakhstan India Jamaica Thailand Chile Hungary States Pakistan SurinameBulgaria CanadaUnited Turkey South Africa Mongolia Morocco Dominica IsraelSingapore Switzerlan Lithuania Mexico Czech ReoAntigua Zambia Solomon Romania Peru Poland Malta Taiwan EEC15 Norway United A Haiti China Philippines Slovak Rep. Iceland Latvia Korea, Rep. of Congo, D Egypt, Anes Brunei Japan Tunisia Malaysia Sierra L Nigeria IndonesiaJordan Croatia Slovenia Qatar Macao Niger Congo, R Maldives TrinidadOman Bahrain Kuwait Sri Lanka Iran Russian Estonia Bangladesh Guinea Djibouti Venezuela GabonSaudi Arabria SenegalAlbania Gambia,Angola Algeria -28.7421 Mauritania 4.78264 10.6952 Log of gross domestic product per capita Source: WTO (2002). Removing the Exception of Agricultural Export Subsidies 203 FIGURE 7.2 Incidence of Quad Export Subsidy Commitments 18.166 Argentina New Zealand Uruguay Paraguay Bolivia Myanmar Australia Chile Zimbabwe Turkey Brazil India Kyrgyz R Kazakhstan Thailand Hungary Canada Belize United States Panama South Africa Sudan Bulgaria EEC15 Malawi Slovak R Czech Re Antigua Uganda Suriname Lithuania Estonia United A Macao Mongolia Albania Croatia Romania Singapor Norway Poland Indicator Tanzania Pakistan Solomon Tunisia St. Kitt Slovenia Qatar Chad Zambia Switzerlan China Papua New G. LatviaDominica Malaysia Oman Malta Brunei Iceland Madagascar Nicaragu Congo, R St. Lucia Burundi Ecuador Russian CyprusIsrael Japan Burkina Gambia, Guinea Costa Ri Guinea-B Ghana HondurasIndonesia Philippi Maldives Fiji Mexico Gabon Taiwan Trinidad Mozambique Mali Korea, RKuwait Congo, D Angola CameroonGuyana Guatemala St. Vinc Mauritius Niger Bahrain Benin Cote d'Ivoire Jamaica Grenada Sierra Leone Barbados NigeriaKenya Djibouti Togo Sri Lanka El SalvaColombiaVenezuela Rwanda Morocco Saudi Arabia Senegal Dominica Haiti Peru Jordan Banglade Egypt, A Mauritania Iran Cuba -13.481 Algeria 4.78264 10.6952 Log of gross domestic product per capita Source: WTO (2002). As illustrated in figure 7.1, the share of exports, relative to imports, that is affected by an export subsidy in at least one WTO member decreases with GDP per capita, suggesting that poorer countries tend to be disproportionately hurt by export subsidies. As noted earlier, this effect is driven primarily by export subsidy notifications of other developing countries. Indeed, figure 7.2 shows that the share of exports relative to imports that is affected by an export subsidy in one or more Quad members is increasing with GDP per capita. Thus, Quad export subsidies tend to hurt poorer countries less than richer ones. Not surprisingly, the indicator I is very high for the Cairns Group, at around 15.3 That suggests that the Cairns Group as a whole is likely to experience large gains from the elimination of export subsidies. However, there is diversity within this group. Indonesia, Malaysia, and the Philippines all have a negative value of I.4 Export Subsidies by Product Unfortunately, the information reported to the WTO on export subsidies by product is also problematic. Some WTO members have defined their commit- ments by broad product categories, whereas others use narrowly specified product groups. For instance, the EU uses 2 broad categories of fruits and vegetables (fresh 204 Agricultural Trade Reform and the Doha Development Agenda TABLE 7.2 WTO Commitments and Notifications of the EU, by Product, 1995­2000 Commitments (% of total commitment) Product categories 1995 1996 1997 1998 1999 2000 All Alcohol 1.20 1.21 1.23 1.25 1.27 1.29 1.24 Processed products 6.11 6.03 5.95 5.84 5.72 5.57 5.88 Sugar 6.24 6.30 6.38 6.46 6.57 6.70 6.43 Other milk products 8.72 8.81 8.91 9.04 9.18 9.37 8.99 Rice 0.46 0.47 0.47 0.48 0.49 0.49 0.48 Wine 0.49 0.49 0.50 0.51 0.52 0.53 0.50 Poultry meat 1.16 1.17 1.18 1.19 1.20 1.22 1.18 Fruits and vegetables, processed 0.10 0.10 0.11 0.11 0.11 0.11 0.11 Pig meat 2.46 2.47 2.49 2.51 2.54 2.57 2.50 Fruit and vegetables, fresh 0.66 0.67 0.67 0.68 0.70 0.71 0.68 Beef meat 16.36 16.43 16.50 16.59 16.70 16.83 16.56 Cheese 5.06 4.99 4.92 4.83 4.72 4.59 4.86 Skim milk powder 3.46 3.49 3.53 3.58 3.63 3.70 3.56 Coarse grains 13.66 13.72 13.78 13.86 13.95 14.06 13.83 Butter and butter oil 11.85 11.97 12.11 12.28 12.48 12.72 12.21 Olive oil 0.68 0.69 0.69 0.70 0.71 0.73 0.70 Eggs 0.52 0.53 0.54 0.55 0.57 0.59 0.55 Wheat and wheat flour 19.65 19.33 18.96 18.51 17.97 17.32 18.68 Raw tobacco 0.82 0.78 0.74 0.68 0.62 0.54 0.70 Rapeseed 0.35 0.35 0.35 0.36 0.36 0.37 0.36 and processed), while Bulgaria distinguishes no fewer than 28 types of fruits and vegetables (from cherries to cucumbers). This variation in reporting further reduces the transparency and surveillance value of the WTO in this area. Assessing the effects of export support on world markets requires information on the level of subsidies for a given product category, as the overall or aggregate amount of subsidies by country is not very informative. Reporting by broad category, as is done by the EU, allows for potentially substantial discretion in reallocating subsi- dies across products within an aggregate category. This permits the continued insulation of domestic markets (rigid domestic prices) from fluctuating world prices as long as the fluctuations are dispersed among specific products within a product category. Table 7.2 reports a breakdown of the subsidies by product category reported by the EU. Table 7.2 is based on the same WTO data as is table 7.1 (maximum commitments and actually used subsidies). It reports the shares of each product Removing the Exception of Agricultural Export Subsidies 205 TABLE 7.2 (Continued) Used subsidies (% of total used subsidies) Utilization rates (%) 1995 1996 1997 1998 1999 2000 All 1995 1996 1997 1998 1999 2000 All 1.05 2.13 2.42 2.27 3.89 3.46 2.59 36.3 89.6 85.6 106.1 208.0 99.5 104.9 10.05 10.17 12.68 10.75 12.82 14.98 11.75 68.5 86.2 92.7 107.0 151.3 99.8 100.2 7.76 9.43 17.86 14.89 8.37 13.49 11.65 51.7 76.5121.8 134.1 86.1 74.7 90.9 14.89 13.15 17.34 14.22 16.13 14.84 15.12 71.0 76.3 84.6 91.6 118.6 58.8 84.4 0.62 1.30 0.75 0.48 0.47 1.17 0.75 55.5 141.3 68.6 58.3 65.3 87.8 79.1 1.05 1.07 0.85 0.55 0.47 0.86 0.77 88.9 110.6 74.1 63.0 61.2 60.5 76.8 2.37 1.31 1.74 1.68 1.34 2.06 1.69 85.0 57.4 64.5 82.4 75.3 62.6 71.5 0.23 0.18 0.13 0.08 0.10 0.14 0.14 92.6 89.5 53.3 45.5 60.4 47.0 65.3 2.06 1.28 1.71 6.67 4.33 1.22 3.18 34.8 26.4 29.8 154.6 115.3 17.7 63.8 1.44 1.11 0.60 0.59 0.66 0.98 0.87 90.7 85.1 38.4 50.4 64.4 51.1 63.8 30.84 27.43 19.28 12.05 12.93 13.87 19.04 78.4 85.4 50.8 42.3 52.3 30.6 57.7 8.96 4.88 4.04 2.79 4.20 8.61 5.18 73.7 49.9 35.7 33.7 60.1 69.7 53.5 2.88 3.06 2.67 3.59 6.02 0.95 3.56 34.7 44.8 32.9 58.4 111.9 9.5 50.2 6.21 6.99 6.26 14.32 13.01 6.93 9.55 18.9 26.0 19.8 60.1 63.0 18.3 34.7 5.24 9.92 7.12 5.35 5.94 12.23 7.23 18.4 42.3 25.6 25.4 32.2 35.7 29.7 1.27 0.70 0.18 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.34 77.8 52.2 11.2 0.0 0.0 0.0 24.3 0.26 0.12 0.30 0.32 0.25 0.29 0.26 21.3 12.0 24.1 34.3 29.9 18.5 23.5 2.43 5.71 4.07 9.38 9.07 3.92 6.27 5.1 15.1 9.3 29.5 34.1 8.4 16.8 0.37 0.06 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.07 18.8 4.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 4.7 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 Source: WTO (2002). Note: Products are ordered by decreasing utilization rate. category in the EU's total subsidy allocation, with categories sorted in decreasing order as a share of actually used export subsidies. It reveals an interesting feature for the six product categories that account for the largest "commitment shares" (arbitrarily defined as exceeding 6 percent). The six categories can be divided in two groups: three exhibiting a much larger use than the commitment level (processed products, other milk products, and sugar, in decreasing order) and three facing the converse situation (wheat, coarse grains, and butter). Grains and butter were subjected to a substantial decrease in price support as a result of the 1992 MacSharry reform of the Common Agricultural Policy, and butter also was subject to a quota regime, which reduced the need to have recourse to export support. The fact that actual levels of intervention appear to exceed bound levels can be explained in part by the differences in time periods for reporting (the EU 206 Agricultural Trade Reform and the Doha Development Agenda TABLE 7.3 Export Subsidy Rates for Selected WTO Members, by Commodity Commodity Switzerland Czech Republic Hungary EU15 Wheat 0.00 0.00 0.00 6.12 Other grains 0.00 0.00 0.36 10.79 Fruits and vegetables 162.44 0.00 0.00 2.73 Cattle 37.17 0.00 0.00 0.00 Other livestock 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.38 Bovine meat 0.00 0.00 0.00 39.73 Nonbovine meat 0.00 0.16 1.28 10.15 Vegetable oils 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 Dairy 30.19 11.63 0.22 56.52 Rice 0.00 0.00 0.00 15.05 Sugar 0.00 0.00 0.00 72.76 Beverages and tobacco 0.00 0.00 0.00 2.72 Other food 5.01 0.64 0.11 1.70 uses a different definition of the accounting year than the WTO) and/or, the differences in the commodity definitions. Similar tables can be constructed for other countries on the basis of notifica- tions. Table 7.3 shows a synthesis of aggregate subsidy figures across reporting WTO members for 2000­2001. However, the limited information content of the WTO commitments and notifications on the use of export subsidies prevent meaningful comparisons between countries on the basis of product categories. In our view such comparisons must be regarded as indicative only. Export Subsidies and EU Farm Trade Policy: A Depreciating Negotiating Asset? The severe limitations of the WTO data on export subsidies suggest that any assess- ment of trends in the use of these instruments should employ national data. What follows therefore focuses on national information for the EU, as the EU is by far the largest provider of export subsidies. The primary source of information on farm support (both domestic and export subsidies) is the European Agriculture Guarantee and Guidance Fund (EAGGF), the body responsible for providing all the EU-level farm subsidies. The EAGGF provides detailed reports on its activities.5 In EAGGF parlance, export subsidies are recorded as "refunds." Table 7.4 reports the aggregate data on refunds as well as data from WTO and OECD Removing the Exception of Agricultural Export Subsidies 207 TABLE 7.3 (Continued) Korea, Rep. of Poland Slovak Republic Turkey United States Israel Norway 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 7.39 0.00 0.28 0.33 0.00 1.40 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.23 0.00 0.00 2.20 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 10.30 0.35 3.03 0.00 0.93 0.19 0.17 7.22 0.00 0.00 0.00 2.12 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 1.57 14.59 0.00 1.36 0.00 39.99 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 18.28 0.00 1.44 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.12 0.00 0.13 0.31 0.42 0.00 0.00 0.00 Source: Elbehri (2005). Note: Data are for 2000/1 as notified by WTO members to the WTO. (Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development). It reveals some serious differences between the WTO and EU data for three years (1995, 1997, and 2000), with the EAGGF subsidies being systematically (and sometimes much) larger than what is reported by (notified to) the WTO. For 1995­2000, EAGGF refunds are 25 percent higher than the sum of actual subsidization that the EU reported to the WTO. Although discrepancies might arise for any given year because of differences in the period covered, such a large difference over a five- year period cannot be explained solely by such differences. Because EAGGF reports are audited and because individual member states have an incentive to monitor the distribution and use of refunds, there is a presumption that the EAGGF data are more accurate. Whatever source is used, however, the differences in magnitude of subsidiza- tion do not modify the conclusion that there appears to be a declining trend. The share of export subsidies in the OECD-based producer support estimates (PSE)-- which is the best estimate of the aggregate level of protection of farm production, and hence the best reference basis--falls by a factor of two between 1995 and 2000 or 2001 (depending whether one uses the WTO or the EAGGF data; see table 7.4). In sharp contrast to the observed decline in export subsidies, however, the PSE estimates for the EU are very stable over the sample period as a whole. In other 208 Agricultural Trade Reform and the Doha Development Agenda TABLE 7.4 EU Export Subsidies and OECD PSEs, 1996­2002 Subsidy 1995 1996 1997 millions WTO commitments 11,751 10,890 9,605 WTO notified uses 4,885 5,565 4,361 EAGGF refunds 7,802 5,903 6,020 PSE estimates 102,728 98,463 97,313 Percent of PSE WTO commitments 11.4 11.1 9.9 WTO notified uses 4.8 5.7 4.5 EAGGF refunds 7.6 6.0 6.2 words, the EU farm sector is as much protected at the end of the period as at its beginning. This suggests that although export subsidies may have been falling, protection has not, and that a significant decline in world prices could well lead to a subsequent rise in export subsidies. The EU's less aggressive use of export subsidies, despite the stability of its farm protection, can be seen as a positive development for the world trade regime, even if it has little positive effect from an economic perspective. From a negotiating perspective, the decreasing use of export subsidies raises the question whether the EU is selling its WTO partners a rapidly "depreciating" asset. Since the major WTO members are likely well aware of EU's declining use of the subsidies, the emphasis on their elimination may reflect the reluctance, by the EU as well as many of its trading partners, to address the core issue of market access (import protection and domestic support). Export Subsidies in the EU's Overall Subsidization Scheme Alternatively, the push to abolish all export subsidies may be explained by the fact that it is directed at specific products that are of prime importance to efficient exporters in the rest of the world and to powerful EU farm lobbies.6 EAGGF data on subsidies by product categories, reported in table 7.5, show that export subsi- dies do constitute a large share of total EAGGF funds (table 7.6) and hence are important, particularly for those EU farmers who produce sugar, rice, milk and dairy products, pig meat, eggs, and poultry. (Beef was also important until 2000, when the emergence of "mad cow" disease in several EU countries triggered bans on imports of EU beef in the rest of the world.) These few sectors presumably Removing the Exception of Agricultural Export Subsidies 209 TABLE 7.4 (Continued) 1998 1999 2000 2001 2002 1995­2000 9,169 8,848 6,859 -- -- 57,122 5,336 5,978 2,544 2,297 -- 30,966 5,070 5,572 5,646 3,401 3,432 36,013 105,869 108,103 97,092 99,295 100,577 609,568 8.7 8.2 7.1 -- -- 9.4 5.0 5.5 2.6 2.3 -- 4.7 4.8 5.2 5.8 3.4 3.4 5.9 Source: WTO (2002); EAGGF (various years); OECD (Database 1998­2003). Note: -- = not available. represent the core of the lobbies interested in keeping export subsidies, or, at least, in looking for compensation if the subsidies are eliminated.7 Another way to assess the importance of export subsidies is to relate them to the corresponding EU farm production to see whether they represent a significant share of production values. Although there are some difficulties and limits in matching the EAGGF product categories with the EU production classification, table 7.7 offers a reasonably accurate picture of subsidization rates based on pro- duction for the period 1995­2002. It suggests two conclusions. First, consistent with the OECD PSE numbers (see table 7.4), the total level of subsidization of EU farm production (that is, including all EAGGF funds) has declined only margin- ally since 1995. It varies between 15 and 18 percent, with a peak in the late 1990s. However, this stability hides substantial changes at the product category level: a strong decline in overall subsidization rates is observed for cereals, tobacco, ovine (sheep) meat, and milk and dairy products. In sharp contrast, some product cate- gories have enjoyed an increasing level of subsidization, including fiber plants, wine, rice, and bovine meat. These four products are all of prime interest for many developing countries. If one focuses on export subsidization rates only (instead of total subsidies), the picture changes dramatically. The ratio of export subsidies to EU production has been declining to the point of becoming negligible (1 percent or less). There is one exception: sugar. This exception is clearly one of the key reasons for the con- tinuing emphasis on export subsidies in the WTO negotiations. From the perspective of typical individual farmers, the size of the total transfer from subsidies and border protection relative to production is probably the important 210 Agricultural Trade Reform and the Doha Development Agenda All subsidies (intervention and refunds) Commodity 1995 1996 1997 1998 1999 2000 2001 Cereals 15,018.3 16,372.3 17,414.1 17,945.3 17,865.9 16,663.1 17,466.2 Wheat -- -- -- -- -- -- -- Barley -- -- -- -- -- -- -- Durum wheat -- -- -- -- -- -- -- Other cereals -- -- -- -- -- -- -- Sugar 1,831.0 1,711.3 1,607.8 1,776.6 2,112.8 1,910.2 1,497.1 Olive oil 807.1 1,988.1 2,196.0 2,266.7 2,091.8 2,210.1 2,523.8 Dried fodder 342.0 365.2 367.4 377.5 376.4 381.3 374.8 Fiber plants 887.7 851.7 906.9 869.8 1,027.1 991.4 826.3 Cotton 846.5 762.7 800.0 761.0 903.2 854.7 733.0 Fruits and 1,826.2 1,589.3 1,555.3 1,509.5 1,454.1 1,551.3 1,558.0 vegetables Fresh 891.3 678.3 655.5 840.7 682.1 832.9 965.5 Processed 934.9 902.8 902.2 670.0 774.7 720.5 597.8 Wine 850.1 776.9 1,030.1 700.0 614.6 765.5 1,196.7 Tobacco 993.0 1,025.6 998.0 870.3 911.1 987.7 973.4 Other plants 276.9 204.5 187.4 271.9 285.3 350.0 297.3 Rice 49.6 33.3 82.2 166.1 164.8 228.4 182.3 All plant 22,832.3 24,884.9 26,263.0 26,587.5 2,739.2 25,812.326,713.5 products Dairy products 3,891.0 3,441.2 2,984.9 2,596.7 2,510.1 2,544.3 1,906.6 Milk -- -- -- -- -- -- -- Butter and -- -- -- -- -- -- -- butter oil Skimmed -- -- -- -- -- -- -- milk powder Cheese -- -- -- -- -- -- -- and others Bovine 4,090.8 6,797.0 6,580.4 5,160.6 4,579.0 4,539.6 6,054.0 Ovine 2,203.0 1,681.1 1,424.9 1,534.6 1,894.3 1,735.6 1,447.3 Pig, eggs, 343.8 262.9 557.5 327.9 432.8 435.2 137.1 and poultry Pig meat 143.3 124.2 479.2 238.3 320.9 354.2 69.7 Eggs 28.6 12.2 8.7 13.6 17.6 12.9 9.0 Poultry 171.9 127.0 70.8 77.1 92.9 72.8 60.5 Other animals 0.9 0.9 5.6 1.4 16.0 11.7 0.0 Fish 28.2 25.3 21.8 10.4 7.8 9.4 13.3 All animals 10,558.6 12,208.4 11,575.1 9,631.5 9,440.1 9,275.7 9,558.3 Other products 574.3 491.0 566.0 553.0 573.0 572.2 435.6 Food aid -- -- -- -- 309.4 281.8 -- (domestic) Total 34,501.7 39,107.8 40,675.1 38,748.1 39,876.3 40,466.0 42,083.0 Removing the Exception of Agricultural Export Subsidies 211 TABLE 7.5 (Continued) Export subsidies (refunds) 2002 1995 1996 1997 1998 1999 2000 2001 2002 18,590.1 1,092.7 312.8 532.3 478.9 883.1 823.6 259.8 99.3 -- -- -- -- -- 376.2 409.2 106.2 18.7 -- -- -- -- -- 357.9 253.2 33.3 3.3 -- -- -- -- -- 2.0 2.2 0.5 0.6 -- -- -- -- -- 146.9 158.9 119.3 76.8 1,395.9 1,312.1 1,230.0 1,015.7 1,370.2 1,591.1 1,438.0 1,008.2 1,151.6 2,329.3 38.2 59.3 42.7 24.9 2.5 0.0 0.2 0.1 388.3 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 816.4 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 804.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 1,551.4 239.5 98.4 84.0 58.3 40.4 46.1 50.8 46.4 804.0 203.0 73.4 67.0 40.8 23.2 32.8 36.1 29.3 757.9 36.5 25.0 17.0 17.5 17.3 13.3 14.8 17.1 1,348.7 36.7 40.8 59.7 41.2 27.4 21.0 22.5 23.8 963.2 35.1 2.4 -2.7 0.4 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 303.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 30.2 38.4 38.7 41.1 232.7 -- -- -- -- 30.2 38.4 38.1 41.1 27,686.2 2,754.3 1,743.7 1731.7 1,973.9 2,574.7 2,368.6 1,380.2 1,362.3 2,360.0 2,267.1 1,605.2 1,753.3 1,426.7 1,439.2 1,670.9 1,106.5 1,159.6 -- -- -- -- -- 788.0 831.1 452.9 498.9 -- -- -- -- -- 297.8 337.8 335.6 382.0 -- -- -- -- -- 196.5 275.9 81.7 57.7 -- -- -- -- -- 156.9 226.1 236.2 221.1 7,071.9 1,761.0 1,559.4 1,496.9 774.5 594.9 661.0 362.6 386.7 552.4 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 107.2 318.7 240.1 151.7 165.2 385.5 348.0 115.7 104.4 30.0 118.2 101.4 72.2 74.5 275.0 263.0 55.2 27.3 6.0 28.6 12.2 8.7 13.6 17.6 13.0 8.6 5.9 71.0 171.9 127.0 70.8 77.1 92.9 73.0 51.9 71.1 12.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 15.3 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 10,118.8 4,346.8 3,404.7 3,401.9 2,366.4 2,419.9 2,680.5 1,584.8 1,650.7 409.7 574.3 491.0 566.0 553.0 573.0 572.2 435.6 409.7 242.7 -- -- -- -- -- 100.8 -- 5.6 43,214.3 7,675.4 5,705.0 5,883.9 4,286.3 5,572.8 5,646.2 3,401.0 3,432.3 Source: EAGGF (various years). Note: -- = not available. 212 Agricultural Trade Reform and the Doha Development Agenda factor in their decision making. But from a negotiating point of view, it is necessary to look at export subsidization rates as a share of actual exports. This indicator can be constructed by using the EAGGF export subsidy data, with no serious problems matching the data to the actual export data for cereals, sugar, wine, rice, milk and dairy products, bovine meat, and poultry, which are the major subsidized com- modities. Table 7.8 reports the calculated export subsidization rates. It suggests a wide range of subsidization rates, with the highest numbers for sugar, bovine meat, and dairy products. Should Efforts in the Doha Round Go Beyond Export Subsidies? As part of the Doha Round discussions on export subsidies, the EU, supported by Brazil and some other members of the Cairns Group and the G-20, has extended the principle of the elimination of export subsidies to all key existing "equivalent" forms of export subsidization: specifically to the subsidy component of official export credits, the activities of state trading enterprises (STEs), and food aid.8 One interpretation of this LINKAGE is that it is largely tactical. While the EU is by far the largest user of export subsidies, a number of traditional export-oriented and pro- liberalization countries make use of these alternative instruments. For example, the United States grants both export credits and food aid, and Canada has made long- standing use of STEs for specific commodities.9 Alternatively, the focus on equiv- alent forms of export subsidies can be perceived as a necessary step to ensure that governments do not engage in "reinstrumentation" following a full-fledged WTO ban on explicit export subsidies on farm products. Whatever the motivation, a pertinent question is how much importance the Doha negotiations should give to extending a ban on export subsidies to all forms of export support. Given the myriad problems that will need to be addressed--defining what is permissible when it comes to the financing of food aid or agricultural export credits, or determining what constitutes an implicit or explicit subsidy, for example--a case can be made from an economic perspective that going down this path only makes sense in the short run if the distortions associated with these activities are significant. If so, a second question is whether the WTO is the appropriate forum for interna- tional cooperation in these areas. Export credits have already been subjected to disci- plines and surveillance in the OECD. An obvious question is why these disciplines cannot be extended to agriculture, and indeed, whether there is anything special about agriculture in terms of the allocation of official export credits. How large is the subsidization component of these instruments? Unfortu- nately, very little good information exists that can be used to provide an answer. For instance, calculating the subsidy component of an export credit requires Removing the Exception of Agricultural Export Subsidies 213 TABLE 7.6 EAGGF Export Subsidies as a Share of All Subsidies, 1995­2002 (percent) Commodity 1995 1996 1997 1998 1999 2000 2001 2002 Cereals 7.3 1.9 3.1 2.7 4.9 4.9 1.5 0.5 Wheat -- -- -- -- -- -- -- -- Barley -- -- -- -- -- -- -- -- Durum wheat -- -- -- -- -- -- -- -- Other cereals -- -- -- -- -- -- -- -- Sugar 71.7 71.9 63.2 77.1 75.3 75.3 67.3 82.5 Olive oil 4.7 3.0 1.9 1.1 0.1 0.0 0.0 0.0 Dried fodder 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 Fiber plants 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 Cotton 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 Fruits and vegetables 13.1 6.2 5.4 3.9 2.8 3.0 3.3 3.0 Fresh 22.8 10.8 10.2 4.9 3.4 3.9 3.7 3.6 Processed 3.9 2.8 1.9 2.6 2.2 1.8 2.5 2.3 Wine 4.3 5.3 5.8 5.9 4.5 2.7 1.9 1.8 Tobacco 3.5 0.2 -0.3 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 Other plants 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 10.6 11.0 13.0 13.6 Rice 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 18.3 16.8 20.9 17.7 All plant products 12.1 7.0 6.6 7.4 9.6 9.2 5.2 4.9 Dairy products 58.3 46.6 58.7 54.9 57.3 65.7 58.0 49.1 Milk -- -- -- -- -- -- -- -- Butter -- -- -- -- -- -- -- -- and butter oil Skimmed -- -- -- -- -- -- -- -- milk powder Cheese and others -- -- -- -- -- -- -- -- Bovine 43.0 22.9 22.7 15.0 13.0 14.6 6.0 5.5 Ovine 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 Pig, eggs, and poultry 92.7 91.3 27.2 50.4 89.1 80.0 84.4 97.4 Pig meat 82.5 81.6 15.1 31.3 85.7 74.3 79.2 91.0 Eggs 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.8 95.6 98.3 Poultry 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.3 85.8 100.1 Other animals 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 Fish .0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 All animals 41.2 27.9 29.4 24.6 25.6 28.9 16.6 16.3 Other products 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 Food aid (domestic) -- -- -- -- -- -- -- -- Total 22.2 14.6 14.5 11.1 14.0 14.0 8.1 7.9 Source: EAGGF (various years). Note: -- = not available. 214 Agricultural Trade Reform and the Doha Development Agenda TABLE 7.7 EU Subsidization Rates (Relative to Value of Production), 1995­2002 All subsidies Commodity 1995 1996 1998 2000 2001 Cereals 82.3 76.0 93.4 48.1 52.4 Wheat -- -- -- -- -- Barley -- -- -- -- -- Durum wheat -- -- -- -- -- Other cereals -- -- -- -- -- Sugar 35.3 32.5 33.3 40.9 33.1 Olive oil 32.4 53.2 59.0 44.7 49.6 Dried fodder 13.7 13.9 11.8 7.3 7.4 Fiber plants 71.3 64.6 67.9 90.2 73.1 Cotton -- -- -- -- -- Fruits and vegetables 5.9 4.6 4.5 3.6 4.0 Fresh 2.9 2.0 2.5 2.0 2.5 Processed -- -- -- -- -- Wine 6.9 5.4 4.9 5.0 8.3 Tobacco 159.6 155.6 101.9 89.9 86.2 Other plants 1.5 1.4 1.6 1.3 0.9 Rice 6.0 3.0 19.4 27.7 21.5 All plant products 25.0 25.2 26.9 18.8 19.7 Milk and dairy products 10.1 9.0 6.8 6.7 4.7 Milk -- -- -- -- -- Butter and butter oil -- -- -- -- -- Skimmed milk powder -- -- -- -- -- Cheese and others -- -- -- -- -- Bovine 17.8 31.6 24.2 16.5 23.6 Ovine 62.5 38.3 35.9 28.7 25.6 Pig, eggs, and poultry 0.9 0.6 0.9 1.1 0.3 Pig meat 0.6 0.5 1.1 1.5 0.2 Eggs 0.6 0.2 0.3 0.3 0.2 Poultry 1.9 1.1 0.7 0.6 0.5 Other animals 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.1 0.0 Fish 0.7 0.8 0.3 0.2 0.2 All animals 9.0 10.1 8.5 6.8 6.5 Other products -- -- -- -- -- Food aid -- -- -- -- -- Total 16.6 17.8 18.2 14.8 14.9 Removing the Exception of Agricultural Export Subsidies 215 TABLE 7.7 (Continued) Export subsidies 2002 1995 1996 1998 1999 2000 2001 2002 53.9 6.0 1.5 2.5 2.7 2.4 0.8 0.3 -- -- -- -- 2.3 2.3 0.6 0.1 -- -- -- -- 4.4 3.0 0.4 0.0 -- -- -- -- 0.2 0.3 0.0 0.1 -- -- -- -- 2.0 2.1 1.6 0.9 29.3 25.3 23.3 25.7 32.9 30.8 22.3 24.2 37.8 1.5 1.6 0.6 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 8.7 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 -- 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 -- -- -- -- -- -- -- -- 3.8 0.8 0.3 0.2 0.1 0.1 0.1 0.1 2.0 0.7 0.2 0.1 0.1 0.1 0.1 0.1 -- -- -- -- -- -- -- -- 9.4 0.3 0.3 0.3 0.2 0.1 0.2 0.2 85.9 5.6 0.4 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.9 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.1 0.1 0.1 0.1 27.7 0.0 0.0 0.0 3.7 4.7 4.5 4.9 19.9 3.0 1.8 2.0 1.9 1.7 1.0 1.0 6.0 5.9 4.2 3.7 3.8 4.4 2.7 3.0 -- -- -- -- -- -- -- -- -- -- -- -- -- -- -- -- -- -- -- -- -- -- -- -- -- -- -- -- -- -- -- -- 25.5 7.6 7.2 3.6 2.2 2.4 1.4 1.4 8.2 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.3 0.9 0.5 0.4 1.1 0.9 0.3 0.3 0.1 0.5 0.4 0.3 1.4 1.1 0.2 0.1 0.1 0.6 0.2 0.3 0.4 0.3 0.2 0.1 0.6 1.9 1.1 0.7 0.9 0.6 0.4 0.7 0.1 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.2 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 7.1 3.7 2.8 2.1 1.9 2.0 1.1 1.2 -- -- -- -- -- -- -- -- -- -- -- -- -- -- -- -- 15.4 3.7 2.6 2.0 2.1 2.1 1.2 1.2 Sources: Authors' calculations based on EC (various years) and EAGGF (various years). Note: -- = not available. 216 Agricultural Trade Reform and the Doha Development Agenda TABLE 7.8 EAGGF Refunds As a Percentage of EU Farm Exports, 1995­2002 1995 1996 1997 1998 1999 2000 2001 2002 Cereals 57.5 14.5 25.8 28.3 37.9 27.1 11.6 4.7 Sugar 82.6 97.6 69.0 86.9 155.3 105.2 62.1 106.4 Olive oil 7.8 8.0 5.7 4.0 0.4 0.0 0.0 0.0 Dried fodder 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 Fruit vegetables 6.2 2.5 1.9 1.2 0.9 0.9 0.9 0.7 Fresh 9.2 3.2 2.5 1.5 0.9 1.1 1.0 0.7 Processed 2.2 1.5 0.9 0.9 0.9 0.6 0.6 0.7 Wine 0.5 0.5 0.6 0.5 0.3 0.2 0.2 0.2 Tobacco 10.6 0.6 -0.7 0.1 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 All plant products 15.8 9.6 8.4 9.9 12.6 10.0 5.6 5.2 Milk 55.1 40.0 38.3 33.8 36.0 34.8 22.9 25.9 Bovine 188.5 184.1 153.8 99.8 62.3 103.9 63.5 76.2 Pig, eggs, poultry 16.3 12.0 6.5 7.4 15.0 11.6 4.0 3.7 Pig meat 10.5 8.9 5.4 6.1 16.5 13.1 3.0 1.5 Eggs 23.4 10.2 6.4 8.7 11.1 8.6 5.0 3.1 Poultry 24.2 17.1 8.0 8.9 12.3 8.6 5.8 8.0 All animals 62.1 49.7 43.1 32.7 32.2 31.8 19.1 21.0 Total 31.3 22.8 20.6 15.7 20.0 17.5 10.3 10.1 Sources: Authors' calculations based on EAGGF (various years) and Comtrade. knowing not only the amount of the credit but also its terms--maturity, interest rate structure--as well as having information on the creditworthiness of the borrower-recipient. The counterfactual is difficult to determine--would a bank or other financial services provider have lent at all? If so, what would be the differ- ence in basis points? Can one use a "market reference interest rate"? Inherently there will be a subjective element to any assessment of the export sub- sidy equivalent associated with export credits, the operation of STEs, and food aid. In sum, one needs very detailed information on existing transactions and on the hypothetical market-based transaction. Another important issue concerns the abil- ity of importers to borrow from intermediaries to finance their purchases. If they confront liquidity constraints, there may be a welfare-based argument for export credits. Rude and Gervais (2004) argue that in a world where poor countries confront liquidity constraints and demand is very elastic, a ban on export credit interest rate Removing the Exception of Agricultural Export Subsidies 217 TABLE 7.9 Export Subsidy Equivalents for Major Users (percent) Equivalent United States EU Canada Australia Export credits (all destinations) 6.6a 2.0b 1.2 0.3 STEs (all destinations) 4.6 Food aid (developing country destinations) 1.0 0.5 0.2 0.1 Total To nondeveloping countries 6.6 2.5 5.8 0.3 To developing countries 7.6 2.5 6.0 0.4 Share of exports benefiting from export credits 5.2 1.9 5.4 15.1 Source: OECD (2001). a. U.S. dairy exports to all destinations also totaled 6.6 percent. b. Estimates range from 0.6­1 percent for Austria, Belgium, Finland, Germany, and the Netherlands; for France the estimate is 3.8 percent. subsidies may raise import prices (see also Hyberg and others 1998). However, because most credits are extended to other OECD countries, and because avail- able estimates of subsidy equivalents suggest that they are quite low (see below), any such effects are likely to be small. Table 7.9 reports the results of an attempt by the OECD to calculate the export subsidy equivalent of these other instruments for affected products in Australia, Canada, the EU, and the United States during 1995­98 (OECD 2001). The United States provides the most export credits--data on U.S. allocations by product and recipient are available from FAS (2004). For the four countries mentioned, ad val- orem subsidy equivalents do not exceed 7 percent for any of the instruments con- sidered. Overall, the share of total agricultural exports to which these instruments apply is small, ranging from less than 2 percent for the EU to around 5 percent for Canada and the United States. It is highest for Australia (15 percent). Bulk cereals were found to account for almost half of the total subsidy element of export cred- its granted. When used in a simulation model to assess the impact of these pro- grams on prices, it was found that U.S. export and domestic prices would be only 2 and 1 percent lower, respectively, if export credits were banned. Moreover, the bulk of export credits apply to intra-OECD trade. In the case of the United States, for example, the Republic of Korea and Mexico are the major recipients. It would appear therefore that these export subsidy equivalents are of second-order impor- tance compared with explicit export subsidies (which in turn are second order compared with market price support). 218 Agricultural Trade Reform and the Doha Development Agenda Policy Recommendations The foregoing has sought to provide an overview of the available information on export subsidies. Rather than summarize the findings here, we conclude with some policy recommendations. First, the WTO "machinery" for compiling and reporting data on the use of export subsidies should be strengthened. In all instances where "commitment notifications" are made, they should be accompanied by information on the actual use of subsidies. Second, effective monitoring and surveillance (and analysis of the impacts) of export subsidies require that WTO members all use the same product classifica- tion. That classification should be as disaggregated as possible, both to constrain the capacity to continue to subsidize exports and to allow more effective analysis of their impacts. Last but not least, the evidence suggests that the subsidy element of export credits is much less of a problem in terms of distorting world markets than are direct export subsidies. Assessing the magnitude of the associated distortions and determining the subsidy equivalent is difficult, however, and much more work is required to understand better the prevailing situation and the possible benefits and costs of alternative types of multilateral disciplines. One way forward would be to delegate a program of technical work to, for example, the OECD's Agricul- tural Directorate or the Food and Agriculture Organization to provide a better monitoring of the effects of the programs concerned. Notes 1. After this paper was completed, the WTO released two new documents that update information to 2002 for 11 members. See WTO document TN/AG/S/13. 2. World Bank Global Prospects, http://econ.worldbank.org/. 3. Members of the Cairns Group are Argentina, Australia, Bolivia, Brazil, Canada, Chile, Colombia, Costa Rica, Guatemala, Indonesia, Malaysia, New Zealand, Paraguay, the Philippines, South Africa, Thailand, and Uruguay. 4. This finding is consistent with the evidence in Hertel and Keeney (2006, table 2.8). From a nor- mative perspective, the ability of a country to incur a possible negative terms-of-trade shock is important. Many of the countries that might incur a loss as a result of export subsidy elimination are middle- income and have greater capacity to address the shocks than the poorest ones, located in the bottom left corner of the figures. 5. Individual EU member states also provide subsidies, but these are either production- or con- sumption-related, or horizontal in nature (such as broad infrastructure funding, or assistance to young farmers). 6. EAGGF provides a relatively disaggregated breakdown of subsidies by product except for two large groups of products--cereals and dairy. A breakdown was not given for cereals because, during the period examined, production subsidies (a substantial portion of the EAGGF funds) were granted on the basis of hectares grown rather than the type of cereal. (Some production subsidies were strictly related to a specific kind of cereal, such as durum wheat or rye, but these were relatively limited.) In other Removing the Exception of Agricultural Export Subsidies 219 words, the lack of disaggregated data in cereals indicates that a limited decoupling regime was imple- mented for cereals as part of the 2003 CAP reform and hence that the reform is much more limited than it appears. In the case of dairy, the technical relations between milk and its derived products, such as cheese or milk powder, explain the difficulty in decomposing milk subsidies among dairy products. 7. The two bottom rows of Table 7.6 suggest it is important to take into consideration additional farm products, such as those used as inputs for beverages, as well as in food aid (although this item includes food aid to European consumers). However, these types of aid cannot be mapped to products in a precise way. As a result, this analysis ignores the figures reported in these rows, notwithstanding their relative importance. 8. Note that this was also an objective during the Uruguay Round; Article 10 of the WTO Agree- ment on Subsidies and Countervailing Measures foreshadows the extension of export subsidy disci- plines to similar instruments such as export credits. 9. STEs and food aid programs generally do not have the objective of subsidizing exports, but they may have that effect. References Anderson, K. 2005. "Agricultural Trade Reform and Poverty Reduction in Developing Countries." In Trade Policy Reforms and Development: Essays in Honour of Peter Lloyd, Volume II, ed. S. Jayasuriya. London: Edward Elgar. EAGGF (European Agriculture Guarantee and Guidance Fund). Various years. "Annual Report." Commission of the European Communities, Brussels. EC (European Commission). Various years. "The Agricultural Situation in the EC." EC, Brussels. Elbehri, A. 2005. "Agricultural Export Subsidies." GTAP database documentation 16.E, March 30. http://www.gtap.agecon.purdue.edu/resources/download/2228.pdf. FAS (Foreign Agriculture Service). 2004. "Summary of Export Credit Guarantee Program Activity (Country Allocations)." FAS, U.S. Department of Agriculture, Washington, DC. www.fas.usda.gov/ excredits/Monthly/ecg.html. Hertel, T. W., and R. Keeney. 2006. "What Is at Stake: The Relative Importance of Import Barriers, Export Subsidies, and Domestic Support." In Agricultural Trade Reform and the Doha Development Round, ed. K. Anderson and W. Martin. Washington, DC: World Bank. Hoekman, B., M. Olarreaga, and F. Ng. 2004. "Reducing Agricultural Tariffs versus Domestic Support: What Is More Important for Developing Countries?" World Bank Economic Review 18 (2): 175­204. Hyberg, B., M. Smith, D. Skully, and C. Davison. 1998. "Export Credit Guarantees: The Commodity Credit Corporation and U.S. Agricultural Export Policy." Food Policy 20: 27­39. Jean, S., D. Laborde, and W. Martin. 2006. "Consequences of Alternative Formulas for Agricultural Tariff Cuts." In Agricultural Trade Reform and the Doha Development Round, ed. K. Anderson and W. Martin. Washington, DC: World Bank. OECD (Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development). 2001. An Analysis of Officially Supported Export Credits in Agriculture. Paris: OECD. ______. "Producer and Consumer Support Estimates, OECD Database 1998­2003." http:// www.oecd.org/document/58/0,2340,en_2649_37401_32264698_1_1_1_37401,00.html. Rude, J., and J.-P. Gervais. 2004."An Analysis of a Rules-based Approach to Disciplining Export Credits in Agriculture." Department of Agribusiness and Agricultural Economics, University of Manitoba. WTO (World Trade Organization). 2002. "Export Subsidies: Background Paper by the Secretariat." WTO TN/AG/S/8/, WTO, Geneva. ______. 2004."Doha Work Programme: Decision Adopted by the General Council on 1 August 2004." WT/L/579 (July Framework Agreement). WTO, Geneva. 8 Rethinking Agricultural Domestic Support under the World Trade Organization Chad E. Hart and John C. Beghin Reforms in agricultural trade essentially began with the Uruguay Round and lag behind reforms in manufacturing sectors, which have gone through eight GATT (General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade) rounds of reductions. Under the previ- ous GATT rounds, agriculture had remained on the sidelines. The Uruguay Round negotiations established the "three pillars" of agricultural support: market access, export subsidies, and domestic support. The market access provisions required, among other things, tariffication; that is, all nontariff trade barriers had to be replaced by tariffs, and bounds were set on those tariffs. The export subsidy provisions established maximum ceilings on the trade quantity and budgetary expenditures for export subsidies and implemented reductions in those ceilings over time. The domestic support provisions outlined various types of support, classified them by their apparent trade effects, and limited those programs deemed the most trade distorting. In this chapter, we concentrate our efforts on third-pillar issues. The WTO negotiations under the Doha Round are slowly progressing toward an eventual new agreement on agriculture. A new framework for the agriculture agree- ment was approved by the WTO membership at the end of July 2004 (WTO 2004a). The pace of the agricultural negotiations has offered an opportunity to do some fundamental rethinking of the current definition of domestic support. The agreed- upon July framework outlines reforms in all three agriculture pillars. The changes in the guidelines for domestic support could have effects on many countries and 221 222 Agricultural Trade Reform and the Doha Development Agenda many types of support. Many of the details on the specific regulations of the framework agreement are yet to be determined, however. There is potential for dramatic reforms in agriculture under the framework, but the decisions made in filling it out will determine if that potential is realized. Governments provide domestic support to agriculture in myriad ways: direct payments, research grants, loan programs, storage programs, and so forth. Under the current Uruguay Round Agreement on Agriculture (URAA), domestic support programs are divided into three "boxes" that indicate the trade effects of the programs. Green Box programs are programs that are considered minimally trade distorting. The URAA sets out specific guidelines for the structure of such programs but does not set any limits on program expenditures by member coun- tries. Blue Box programs are those that are considered more trade distorting, but the programs have production limits embedded in them. These programs also are not limited currently. All other programs are Amber Box programs. Amber Box programs are considered the most trade distorting and are limited under the URAA. Within the Amber Box, programs are classified as either product- or non- product-specific. These classifications also affect the so-called de minimis rules by which certain Amber Box programs may be exempt from domestic support calculations. WTO member states have had a decade to examine their domestic support guidelines and restructure their agricultural support to fit under these guidelines. For example, the 1996 and 2002 farm bills in the United States and the Agenda 2000 and 2003 Common Agricultural Policy (CAP) reforms in the European Union were all designed after the acceptance of the URAA. But has this restructur- ing led to more open agricultural markets, or has support just shifted to programs that were deemed minimally trade distorting even when they actually have signifi- cant trade effects? With negotiations for a new agriculture agreement under way, we use this opportune time to examine the rules governing domestic support, explore how well those rules have performed, and outline possible changes that would lead to more substantial trade reform. The Rules as They Now Stand TheURAAisquitespecificabouttheprogramsthatcanbeclassifiedasGreenorBlue Box.Blue Box policies are production-limiting policies that base payments on fixed yields and acreage.Payments must be limited to 85 percent of a base level of produc- tion.1 The old target price deficiency payment program that existed before 1996 in the United States was a Blue Box program,as are the compensatory payments in the EuropeanUnionandthericefarmingincomestabilizationprograminJapan.Green Boxpoliciesarepoliciesthatareseentohaveminimaltradeimpacts.Paymentsfrom Rethinking Agricultural Domestic Support 223 GreenBoxpoliciescannotbelinkedtocurrentproductionorprices.TheURAAlists severaltypesof GreenBoxpoliciesandtheguidelinesthattheymustfollow: · General services, public stockholding for food security purposes, domestic food aid, direct payments to producers, decoupled income support · Government financial participation in income insurance and income safety net programs · Payments for relief from natural disasters, adjustment assistance provided through producer or resource retirement programs, adjustment assistance pro- vided through investment aids · Payments under environmental programs · Payments under regional assistance programs Each of these program types has guidelines that define the eligibility of the program for the Green Box. Any direct payments to producers provided by a government program cannot involve transfers from consumers (only from taxpayers). Thus Green Box programs cannot support domestic prices. The guidelines for decoupled income support are as follows: eligibility for the program must be based on clearly defined criteria over a fixed base period; payment amounts cannot be related to production, prices, or input usage after the base period; and no production can be required to receive payments. For government-provided income insurance or safety net programs to be eligible for the Green Box, income and income loss can only be from agricultural sources; the loss must exceed 30 percent of average gross income (or an equivalent amount of net income) where average income is determined by a three-year average income (from the previous three years) or a five-year "olympic" average income (removing the high and low years before averaging). If payments are provided by this program and a natural disaster relief program, the total amount of payments cannot exceed 100 percent of the producer's total loss. The requirements for natural disaster relief follow a similar logic: eligibility is determined by a formal disaster announcement from the government with at least a 30 percent production loss based on average production (the previous three-year average or the five-year olympic average); payments may only be made on losses attributable to the disaster; payments cannot be for more than the amount of loss and requirements on future production; and if payments are provided by this program and a government-provided income insurance or safety net program, the total amount of payments cannot exceed 100 percent of the producer's total loss. Producer retirement programs qualify for exemption if eligibility for the program is clearly defined on criteria to transition the producer out of agricultural production and if the payments are conditional on complete retirement from agricultural 224 Agricultural Trade Reform and the Doha Development Agenda production. Resource retirement programs qualify under the following stipulations: payments are conditional on the resource staying out of agricultural production for at least three years; requirements cannot be placed on alternative use of the resource or other resources employed in agricultural production; and payments cannot be related to any remaining agricultural production in which the producer is involved. Environmental program payments qualify for the Green Box exemption if eligi- bility requirements are clearly defined and dependent on specific conditions, possibly involving production inputs or practices, and if the payment is limited to the extra cost or income loss the producer faces to be in compliance. Programs that fit these general types but fail to meet the exemption conditions (such as programs where payments exceed the cost of compliance) and all other domestic support programs would fall into the Amber Box and would possibly be limited under the URAA. The Aggregate Measure of Support The aggregate measure of support (AMS) is a measure, expressed in monetary terms, of the annual level of domestic support--other than Green Box support-- provided to producers of agricultural products.The AMS limit is based on the member state's agricultural support over a base period, usually 1986­88. The countries that signed the URAA agreed to limit Amber Box spending to a level at or below their AMS for their base period. Implementation of the reforms began in 1995. Developed countries were given 6 years to meet the commitments, while developing countries had 10 years. Developed countries were to reduce their AMS by 20 percent, and developing countries by 13 percent, during the implementation period (WTO 2000). Amber Box policies can be exempted from the AMS counted against a country's limit if the policy is termed de minimis. Within the Amber Box, support is divided into product-specific and non-product-specific groups. The non-product-specific support (the definition of which is still contentious) is not specifically tied to a certain product, and the AMS is assigned to all agricultural production. Once the AMS is classified, the values are compared against minimum values, called de minimis values. The de minimis rule states that, for developed (developing) countries, AMS values below 5 (10) percent of the product's value of production for product- specific support and AMS values below 5 (10) percent of the country's overall value of agricultural production for non-product-specific support are exempted from the URAA's domestic support limits. When countries design their policies accordingly, and most would, they effectively treat these two constraints additively to 10 (20) percent. The United States arguably used such an approach with market loss assistance payments in 1999­2001, stating that the payments were non-product- specific and qualified as nonspecific de minimis.Also, several commodity associations in the United States have reported to their members that the base for U.S. domestic Rethinking Agricultural Domestic Support 225 support under the new framework would be roughly $49 billion (American Farm Bureau 2004; National Cotton Council of America 2004; American Soybean Associa- tion 2004). To have a domestic support base this large, the United States must treat the product- and non-product-specific de minimis as separate rules, obtaining $19 billion from the existing limit on AMS and $10 billion each from product- specific de minimis, non-product-specific de minimis, and the Blue Box. Thirty-four WTO member states had base-period AMS values exceeding their de minimis levels (WTO 2004b). Thus, only these 34 members (out of the entire membership of the WTO) faced the prospect of cutting domestic support programs. There have been five reported cases (Argentina in 1995, Hungary in 1998, and Iceland in 1998, 1999, and 2000) where countries have exceeded their commitment levels; however, these countries had not exceeded the levels if inflation is factored in. An aspect of more concern relates to attempts to water down the AMS ceilings by either crediting negative and positive commodity supports or "carrying over" unused AMS limits from year to year to meet the AMS ceiling on average (Shetkari Sanghatana 2001). For example, India proposed that negative AMS values from product-specific support be allowed to offset positive non- product-specific support (WTO 2001). Nevertheless, these attempts have been limited and unsuccessful and are clearly not allowed by Article 6 of the URAA (WTO 1995). The consensus view is that a new agreement on agriculture should not allow such dilution of the original intent of the URAA. The use of WTO-limited domestic support programs varies by member states. Over the reporting periods, New Zealand has not used any of its domestic support limits. Canada has restructured programs so that its AMS has fallen to 15 percent, on average, of the country's allowable amount. The average AMS level for Australia is 27 percent of the limit. The United States utilized 54 percent of its limit. The average AMS levels for Japan, the European Union, and the Republic of Korea were 45, 67, and 90 percent of their respective limits. As these numbers show, the participating countries have reduced their spending on programs that are classified as trade dis- torting, and these reductions have met or exceeded the requirements of the URAA. AMS calculations are meant to estimate the amount of support provided to the commodity as close as possible to the point of the commodity's first sale.AMS can be calculated in two ways. For most types of support, the direct measure of the budget- ary outlays and forgone revenue to the government for the program is used as the AMS figure. National and subnational support is to be included in the figure, while any fees or levies paid by producers are to be deducted. For market price support (MPS) programs, the AMS for particular products is based on the price gap between a fixed external reference price and the applied administered price from the program and the quantity of production eligible under the program. Hence, the MPS compo- nent of the AMS is not based on actual expenditures or current price gap information. 226 Agricultural Trade Reform and the Doha Development Agenda This is a fundamental difference between the AMS and the market price support component of the producer support estimate (PSE) prepared by the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD). The OECD relies on actual market data to compute a price gap leading to the MPS component of the PSE. The fixed external reference prices were set based on prices during the base period. They represent the average free-on-board price for the commodity in a net-exporting country and the average cost, insurance, and freight price for the commodity in a net-importing country. Adjustments to the fixed external reference prices are allowed for differences in commodity quality. Total AMS is the sum of all AMS figures (both product-specific and non-product- specific). Current total AMS is the sum of all AMS figures after accounting for exemptions for Blue Box programs and the de minimis rules. To examine the issues outlined in the introduction, we have chosen four member states to highlight: the United States, the European Union, Japan, and Brazil. Tables 8.1 to 8.4 show the domestic support for agriculture that these member states have reported to the WTO as of the end of 2004. For Green Box support, we report the total amount of support, decoupled income support, marketing support, and trans- portation and infrastructure support. Total Blue Box support is also listed, along with figures for the Amber Box, or AMS limits, total AMS, and current total AMS (the support actually counted against the limits after de minimis exemption). In the United States, Green Box support represents most of the support to agriculture, as illustrated in table 8.1. Roughly 60 percent of this support is in domestic food aid. Decoupled income support is roughly 10 percent of all Green Box TABLE 8.1 Reported Domestic Support from the United States, 1995­2001 (US$ billions) Category 1995 1996 1997 1998 1999 2000 2001 Green Total 46.0 51.8 51.2 49.8 49.7 50.1 50.7 Decoupled 0.0 5.2 6.3 5.7 5.5 5.1 4.1 income support Marketinga 0.7 0.7 0.8 0.8 0.8 0.8 1.0 Blue 7.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 Amber Limit 23.1 22.3 21.5 20.7 19.9 19.1 19.1 Total 7.9 7.0 7.0 15.1 24.3 24.1 21.5 Current total 6.2 5.9 6.2 10.4 16.9 16.8 14.4 Source: See data sources for tables at end of chapter. a. Transportation and infrastructure support is included in marketing category; data could not be separated. Rethinking Agricultural Domestic Support 227 support in the United States. Subsidies that are directly targeted at marketing, trans- portation, and infrastructure are about 2 percent of Green Box support. The United States eliminated its Blue Box support with the 1996 farm bill. In the late 1990s the United States expanded its Amber Box support, as some existing and some new programs provided support to counter the low prices experienced during the time.The latest U.S. farm legislation maintains most of the existing programs, including decou- pled income support payments, and incorporates a new Amber Box program that provides support in low-price scenarios. The United States has used the de minimis rules very effectively to meet its limits and would be seriously constrained by a phaseout of the exemptions. The European Union has reported significant support in all three boxes. How- ever, the reports show a trend toward an increase in Green Box support and a decrease in Amber Box support. Decoupled income support and subsidies tied to marketing, transportation, and infrastructure account for less than 20 percent of all Green Box support. The Blue Box support consists of compensatory payments for grains, oilseeds, and livestock--programs that have production limits embed- ded in them. Recent changes in the European Union's CAP are structured to transfer much of the EU's Blue and Amber Box support to the Green Box and are not fully reflected in the recent history shown in table 8.2. The incorporation of many of the EU commodity-specific compensatory payments into a single farm payment that is tied to a payment entitlement will transfer a great deal of EU agricultural support to the Green Box as decoupled income support payments. TABLE 8.2 Reported Domestic Support from the European Union, 1995­2000 (1 billions) Category 1995 1996 1997 1998 1999 2000 Green Total 18.8 22.1 18.2 19.2 19.9 21.8 Decoupled 0.2 0.2 0.2 0.1 1.0 0.5 income support Marketing 0.5 0.6 0.8 1.1 1.1 1.0 Transportation, 0.8 1.3 0.6 0.6 2.4 1.0 infrastructure Blue 20.8 21.5 20.4 20.5 19.8 22.2 Amber Limit 78.7 76.4 74.1 71.8 69.5 67.2 Total 52.4 51.5 50.5 46.8 47.9 43.9 Current total 50.0 51.0 50.2 46.7 47.9 43.6 Source: See data sources for tables at end of chapter. 228 Agricultural Trade Reform and the Doha Development Agenda TABLE 8.3 Reported Domestic Support from Japan, 1995­2000 (¥ billions) Category 1995 1996 1997 1998 1999 2000 Green Total 3,169 2,818 2,652 3,002 2,686 2,595 Decoupled 0 0 0 0 0 0 income support Marketing 21 17 17 20 20 20 Transportation, 1,908 1,681 1,488 1,801 1,552 1,621 infrastructure Blue 0 0 0 50 93 93 Amber Limit 4,801 4,635 4,469 4,304 4,138 3,973 Total 3,625 3,434 3,282 922 851 719 Current total 3,508 3,330 3,171 767 748 709 Source: See data sources for tables at end of chapter. Japan also utilizes support in all three boxes (table 8.3). More than half of its Green Box support is targeted at agricultural transportation and infrastructure. A shift in the Japanese rice program moved some agricultural support from the Amber Box to the Blue Box. The shift resulted in a significant decrease in AMS figures: current total AMS fell by more than 75 percent. The shift also moved Japanese AMS levels well below the targeted limits. TABLE 8.4 Reported Domestic Support from Brazil, 1995­98 (US$ millions) Category 1995 1996 1997 1998 Green Total 4,883 2,600 3,458 2,420 Decoupled income support 0 0 0 0 Marketing 56 26 21 34 Transportation, 597 436 716 617 infrastructure Blue 0 0 0 0 Amber Limit 1,039 1,025 1,011 997 Total 432 376 310 578 Current total 0 0 0 83 Source: See data sources for tables at end of chapter. Rethinking Agricultural Domestic Support 229 Brazil, like the United States, has provided most of its agricultural support through the Green Box (table 8.4). While the total amount of Green Box support has varied considerably over the reported years, support targeted at marketing, transportation, and infrastructure has held between $450 million and $750 million. The first year that Brazil reported any support that counted against the AMS limits was in 1998--before that all Amber Box support was below the de minimis levels. The July Framework, Recent Policy Changes, and WTO Rulings The July 2004 framework for agricultural domestic support is targeted at achieving substantial reductions in trade-distorting domestic support. Harmonization of permitted support levels is approached by requiring larger cuts in higher bound levels of permitted support. The framework proposes new limits be put in place on de minimis support, Blue Box support, and product-specific AMS. Total support, as measured by the sum of permitted AMS, de minimis, and Blue Box support, is also to be limited. This limit on total support is to be reduced during the implemen- tation period. All member states would face a 20 percent reduction in the total sup- port limit in the first year of implementation. Additional reductions in the total support limit are to be based on a tiered formula that is yet to be determined. How- ever, the formula will result in larger reductions for member states that have higher levels of permitted support. Permitted total AMS and de minimis levels will also be lowered throughout implementation. Product-specific AMS and Blue Box support are only capped. Article 9 of the framework states, however, that the required reductions in total support and total AMS will force reductions in product-specific support as well. The Blue Box is redefined to include direct payment schemes that either limit production or do not require production at all. A member state's limit for Blue Box support will be based on 5 percent of its average total value of agricultural production over a historical period or the amount of existing Blue Box payments over a historical period, whichever is higher. Green Box guidelines are to be reviewed to ensure that all Green Box programs are only minimally trade or production distorting. Monitoring of compliance with the new agreement, through "timely and complete notifications with respect to the commitments in market access, domestic support and export competition," is to be enhanced (WTO 2004a, A-7). Both the United States and the European Union have significantly altered their agricultural support in the last few years. These changes have moved a great deal of their agricultural support to direct payments to agricultural entities. The direct and countercyclical payments in the United States and the Single Farm Payments in the European Union all fit the description of direct payments. Given the current 230 Agricultural Trade Reform and the Doha Development Agenda structure of the Green Box and the new definition of the Blue Box, the U.S. direct payments and the EU Single Farm Payments would be filed in the Green Box, and the U.S. countercyclical payments would go in the Blue Box. These moves would seem to give the United States and the European Union a great deal of flexibility in dealing with the proposed reductions. However, the WTO panel ruling on the Brazil-U.S. cotton dispute has questioned whether the U.S. direct payments belong in the Green Box. The panel concluded that the U.S. direct payments"do not fully conform" to the guidelines for Green Box direct payments. The major reason for this conclusion is the restriction on the production of fruits and vegetables on the payment base acreage (WTO 2004b). By the same argument, the EU Single Farm Payments would not conform to the Green Box requirements. It would be relatively easy to fix both issues. Article 9 of the framework explicitly states that the reductions in total AMS permitted levels "will result in reductions of some product-specific support" (WTO 2004a, A-2). But given the loopholes with MPS, discussed in the next section of this chapter, and the flexibility of member states to channel support through other mechanisms, true reductions may not be achieved or the results may not be as dramatic as hoped. For example, the United States could utilize the MPS loopholes and make cosmetic changes to the dairy and sugar programs to fulfill a target in product-specific support reductions without truly affecting actual support. Another example would be if the United States moved to lower loan rates in the marketing loan program (reducing product-specific AMS) and augmented the countercyclical program to make up the support difference (by changing the target price). Aggregate support would remain the same, but support would shift from the Amber Box to the Blue Box. The ability of reductions in total permitted AMS levels to force reductions in product-specific support will also hinge on the product-specific AMS limits. These limits have yet to be determined, although the framework does state that the limits will be based on "respective average levels"(WTO 2004a,A-2). To guarantee product-specific support reductions, the final level of total permitted AMS must be less than the sum of the product- specific AMS limits. Should AMS Be Redefined? AMS is calculated in two ways. For support financed from the budget, the actual government expenditures on the program are used. However, for MPS programs, the AMS calculations depend on fixed external reference prices that are derived from import and export prices during the 1986­88 base period. The calculations also depend on the administered or policy prices set by the member state during the given marketing year. AMS is computed as the product of the difference Rethinking Agricultural Domestic Support 231 between the administered price and the external reference price and the amount of eligible production, less any fees or levies associated with the program. Having the calculations based on fixed prices simplifies them, as the only random parts of the AMS calculation are then the eligible production and program fees. But does this definition of AMS truly capture the amount of support from these programs? The use of the administered price does not necessarily reflect the market situation in the member state for the given year, just as the external reference price does not reflect the world market situation. If domestic market prices are lower than the administered price or the actual world price is above the external reference price, or both, then the amount of support, as computed under current AMS guidelines, is overestimated. If these price relationships are reversed (the domestic market price exceeds the administered price or the actual world price is below the reference price), then the amount of support is underestimated. Many of the agricultural programs in the four member states we consider here are considered market price support programs. In the United States, the dairy, sugar, and pre-2002 farm bill peanut programs fell into this category. The European Union has market price support programs for beef, butter, corn, rice, sugar, wheat, and several other commodities. Japan supports barley, beef, milk, pork, potatoes, sugar, and wheat. Brazil has price support programs for corn, cotton, edible beans, rice, sisal, soybeans, and wheat. Table 8.5 shows the proportion of reported AMS that comes from MPS programs for these four member states. The table shows that the United States, European Union, and Japan have all relied on price support programs for a majority of their reported agricultural support. The U.S. proportion has sizably dropped over the period, as other support programs have grown. The EU proportion has remained steady over the period. The Japanese proportion has fallen, mainly because of the shift in support for rice. Almost all of Brazil's support comes from other types of programs. TABLE 8.5 Market Price Support as a Percentage of Reported AMS, 1995­2001 Country/Region 1995 1996 1997 1998 1999 2000 2001 Average United States 100 100 93 56 35 35 40 66 European Union 64 68 69 73 71 70 -- 69 Japan 93 94 94 84 83 71 -- 87 Brazil 0 0 0 1 -- -- -- 0 Source: See data sources for tables at end of chapter. Note: -- = not available. 232 Agricultural Trade Reform and the Doha Development Agenda TABLE 8.6 U.S. Sugar Program AMS Calculations with External Reference Prices, 1995­2001 Administered External Eligible price reference price production AMS Year (US$/metricton) (millionmetrictons) (millionmetrictons) (US$millions) 1995 396.8 230.8 6.7 1,107.8 1996 374.8 230.8 6.5 937.2 1997 374.8 230.8 7.3 1,045.4 1998 374.8 230.8 7.6 1,093.2 1999 374.8 230.8 8.2 1,180.2 2000 374.8 230.8 7.9 1,132.8 2001 374.8 230.8 7.2 1,031.8 Source: See data sources for tables at end of chapter. As an example, consider the U.S. sugar program. It is a price support program in which the support originates in the form of commodity-backed loans. The administered price is the loan rate for the program less a forfeiture penalty. The external reference price is the 1986­88 average Caribbean price for sugar plus transportation costs to the United States. No fees or levies are associated with the program. Table 8.6 displays the reported AMS figures for the U.S. sugar program from 1995 to 2001. The administered price changes only with a change in the loan rate for the program, as happened with the passage of the 1996 farm bill. The external reference price is a constant (the 1986­88 average Caribbean price of $202.16 per metric ton plus $28.66 per metric ton transportation charge). Thus, the AMS for the program varies only with the eligible production. The average level of AMS was $1.075 billion and the range between high and low years was roughly $250 million. To show the effects of moving to different prices in the AMS calculation, we have calculated the AMS for the U.S. sugar program using the actual Caribbean sugar prices for the given years. These prices and the resulting AMS figures are given in table 8.7. On average, the change has a minor effect, as the average AMS would have been $1.034 billion annually over the period. Thus, on average, the amount of calculated support from the program fell when actual world prices were used. But the variability of the AMS figures dramatically increased with the inclusion of actual world prices. The range between high and low years increased to nearly $900 million. A similar exercise for the EU sugar program shows parallel results. On average, annual AMS levels for the program would fall modestly over the reported period if actual world prices were used in the calculation, but the variability of the AMS Rethinking Agricultural Domestic Support 233 TABLE 8.7 U.S. Sugar Program AMS Calculations with Actual World Prices, 1995­2001 (US$ per metric ton except where indicated) Freight Eligible on board production AMS Administered Caribbean Transportation (million (US$ Year price price adjustment metric tons) millions) 1995 396.8 273.0 28.6 6.7 635.1 1996 374.8 257.0 28.6 6.5 580.2 1997 374.8 238.0 28.6 7.3 785.2 1998 374.8 155.0 28.6 7.6 1,451.4 1999 374.8 166.0 28.6 8.2 1,476.7 2000 374.8 216.0 28.6 7.9 1,024.0 2001 374.8 167.0 28.6 7.2 1,283.8 Source: See data sources for tables at end of chapter. levels would increase. Reported AMS for the EU sugar program ranged from 5.72 billion in 1999 to 5.8 billion in 2000. Calculated AMS with actual world prices ranged from 4.5 to 6.5 billion. If actual domestic prices were used in the AMS calculation, then additional shifts would be expected. In table 8.8, we have calculated AMS for the U.S. sugar program using the actual Caribbean sugar prices and estimates for the U.S. domestic prices for the given years. The estimated domestic prices are based on TABLE 8.8 U.S. Sugar Program AMS Calculations with Actual Domestic and World Prices, 1995­2001 (US$ per metric ton except where indicated) Freight Eligible on board production Market caribbean Transportation (million AMS Year price price adjustment metric tons) (US$ millions) 1995 501.6 273.0 28.7 6.7 1,333.7 1996 496.0 257.0 28.7 6.5 1,369.1 1997 485.0 238.0 28.7 7.3 1,584.9 1998 486.9 155.0 28.7 7.6 2,301.8 1999 486.4 166.0 28.7 8.2 2,392.0 2000 405.6 216.0 28.7 7.9 1,266.2 2001 464.4 167.0 28.7 7.2 1,926.7 Source: See data sources for tables at end of chapter. 234 Agricultural Trade Reform and the Doha Development Agenda U.S. raw sugar prices that are reported with duty fees paid in New York on a fiscal year basis. This change has a major impact on AMS figures. The average annual AMS level over the reported period would have been $1.74 billion, a jump of nearly $700 million in estimated support. In some of the years, the estimated AMS levels in table 8.8 are double the actual reported values from table 8.6. Whether such changes to the definition of AMS would increase or decrease a WTO member's chances of violating WTO commitments depends on the relative relationships among the administered program price, the domestic market price, the external reference price, and the actual world price. As the U.S. sugar example shows, any new definition of AMS may lead to decreased chances of violations in some years but increased chances in others. The current definition has the relative benefit to member states of being fairly stable (only varying with production and policy changes), while new definitions of AMS would likely be more variable, at least based on this example. However, if domestic and world prices move together (as they would with more open trade), then the variability of the AMS calcula- tions using actual prices would be lower than was previously demonstrated. An increase in AMS variability would also contribute to a higher chance of violations, especially given the lower levels of AMS commitments put forth under the July Framework. Also, the change from the administered price to an actual domestic market price changes the meaning of the support estimate. One argument for staying with the administered price is that it represents the price supported by the domestic support program in question. By moving to an actual domestic price, the support estimate is picking up the effects of other policies (such as tariffs) and market events not embodied in the domestic support program. With an eye toward the goal of the negotiations, the potential variability from these changes to AMS calculations could bring more policy discipline and decrease the reliance on anti- cyclical support. But the panel ruling on the Brazil-U.S. cotton dispute also gives some insight on the framing of the URAA. In the ruling, the panel discussed MPS calculations for AMS. They stated that "a prime consideration of the drafters was to ensure that Members had some means of ensuring compliance with their commitments despite factors beyond their control" (WTO 2004b, 134). Thus, the framers of the URAA chose to provide member states a greater degree of control over their MPS measurement at the expense of an updated representation of the effective support from the programs. Another question related to AMS is the "double coverage" of such programs under the URAA. MPS programs essentially fall under two of the three pillars, market access and domestic support. Does it make sense to cover these programs twice? It does not in terms of the accounting of agricultural support, but in polit- ical economy terms, this was not an innocuous oversight. Indeed, it would be relatively simple to remove MPS programs from both the base and annual AMS Rethinking Agricultural Domestic Support 235 calculations and allow the market access commitments to govern their behavior. This change would make clear how the programs are treated. The removal of the MPS programs from both reported and base AMS would also remove the possibility of another policy change like the one in Japanese rice policy. The Japanese government abolished its official price for rice. This move dramatically reduced Japan's reported AMS (shown in table 8.3) without any reduction in permitted support. But the level of protection for rice was main- tained. Events such as this highlight the loopholes in the MPS approach. It is likely that new approaches will bring new loopholes or new policies circumventing the new rules, especially as long as market access limits allow high protection paid by consumers. The Japanese rice example also shows the importance of the adminis- tered price in MPS and the possible moves a member state can make to remove an MPS program from its notifications. One tactic WTO negotiators could use to tighten controls on MPS programs would be to define more clearly what constitutes an administered price and how an MPS program must be changed before it can be removed from notifications. Another example of double coverage is U.S. dairy policy before the 2002 farm bill. This program consisted of border protection measures and a domestic support price. Thus, the policies were covered by both the market access and domestic support pillars. But as Sumner (2003, 104) points out, the domestic support price "provides almost no support in addition to that provided by the dairy trade barriers."Under the current structure of domestic support reporting, though, the United States reports $4.5 billion in dairy AMS for domestic support. U.S. sugar policy could also be amended in a way that would make the sugar MPS ($1.1 billion) vanish without significant changes in the actual support received by U.S. sugar growers. However, the current double coverage does have the trade benefit of allowing either the market access or domestic support commitments to be binding. Thus, while an MPS program may be acceptable under the market access commitments, its domestic support commitments may not be met (or vice versa) and support reductions would be warranted. In different states of the world, different pillars may become binding. Also, many governments use trade restrictions to decrease the expected treasury cost of their farm support. A fundamental issue is whether the domestic program would indeed become fiscally unsustainable with open borders. The answer is a qualified yes. It is clear that the foreseeable reduction in border protection is driving many of the EU's CAP reforms, the recent reform of the U.S. peanut program, and other reforms. Yet there are a few powerful counterexamples such as U.S. and EU cotton subsidies, which appear sustainable despite open borders. A government's largesse is also conditioned on fiscal surpluses or deficits. The budgetary situation has been deteriorating for the largest providers of farm support in OECD countries. 236 Agricultural Trade Reform and the Doha Development Agenda Is the Domestic Support Pillar Worth the Trouble? With market price support programs covered by market access commitments, and most member states moving to Green Box support for most agricultural support, does it make sense to continue to discipline domestic support in the WTO? Only 20 percent of the WTO membership currently has explicit domestic support commitments. Many of the domestic support programs can be or are covered by the other pillars. Works such as that by Hoekman, Ng, and Olarreaga (2004) have shown that tariff reductions generate much larger welfare gains than similarly sized reductions in agricultural subsidies. However, Hoekman, Ng, and Olarreaga still conclude that it is important to focus on both tariffs and subsidies. With some caveats on dirty tariffication and tariff rate quota administration, the two trade pillars have fairly clear measures of their effectiveness, whereas the domestic support pillar is much less transparent. The rules of the domestic support pillar are structured to separate those programs that have minimal or no trade effects from those that are trade distorting. But a program's ability to distort trade is in the eye of the beholder. Earlier in this chapter, we outlined the list of program descriptors that define minimal- to non-trade-distorting programs (the Green Box guidelines). Recent disputes within the WTO (such as the U.S.-Brazil cotton dispute) have questioned the trade impacts of some of these Green Box programs, however. The goal of the domestic support commitments is to allow member states to direct support to the agricultural sector while limiting the trade effects from such support. The ability of the commitments to do this is strictly dependent on the precision of the domestic support guidelines in categorizing programs in their trade impacts. Judging from recent trade disputes, precision is somewhat lacking. This lack of precision was recognized in the URAA, as Blue and Amber Box programs were not completely restricted. If only non-trade-distorting programs had been allowed, the ability of member states to reach consensus on the guide- lines for such programs would have been severely tested. The Uruguay Round lasted eight years and the current agricultural negotiations are already in their sixth year. If the negotiations included strict guidelines on non-trade-distorting domestic support, we can imagine that the negotiations might take considerably longer and be even more contentious. One potential way to avoid this situation is to provide a temporarily generous definition of the Green Box, which would allow buyout or phaseout of Amber and Blue Box forms of support. Then a progressive phasedown of the Green Box would discipline remaining farm support over time. It took eight GATT rounds to get rid of industrial protection. It is foolish to hope that vested agricultural interests in some of the high- and middle-income countries would give up huge and concentrated rents without virulent and long fights. Part of the solution is also demographic in the European Union and North America, Rethinking Agricultural Domestic Support 237 where farming populations and farm political representation are aging rapidly and not being replaced.2 This withering process is happening in a new political economy context for farm subsidies. The general public now perceives OECD subsidies as exacerbating development and environment problems thanks to greater transparency induced by nongovernmental organizations such as Oxfam and the Environment Working Group. Another approach to defining the degree of trade distortion from agricultural support is through litigation. The U.S.-Brazil cotton dispute is but one example of this approach. The litigation approach would allow for an examination of specific aspects of the programs in question and provide a finer breakdown of the trade impacts. However, the possible costs of such an approach could be prohibitive. Looking at the approved July Framework, negotiators are exploring extensions of current guidelines on domestic support, with the possible redefinition of what may be considered minimal- to-non-trade-distorting policy. As the possibility of changing domestic support guidelines is discussed, it is important to try to balance the many issues linked with the support. Agricultural research, marketing, transportation, infrastructure, and inspection services are all covered by the Green Box. Programs with links to conservation, agricultural retirement, and disaster assistance efforts are also included. Many of these programs have multiple targets, and some of these targets are nonagricultural in nature. Part of the issue of tightening Green Box rules will be the tradeoff between limiting the possible trade-distort- ing effects of current Green Box programs and limiting a country's ability to fund multipurpose projects. Transportation and infrastructure support can illustrate this point. A seem- ingly farfetched example is the U.S. interstate highway system. The system was envisioned as part of a strategic plan for the defense of the nation. The system now serves more in an economic capacity than in a defense capacity (Weingroff 1996) and has become a nontrivial factor of production, especially for agriculture and food processing. Any infrastructure investment that decreases transaction costs of production and trade will potentially distort trade in agriculture (Anderson and van Wincoop 2004). There are two main areas of concern in the Green Box: the trade impacts from decoupled income support; and marketing, transportation, and infrastructure subsidies. The current guidelines indicate these programs are minimally trade distorting, but on the basis of the Brazil-U.S. cotton dispute ruling and other com- ments by WTO member state delegations, those assumptions are being questioned. Proposals, such as those from Pakistan and India, have called for an investigation of Green Box policies in combination with a reshaping of the Green Box guidelines (Ingco and Kandiero 2003). The framework explicitly calls for a review of Green Box criteria. Decoupled income support has become a favored way to support 238 Agricultural Trade Reform and the Doha Development Agenda agriculture in the United States and European Union. The United States shifted to decoupled income support with the 1996 farm bill and continued this type of support through the 2002 farm bill. The European Union, in its latest agricultural policy change, moved to combine many individual commodity payments into decoupled income support, known as the Single Farm Payment.3 The G-20 developing countries have questioned whether this income support is truly decoupled. The payment bases for the U.S. and EU income support pro- grams are set on historical, but recent, production decisions. In the case of the United States, the 2002 farm bill allowed producers to update their payment base to reflect recent shifts in production patterns and to allow the incorporation of a new commodity in the program. The decoupled income support used by the United States and European Union is being criticized on a number of other grounds as well. Many argue that the sheer size of the payments may affect producer decisions. As an example, for the 2001 marketing year, the decoupled income support received by U.S. rice producers equaled 38 percent of the total value of the U.S. rice crop. Second, the payments may reduce the risk of producing payment crops and the associated income stream, possibly creating incentives to increase output. These wealth and input effects have been examined and found to be small (Hennessy 1998; Young and Westcott 2000). Third, as was the case for the U.S. program, the possibility of updating payment bases may induce links between current production and the payments. Fourth, these programs often require that the land remain in agricul- tural use and the program may restrict the ways in which the land can be used. For example, producers receiving decoupled income support in the United States can- not shift the payment acreage to the production of certain fruits and vegetables. In a recent study, de Gorter, Ingco, and Ignacio (2004) explore in depth the factors that could link income support payments to production decisions. As was noted earlier in this chapter, a WTO dispute panel found that U.S. direct payments fail to meet Green Box guidelines. Ongoing negotiations should further strengthen and clarify the Green Box guidelines for direct support. Marketing, transportation, and infrastructure subsidies have also received scrutiny from member states, often for mercantilist reasons. As exemplified by a letter from U.S. Senator Charles Grassley to the U.S. Department of Agriculture and the Office of the United States Trade Representative (Grassley 2003), this concern is targeted mostly at specific developing countries and comes from developed countries. Protectionist interests in developed countries, such as the U.S. sugar lobby, regularly complain about unfair infrastructure subsidies in competing devel- oping countries (Roney 2004). The situation in Brazil is probably at the forefront of this discussion. As indicated in table 8.4, Brazil has spent more than $500 million annually on marketing, transportation, and infrastructure support. Most of Rethinking Agricultural Domestic Support 239 this support has been targeted at improvements in the Center-West region, where there has been tremendous growth in agricultural production.4 In a study of Brazilian and Argentine agricultural development, Schnepf, Dohlman, and Bolling (2001) refer to "the Brazil Cost," the additional costs and distortions that affect Brazil's ability to market agricultural commodities effec- tively. One of the major components of the Brazil Cost is the country's inefficient infrastructure and transportation system. In their analysis, Schnepf, Dohlman, and Bolling find that Brazil and Argentina have production cost advantages in comparison with the United States, but these advantages are largely eliminated by the difference in internal transportation and marketing costs. Fuller and others (2000) examine five potential transportation improvements that could be made in Brazil and find that these improvements could lead to significant increases in producer prices for soybeans, in the range of $0.30 to $0.60 a bushel. Such changes in producer prices are likely to have major implications for the continued expansion of agriculture in the Brazilian Center-West, for the trading capacity of Brazil, and for the world agricultural trade outlook. Thus, it would be hard to argue that these expenditures will have minimal trade effects. But just as in the example of the U.S. interstate highway system, there will likely be other beneficiaries from the transportation and infrastructure expenditures, as reduc- tions in transaction costs are often nontrivial. These beneficiaries will mostly be from nonagricultural sectors, giving the expenditures a public-good aspect. As a developing member, Brazil could also use Article 6.2, which explicitly allows for infrastructure subsidies and exempts them from domestic support commitment. Article 6.2 is seldom used and it has been extended in the July Framework. In the long run, it will represent some option value for developing members whenever infrastructure subsidies under the Green Box may be capped or cut. Subsidies under Article 6.2 will then become another potential loophole to scrutinize. Blue Box supports have been significantly affected under the July Framework. The changes include an expansion of the box by adding an additional category of payments, namely direct payments with a fixed payment base and no production requirement. Also, limits have been placed on the amount of support that can come from Blue Box programs, whereas the URAA placed no such limits. The vast majority of WTO member states do not use Blue Box programs. Only seven (the European Union, Iceland, Japan, Norway, the Slovak Republic, Slovenia, and the United States) have reported Blue Box support, and the United States eliminated its Blue Box programs with the passage of the 1996 farm bill. However, the new definition of the Blue Box opens its usage to all member states. The U.S. counter- cyclical program would seem to be a candidate for the new Blue Box. If U.S. direct payments and EU Single Farm Payments fail to meet Green Box guidelines, then those payments may find a home in the Blue Box. 240 Agricultural Trade Reform and the Doha Development Agenda Ways to Improve Domestic Support Guidelines This discussion has highlighted some of the issues embedded in the current WTO domestic support negotiations. The issues are many because of the myriad agricultural programs used by WTO members throughout the world. But the July Framework for categorizing all of the programs has allowed us to condense this support into manageable points in which further clarifications can be made. Given the possible effects of decoupled income support and marketing, trans- portation, and infrastructure support on world trade, these programs may not truly fit the Green Box target of minimally trade-distorting policies. However, these programs are not directly linked to current production or prices and may have other nonagricultural benefits. Therefore, leaving them in the Green Box but tightening the rules for them may make the most sense. The new rules might include expenditure limits patterned after the de minimis rules and stricter guide- lines on the definition of base periods and production for decoupled income support. Such changes would address the concerns raised about these programs while allowing members to continue to employ them. As we explained previously, there is a political economy tradeoff in disciplining the Green Box too much. An initially generous Green Box definition may facilitate negotiation of a phaseout of the Amber Box policies, which are the most damaging distortions. The current AMS framework for market price support, while providing a stable estimate of support, cannot adequately reflect actual support levels. Mov- ing to an AMS based on current world and domestic prices would better capture the actual level of support and align market price support programs with other Amber Box programs in which actual expenditures are used in the calculations. An alternative change would be to remove the market price support programs from both the AMS limits and the current AMS calculations. As shown by Japan, the URAA market price support AMS structure has a significant loop- hole, allowing the possibility that countries can make small changes in official policy (resulting in minimal changes in agricultural trade protection) and pro- vide themselves large cushions from agricultural support reductions. Either of the proposals suggested here would close this loophole. Resistance to closing the loophole is likely to be strong, given the vested interest of some OECD countries in the loophole. The July Framework has provided the possibility for significant agricultural trade reform in domestic support. New limits, such as those for Blue Box support and product-specific AMS, encompass more support programs than before and provide additional rules for programs already covered by existing limits. Unfortu- nately, the Blue Box cap proposed in the framework is so generous that many programs could be folded into the Blue Box with no effective change in policy. Rethinking Agricultural Domestic Support 241 Actually the MPS loopholes, initial AMS bindings, and Blue Box caps are so gen- erous that no actual change in aggregate support would occur. As the framework stands now, actual cuts in support would have to wait for a third round of agri- cultural negotiations. Further steps could be taken to convert the possibility of reform into genuine reductions in agricultural support. Changes such as the ones we have outlined address many of the concerns various member states have expressed during the negotiations while still allowing flexibility in domestic support. Additional changes, such as explicit language on the role of inflation in support limits, scheduled reductions in Blue Box and product-specific AMS limits, a cap on and eventually future cuts in Green Box payments, and rules evaluating the effects of different policies on domestic versus export markets, may also be beneficial to agricultural trade reform. A more radical approach, but an unlikely one because of its political economy, may be to require drastic cuts (75 percent or more) in bound AMS (Jensen and Zobbe 2006). This would bring cuts in actual supports, not just in bindings, and would somewhat compromise the ability of a country to play the color box game, although the Green Box would remain uncapped. As the negotia- tions continue, these issues will have to be addressed by member states as they strive for a new agreement. Notes 1. The limit on base-level production is somewhat arbitrary but has become almost irrelevant given the new cap on Blue Box payments at a maximum of 5 percent of production value agreed upon in the July Framework document (WTO 2004a). 2. A similar observation can be made of the agricultural economics profession! 3. See Messerlin (2003) for a discussion of the political economy associated with these changes. 4. This region consists of the states of Goiás, Mato Grosso, and Mato Grosso do Sul, along with the Federal District, which includes Brasilia. References American Farm Bureau. 2004."Framework Gets WTO Talks Moving Again." Farm Bureau News, August 23. http://www.fb.org/news/fbn/04/08_23/html/framework.html (accessed November 17, 2004). American Soybean Association. 2004. "WTO Trade Negotiations (Doha Round)." http://www. soygrowers.com/policy/backgrounders/wto.htm (accessed November 17, 2004). Anderson, J., and E. van Wincoop. 2004. "Trade Costs." 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Report of the Committee on Agriculture, Special Session, G/AG/NG/W/102, WTO, Geneva, January 15. http://docsonline.wto.org/DDFDocuments/t/G/AG/NGW102.doc (accessed October 2004). ______. 2004a. "Doha Work Programme, Decision Adopted by the General Council on 1 August 2004." Report of the General Council, WT/L/579, WTO, Geneva, August 2. http://www.wto.org/ english/tratop_e/dda_e/ddadraft_31jul04_e.pdf (accessed October 2004). ______. 2004b."United States: Subsidies on Upland Cotton, Report of the Panel." Panel of the Dispute Settlement Body, WT/DS267/R, WTO, Geneva, September 8. http://docsonline.wto.org/ DDFDocuments/t/WT/DS/267R.doc (accessed October 2004). ______. 2004c. "WTO Agricultural Negotiations: The Issues, and Where We Are Now." Committee on Agriculture Briefing Document, WTO, Geneva, April 20, updated October 25. http://www.wto. org/english/tratop_e/agric_e/agnegs_bkgrnd_e.pdf (accessed October 2004). Young, C. E., and P. C. Westcott. 2000."How Decoupled Is U.S. Agricultural Support for Major Crops?" American Journal of Agricultural Economics 82: 762­67. Rethinking Agricultural Domestic Support 243 Data Sources for Tables Economic Research Service (various issues), Sugar and Sweeteners Outlook, U.S. Department of Agriculture, Washington DC. World Trade Organization, Committee on Agriculture. "Notification, Brazil, Domestic Support." G/AG/N/BRA/18, Geneva, January 19, 2001. http://docsonline.wto.org/DDFDocuments/t/G/AG/ NBRA18.doc. ______. "Notification, Brazil, Domestic Support." G/AG/N/BRA/13, Geneva, March 24, 1999. http://docsonline.wto.org/DDFDocuments/t/G/AG/NBRA13.doc. ______. "Notification, Brazil, Domestic Support." G/AG/N/BRA/10, Geneva, March 9, 1998. http://docsonline.wto.org/DDFDocuments/t/G/AG/NBRA10.wpf. ______. "Notification, Brazil, Domestic Support." G/AG/N/BRA/6/Rev.1, Geneva, October 21, 1997. http://docsonline.wto.org/DDFDocuments/t/G/AG/NBRA6R1.wpf. ______. "Notification, Brazil, Domestic Support." G/AG/N/BRA/6, Geneva, September 23, 1996. http://docsonline.wto.org/DDFDocuments/t/G/AG/NBRA6.wpf. ______. "Notification, European Communities, Domestic Support." G/AG/N/EEC/41, Geneva, December 20, 2002. http://docsonline.wto.org/DDFDocuments/t/G/AG/NEEC41.doc. ______. "Notification, European Communities, Domestic Support." G/AG/N/EEC/38, Geneva, June 27, 2002. http://docsonline.wto.org/DDFDocuments/t/G/AG/NEEC38.doc. ______. "Notification, European Communities, Domestic Support." G/AG/N/EEC/39, Geneva, June 27, 2002. http://docsonline.wto.org/DDFDocuments/t/G/AG/NEEC39.doc. ______. "Notification, European Communities, Domestic Support." G/AG/N/EEC/30/Corr.1., Geneva, July 25, 2001. http://docsonline.wto.org/DDFDocuments/t/G/AG/NEEC30C1.doc. ______. "Notification, European Communities, Domestic Support." G/AG/N/EEC/30, Geneva, March 22, 2001. http://docsonline.wto.org/DDFDocuments/t/G/AG/NEEC30.doc. ______. "Notification, European Communities, Domestic Support." G/AG/N/EEC/26/Corr.1, Geneva, October 30, 2000. http://docsonline.wto.org/DDFDocuments/t/G/AG/NEEC26C1.doc. ______. "Notification, European Communities, Domestic Support." G/AG/N/EEC/26, Geneva, June 21, 2000. http://docsonline.wto.org/DDFDocuments/t/G/AG/NEEC26.doc. ______."Notification, European Communities, Domestic Support." G/AG/N/EEC/12/Rev.1/Corr.1, Geneva, May 12, 2000. http://docsonline.wto.org/DDFDocuments/t/G/AG/NEEC12R1C1.doc ______. "Notification, European Communities, Domestic Support." G/AG/N/EEC/12/Rev.1, Geneva, September 21, 1999. http://docsonline.wto.org/DDFDocuments/t/G/AG/NEEC12R1.doc. ______. "Notification, European Communities, Domestic Support." G/AG/N/EEC/16/Rev.1, Geneva, September 21, 1999. http://docsonline.wto.org/DDFDocuments/t/G/AG/NEEC16R1.doc. ______. "Notification, European Communities, Domestic Support." G/AG/N/EEC/17, Geneva, September 17, 1999. http://docsonline.wto.org/DDFDocuments/t/G/AG/NEEC17.doc. ______. "Notification, European Communities, Domestic Support." G/AG/N/EEC/16, Geneva, March 22, 1999. http://docsonline.wto.org/DDFDocuments/t/G/AG/NEEC16.doc. ______. "Notification, European Communities, Domestic Support." G/AG/N/EEC/12/Corr.2., Geneva, August 14, 1998. http://docsonline.wto.org/DDFDocuments/t/G/AG/NEEC12C2.doc. ______. "Notification, European Communities, Domestic Support." G/AG/N/EEC/12/Corr.1, Geneva, May 25, 1998. http://docsonline.wto.org/DDFDocuments/t/G/AG/NEEC12C1.wpf. ______. "Notification, European Communities, Domestic Support." G/AG/N/EEC/12, Geneva, May 8, 1998. http://docsonline.wto.org/DDFDocuments/t/G/AG/NEEC12.doc. ______. "Notification, Japan, Domestic Support." G/AG/N/JPN/98, Geneva, May 19, 2004. http://docsonline.wto.org/DDFDocuments/t/G/AG/NJPN98.doc. ______. "Notification, Japan, Domestic Support." G/AG/N/JPN/72, Geneva, February 19, 2002. http://docsonline.wto.org/DDFDocuments/t/G/AG/NJPN72.doc. ______. "Notification, Japan, Domestic Support." G/AG/N/JPN/62, Geneva, March 1, 2001. http://docsonline.wto.org/DDFDocuments/t/G/AG/NJPN62.doc. 244 Agricultural Trade Reform and the Doha Development Agenda ______. "Notification, Japan, Domestic Support." G/AG/N/JPN/61, Geneva, February 28, 2001. http://docsonline.wto.org/DDFDocuments/t/G/AG/NJPN61.doc. ______. "Notification, Japan, Domestic Support." G/AG/N/JPN/47, Geneva, February 21, 2000. http://docsonline.wto.org/DDFDocuments/t/G/AG/NJPN47.doc. ______. "Notification, Japan, Domestic Support." G/AG/N/JPN/34, Geneva, March 2, 1999. http://docsonline.wto.org/DDFDocuments/t/G/AG/NJPN34.doc. ______. "Notification, Japan, Domestic Support." G/AG/N/JPN/21/Corr.1, Geneva, September 25, 1997. http://docsonline.wto.org/DDFDocuments/t/G/AG/NJPN21C1.wpf. ______. "Notification, Japan, Domestic Support." G/AG/N/JPN/21, Geneva, June 12, 1997. http://docsonline.wto.org/DDFDocuments/t/G/AG/NJPN21.wpf. ______. "Notification, United States, Domestic Support." G/AG/N/USA/51, Geneva, March 17, 2004. http://docsonline.wto.org/DDFDocuments/t/G/AG/NUSA51.doc. ______. "Notification, United States, Domestic Support." G/AG/N/USA/43, Geneva, February 5, 2003. http://docsonline.wto.org/DDFDocuments/t/G/AG/NUSA43.doc. ______. "Notification, United States, Domestic Support." G/AG/N/USA/37, Geneva, October 5, 2001. http://docsonline.wto.org/DDFDocuments/t/G/AG/NUSA37.doc. ______."Notification, United States, Domestic Support." G/AG/N/USA/36, Geneva, June 26, 2001. http://docsonline.wto.org/DDFDocuments/t/G/AG/NUSA36.doc. ______."Notification, United States, Domestic Support." G/AG/N/USA/28, Geneva, November 16, 1999. http://docsonline.wto.org/DDFDocuments/t/G/AG/NUSA28.doc. ______."Notification, United States, Domestic Support." G/AG/N/USA/27, Geneva, June 28, 1999. http://docsonline.wto.org/DDFDocuments/t/G/AG/NUSA27.doc. ______. "Notification, United States, Domestic Support." G/AG/N/USA/25, Geneva, March 11, 1999. http://docsonline.wto.org/DDFDocuments/t/G/AG/NUSA25.doc. ______."Notification, United States, Domestic Support." G/AG/N/USA/17, Geneva, June 15, 1998. http://docsonline.wto.org/DDFDocuments/t/G/AG/NUSA17.doc. ______."Notification, United States, Domestic Support." G/AG/N/USA/10, Geneva, June 12, 1997. http://docsonline.wto.org/DDFDocuments/t/G/AG/NUSA10.wpf. ______. "Notification, United States, Domestic Support." G/AG/N/USA/5, Geneva, September 16, 1996. http://docsonline.wto.org/DDFDocuments/t/G/AG/NUSA5.wpf. 9 Consequences of Reducing Limits on Aggregate Measurements of Support Hans G. Jensen and Henrik Zobbe Throughout the history of the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT), agriculture has been a major issue of conflict. That has been especially obvious since the full inclusion of the sector in the Uruguay Round negotiations (1986­93). For many developed countries, agricultural policies are sensitive. These domestic policies are deeply founded in a long list of historical events and conditional economic and political structures and institutions (Zobbe 2003). Further domestic reforms are complicated and are slowing the multilateral process under the World Trade Organization's (WTO) current Doha Round. The overall aim of this round is to discipline agricultural protection and ensure serious reductions in support programs that distort agricultural production and trade. The Uruguay Round Agreement on Agriculture (URAA) established the disci- plinary framework for domestic agricultural support in WTO member countries by categorizing support into three boxes: an Amber Box, with support coupled with production, a Blue Box, with production-coupled support combined with production reduction programs, and a Green Box, with decoupled support pro- grams (see chapter 8 for details). The URAA introduced commitments on reductions in the amount of domestic support allowed in the Amber Box, while subsidies paid under the Blue and Green Boxes were exempt from reduction commitments. The authors thank Soren Frandsen, Will Martin, Kym Anderson, John Nash, Harry de Gorter, and other workshop participants for their comments and discussions. 245 246 Agricultural Trade Reform and the Doha Development Agenda In the Amber Box, an aggregate measure of support (AMS) was defined, after long and tough negotiations, as an indicator of the amount of support found in this box category. Initial levels of AMS were determined, and developed countries agreed to cut these initial levels by 20 percent (13 percent in developing countries) in the URAA. In principle, all production-coupled support should have been cut. But because of the exemption of the Blue Box, a historical base period reflecting very high initial support levels, and de minimis exemptions, domestic support cuts following the URAA have been rather disappointing (OECD 2001).1 The objective of this chapter is to analyze prospects for significant reductions in AMS, de minimis, and Blue Box domestic support commitments across WTO member countries, and to compare those prospective reductions in commitments with recent policy reforms in the European Union and the United States. The next section introduces the concept of AMS more formally and presents current AMS values distributed both by products and by countries. A scenario of possible AMS, de minimis, and Blue Box reductions is then presented. The third section compares that scenario with post-2001 policy changes in the European Union and the United States, before conclusions are drawn in the final section. Domestic Support Levels As a basis for projecting the effects of commitments that might be undertaken following the current negotiations, table 9.1 presents a snapshot of notified current total AMS levels in 1999 (the most recent year with a full data set) by country for 18 aggregated products and for non-product-specific support. The European Union, the United States, and Japan account for more than 90 percent of the $81 billion notified AMS in 1999. The European Union alone accounts for more than 60 percent ($50 billion). This snapshot also gives some information about politically sensitive products, which include beef, fruits and vegetables, grains, milk, and sugar. Table 9.2 presents notified data for domestic support under the de minimis rule for 1999, by country and products. The United States accounts for more than 80 percent ($7 billion) of total de minimis, and just about all of it is non-product-specific. Only a few other countries have some de minimis payments. For both the European Union and the United States, which are critically impor- tant providers of domestic support, AMS notifications are also available for 2001. These are presented in tables 9.3 and 9.4. Total AMS in the EU equaled 44 bil- lion, and the most supported products were beef, fruits and vegetables, grains, milk, and sugar. Market price support was the most important support element. For the United States, total AMS was $14 billion, and the most supported products were milk, oilseeds, and non-product-specific support. But because of the de minimis Consequences of Reducing Limits on AMS 247 rule, the $6.8 billion in non-product-specific support is not included in total AMS. Direct payments not eligible for exemption from the reduction commitments were the most important support element in the United States, in contrast with the EU where market price support was the dominant form. Possible Reduction Scenarios Since the conclusion of the URAA in 1994, the agenda for the current round of negotiations on domestic support has been more or less clear. The negotiating framework decided upon by the WTO General Council on August 1, 2004, is the most specific document available that sketches some possible outcomes (WTO 2004a). Overall, the so-called July Framework Agreement calls for "substantial reductions in trade-distorting domestic support" and specifies that special and dif- ferential treatment remain an integrated part of domestic support. It also calls for strong harmonization in the reductions made by developed countries. To secure substantial reductions, both the de minimis level and the allowed amount of Blue Box support are to be capped. More specifically, overall trade-distorting domestic support, as measured by the final bound total AMS plus the permitted de minimis level plus the highest level of Blue Box payments (or 5 percent of the value of out- put as a ceiling on Blue Box payments) during a recent representative period, is to be reduced according to a tiered formula. In the first year of implementation, countries are to reduce total trade-distorting support by 20 percent relative to this overall base. Total AMS is also to be reduced according to a tiered formula. Reduc- tions in de minimis are to be negotiated during this Doha Round; Blue Box support in the future is not to exceed 5 percent of a WTO member's average total value of production during a historical period to be agreed upon; and direct payments that do not require production can be placed in the Blue Box under certain conditions. Following these guidelines, table 9.5 was constructed to analyze the outcome of a possible future agreement. For all countries, the overall base value of all trade-distorting domestic support (column 4) is presented in the first row (base commitments) for each country listed. This level was calculated by adding total AMS base levels from the URAA final bound AMS levels (column 1) to the permitted de minimis payments in a given reference period (column 2) plus the highest of existing Blue Box payments during the 1995­2002 period or 5 percent of the total value of agricultural production, whichever was highest (column 3). The reduction modeled in this chapter uses a tiered formula reducing base AMS commitments and total trade-distorting domestic support by 75 or 60 percent in developed countries and by 40 percent in all developing countries.2 The second row presents for each country the new commitments: 75, 60, or 40 percent reductions are made in both total AMS and the overall base level of 248 Agricultural Trade Reform and the Doha Development Agenda TABLE 9.1 CurrentTotalAMS,1999,byCountryandCommodity (US$ millions) Fruits & Oil- Country Rice Wheat Grains vegetables seeds Sugar Fibers Wine Developed Iceland 0 0 0 0 0 0 3 0 Norway 0 42 144 18 0 0 0 0 Switzerlanda 0 163 158 75 30 0 0 0 Japan 0 617 197 0 89 492 9 0 EU15 410 3,048 4,593 9,933 2,273 6,004 794 2,140 Israel 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 Canada 0 0 136 0 29 0 0 0 United States 435 974 2,779 119 3,400 1,207 2,364 0 New Zealand 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 Australia 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 Developing Argentina 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 Brazila 0 27 0 0 0 0 55 0 Bulgaria 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 Colombia 4 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 Costa Rica 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 Jordana 0 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 Korea, Rep. of 1,278 0 42 0 0 0 0 0 Mexicoa 2 26 307 67 0 0 0 0 Morocco 0 18 0 0 0 0 0 0 South Africa 0 0 0 0 0 128 0 0 Thailanda 428 0 0 0 0 0 3 0 Tunisia 0 9 0 0 0 0 0 0 Venezuela, 0 0 146 0 0 0 0 0 R. B. dea Total 2,556 4,927 8,501 10,212 5,821 7,831 3,231 2,140 trade-distorting domestic support. The percentage reduction for each country is shown in Column 7. The de minimis is reduced from 5(10) percent of the value of production to 2.5(5) percent of the value of production in developed (developing) countries. This second row can be compared to the third row, which for each country presents the latest notification to the WTO for each element of support. That set of domestic support commitments would be binding for just ten countries or regions, namely Iceland, Norway, Switzerland, EU, Canada, the Consequences of Reducing Limits on AMS 249 TABLE 9.1 (Continued) Non- Live- Other product- Tobacco stock Beef Pork Poultry meat Milk specific Others Total 0 0 14 15 20 29 103 0 0 185 0 0 259 195 130 113 467 -9 0 1,359 5 0 383 458 187 0 651 0 0 2,110 0 0 1,503 2,370 0 0 1,270 0 143 6,690 1,027 0 13,649 0 0 0 6,064 0 0 49,934 0 0 0 0 52 0 205 0 0 257 0 5 0 109 0 0 361 0 0 639 924 0 0 0 0 0 4,660 0 0 16,862 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 40 0 0 40 80 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 80 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 83 10 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 10 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 7 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 2 0 2 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 1,319 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 401 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 18 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 128 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 431 0 0 0 0 0 0 15 0 0 24 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 65 0 211 2,047 5 15,807 3,147 389 143 13,836 57 143 80,792 Source: WTO 2004b; USDA 2004. a. Switzerland's reported AMS is for the year 1998; Brazil's for 1997/8; Jordan's, 2002; Mexico's, 1998, Thailand's, 1998; and Venezuela's, 1998. United States, Australia, Argentina, Republic of Korea, and Thailand (see table 9.5). Consider the examples of the United States and the European Union (table 9.6). In the United States, the new commitments for total AMS, non-product-specific de minimis, and total domestic support are binding, compared with the latest notification from the United States to the WTO. Of the notified total AMS to the 250 Agricultural Trade Reform and the Doha Development Agenda TABLE 9.2 Payments Not Included in Current Total AMS Due to de Minimis, 1999, by Country and Commodity (US$ millions) Fruits & Oil- Country Rice Wheat Grains vegetables seeds Sugar Fibers Wine Developed Iceland 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 Norway 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 Switzerlanda 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 Japan 0 0 0 80 0 0 0 0 EU15 0 16 0 2 0 0 0 0 Israel 0 3 0 9 0 0 0 0 Canada 0 42 0 11 14 0 0 0 United States 0 0 0 14 2 0 0 0 New Zealand 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 Australia 0 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 Developing Argentina 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 Brazila 26 0 51 15 89 89 0 0 Bulgaria 0 7 0 1 1 0 0 0 Colombia 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 Costa Rica 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 Jordana 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 Korea, Rep. of 0 0 5 46 5 0 0 0 Mexicoa 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 Morocco 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 South Africa 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 Thailanda 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 Tunisia 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 Venezuela, 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 R. B. dea Total 26 69 56 177 111 89 0 0 WTO of $14.4 billion, $5.8 billion stems from market price support (MPS) through official administered prices. In the modeled domestic support reduction scenarios outlined in this chapter, we allow for the possibility of removing (vapor- izing) the MPS from the current total AMS notification by simply abolishing the "official administered prices," without necessarily changing the trade policies Consequences of Reducing Limits on AMS 251 TABLE 9.2 (Continued) Non- Live Other product- Tobacco stock Beef Pork Poultry Meat Milk specific Others Total 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 13 0 0 199 0 292 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 303 0 322 0 0 1 0 7 0 0 60 7 88 0 0 45 0 0 0 0 0 2 115 0 13 0 0 0 0 0 7,406 0 7,435 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 7 0 4 0 3 0 14 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 105 34 409 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 18 0 27 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 28 0 0 0 0 0 5 0 34 0 0 2 9 0 0 0 344 2 414 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 0 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 7 0 7 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 41 49 15 21 4 0 8,451 45 9,156 Source: WTO 2004b; USDA 2004. a. Switzerland's reported AMS is for the year 1998; Brazil's for 1997/8; Jordan's, 2002; Mexico's, 1998, Thailand's, 1998; and Venezuela's, 1998. needed to maintain an administered price out of line with world market prices. But the measured MPS in the base period remains in the commitment limits, so that current AMS falls relative to the commitment level, without any reduction in actual protection. 252 Agricultural Trade Reform and the Doha Development Agenda TABLE 9.3 EU15 AMS Notifications, by Commodity, 2000/01 (1 millions) Non Other Equivalent exempt product measure Non- direct specific of product- Commodity MPS payments Support support specific AMS Commitment Rice 393 0 0 0 0 393 Wheat 1,932 8 0 0 0 2,271 Grains 3,350 306 0 0 0 3,672 Fruits & 0 746 0 8,796 0 9,537 vegetables Oilseeds 2,070 0 0 103 0 2,173 Sugar 5,797 12 0 0 0 5,809 Fibers 0 0 0 888 0 888 Wine 0 0 0 807 0 807 Tobacco 0 964 0 0 0 964 Livestock 0 0 0 0 0 0 Beef 11,190 0 0 0 0 11,190 Pork 0 10 0 0 0 0 Poultry 0 0 0 0 0 0 Other meat 0 0 0 0 0 0 Milk 5,951 0 0 0 0 5,951 Non-product- 0 0 0 0 538 0 specific Total 30,684 2,047 0 10,593 538 43,654 67,159 Source: EU notifications to the WTO. We also assume that all MPS ($5.8 billion) is abolished, which, together with reductions in non-MPS schemes, makes the United States able to meet its new commitments. The non-MPS payments are actual cash payments (subsidies) supporting farming, which amounted to $15.6 billion in the U.S. notification to the WTO for the year 2001. These payments would have to be reduced by $6.0 billion. Once this has been done, the United States would be within its new total domestic support limit of $9.6 billion when no support is given in the Blue Box. Overall, the United States would have to reduce its notified domestic support in the year 2001 by 55 percent, with MPS accounting for 27 percentage points of the reduction and a cut in cash payments (non-MPS) accounting for 28 points. In table 9.6b, a similar story is shown for the European Union. The same method of reducing domestic support is implemented.3 As can be seen, the EU Consequences of Reducing Limits on AMS 253 TABLE 9.4 United States AMS Notifications, by Commodity, 2001 (US$ millions) Non- Other exempt product Equivalent direct specific measure of Commodity MPS payments support support NPS AMS Commitment Rice 0 728 35 0 0 763 Wheat 0 177 13 0 0 0 Grains 0 1,219 77 0 0 1,270 Fruits & 0 0 0 0 0 0 vegetables Oilseeds 311 3,533 160 0 0 4,004 Sugar 1,032 27 2 0 0 1,061 Fibers 0 2,723 87 0 0 2,810 Wine 0 0 0 0 0 0 Tobacco 0 6 -7 0 0 0 Livestock 0 22 0 0 0 22 Beef 0 0 0 0 0 0 Pork 0 0 0 0 0 0 Poultry 0 0 0 0 0 0 Other meat 0 0 0 0 0 0 Milk 4,483 0 0 0 0 4,483 Non-product- 0 0 0 0 6,828 0 specific Total 5,826 8,435 367 0 6,828 14,413 19,103 Source: U.S. notifications to the WTO. has to reduce its reported total domestic support in the year 2001 by 62 percent, where 46 percentage points, or about three-fourths, of the reduction is accounted for by the abolition of MPS and 16 percentage points by reduced cash payments (Blue Box subsidies) to farming. 4 Recent Policy Reforms and Implications for Domestic Support Since the mid-1980s, most Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Devel- opment (OECD) countries have made some reforms to their agricultural poli- cies. Many economists argue that the OECD Trade Mandate of 1982 and the launch of the Uruguay Round negotiations in 1986 triggered this reform process. 254 Agricultural Trade Reform and the Doha Development Agenda TABLE 9.5 Domestic Support Base Levels, New Commitments, and Latest WTO Notifications Total de AMS minimis Country Currency (1) (2) Developed Iceland Base commitment ISK millions 130 6 New commitment 33 2.5% Notif. 2000 117 0 Norway Base commitment NKr millions 11,449 884 New commitment 2,862 2.5% Notif. 2001 10,700 0 Switzerland & Base commitment Sw F millions 4,257 365 Liechtenstein New commitment 1,064 2.5% Notif. 1998 3,273 0 Japan Base commitment ¥ billions 3,973 452 New commitment 993 2.5% Notif. 2000 709 32 EU15 Base commitment 1 millions 67,159 12,097 New commitment 16,790 2.5% Notif. 2000/01 43,654 561 Canada Base commitment Can$ millions 4,301 1,537 New commitment 1,075 2.5% Notif. 1999 939 1,102 United States Base commitment US$ millions 19,103 9,656 New commitment 4,776 2.5% Notif. 2001 14,413 7,045 New Zealand Base Commitment $NZ millions 288 669 New Commitment 115 2.5% Notif. 2001 0 0 Australia Base commitment $A millions 472 1,747 New commitment 189 2.5% Notif. 2002/03 213 20 Consequences of Reducing Limits on AMS 255 TABLE 9.5 (Continued) Blue Production Total as % of % Total Box Total value product value reduction (3) (4) = (1 + 2 + 3) (5) (6) = (4/5) (7) 15 150 114 132 75 6 38 0 117 7,880 20,213 17,682 114 75 884 5,053 7,240 17,940 365 4,987 7,304 68 75 365 1,247 0 3,273 452 4,878 9,047 54 75 452 1,219 93 833 21,521 100,777 241,943 42 75 12,097 25,194 22,223 66,438 1,537 7,375 30,737 24 75 1,537 1,844 0 2,041 9,656 38,416 193,129 20 75 9,656 9,604 0 21,458 669 1,626 13,385 12 60 669 651 0 0 1,747 3,965 34,934 11 60 1,747 1,586 0 233 256 Agricultural Trade Reform and the Doha Development Agenda TABLE 9.5 Domestic Support Base Levels, New Commitments, and Latest WTO Notifications (Continued) Total de AMS minimis Country Currency (1) (2) Developing Argentina Base commitment US$ thousands 75,021 n.a. New commitment 45,013 Notif. 2000/01 79,600 0 Brazil Base commitment US$ thousands 912,105 n.a. New commitment 547,263 Notif. 1997/98 82,820 408,714 Bulgaria Base commitment e millions 520 359 New commitment 312 5% Notif. 2001 26 9 Colombia Base commitment US$ thousands 344,733 n.a. New commitment 206,840 Notif. 1999 6,805 0 Costa Rica Base commitment US$ thousands 15,945 n.a. New commitment 9,567 Notif. 1999 1,595 0 Israel Base commitment US$ thousands 568,980 327,239 New commitment 341,388 5.0% Notif. 2002 248,155 27,131 Jordan Base commitment JD thousands 1,334 55,533 New commitment 800, 5.0% Notif. 2002 743 10,775 Korea, Rep. of Base commitment W billions 1,490 3,214 New commitment 894 5.0% Notif. 2000 1,691 526 Mexico Base commitment 1991 Mex$ millions 25,161 29,582 New commitment 15,097 5.0% Notif. 1998 3,799 0 Morocco Base commitment DH millions 685 n.a. New commitment 411 Notif. 2001 300 0 Consequences of Reducing Limits on AMS 257 TABLE 9.5 (Continued) Blue Production Total as % of % Total Box Total value product value reduction (3) (4) = (1 + 2 + 3) (5) (6) = (4/5) (7) n.a. n.a. n.a. n.a. 40 0 79,600 n.a. n.a. n.a. n.a. 40 491,534 180 1,059 3,594 29 40 180 635 0 35 n.a. n.a. n.a. n.a. 40 0 6,805 n.a. n.a. n.a. n.a. 40 0 1,595 163,620 1,059,839 3,272,391 32 40 163,620 635,903 0 275,286 27,767 84,634 555,333 15 40 27,767 50,780 11,518 1,607 6,311 32,137 20 40 1,607 3,786 0 2,217 14,791 69,534 295,821 24 40 14,791 41,721 0 3,799 n.a. n.a. n.a. n.a. 40 0 300 258 Agricultural Trade Reform and the Doha Development Agenda TABLE 9.5 Domestic Support Base Levels, New Commitments, and Latest WTO Notifications (Continued) Total de AMS minimis Country Currency (1) (2) Papua New Base commitment US$ millions 33 n.a. Guinea New commitment 20 Notif. not available South Africa Base commitment R millions 2,015 4,665 New commitment 1,209 5% Notif. 2002 0 0 Taiwan (China) Base commitment NT$ millions 14,165 n.a. New commitment 8,499 Notif. not available Thailand Base commitment B millions 19,028 n.a. New commitment 11,417 Notif. 1998 16,402 0 Tunisia Base commitment TD millions 59 374 New commitment 35 5% Notif. 2000 0 26 Venezuela, R.B. de Base commitment US$ thousands 1,130,667 n.a. New commitment 678,400 Notif. 1998 210,578 0 Others argue that the reform process in the European Union and the United States has been driven mainly by domestic rather than international politics (Paarlberg 1996). During the Uruguay Round negotiations, the EU implemented the MacSharry Reform of the Common Agricultural Policy (CAP) and the United States implemented new agricultural policies enacted in 1990. Both sets of legislation introduced more market-oriented policies and helped the multilat- eral agreement on its way and, in turn, the URAA helped reinforce the market policies. Since the conclusion of the URAA in late 1993 and the official launch of the Doha Round, both the EU and the United States have enacted further agricultural policy legislation. In the case of the EU, the Agenda 2000 reform was adopted in 2000 and a more far-reaching Midterm Review (MTR) reform will be implemented across Europe in 2005 (Jensen and Frandsen 2003). The Agenda 2000 reform made further Consequences of Reducing Limits on AMS 259 TABLE 9.5 (Continued) Blue Production Total as % of % Total Box Total value product value reduction (3) (4) = (1 + 2 + 3) (5) (6) = (4/5) (7) n.a. n.a. n.a. n.a. 40 2,333 9,013 46,655 19 40 2,333 5,408 0 0 n.a. n.a. n.a. n.a. 40 n.a. n.a. n.a. n.a. 40 0 16,402 187 620 3,738 17 40 187 372 0 26 n.a. n.a. n.a. n.a. 40 0 210,578 Source: WTO (2004b); OECD (2003); authors' assumptions. Note: n. a. = not applicable. For the base commitment, the total AMS (1) base level values are taken from the Uruguay Round's final bound AMS levels. The permitted de minimis (2) payments included in the overall base level of trade-distorting domestic support are calculated as 5/10 percent of the total value of agricultural production as defined by an average production value in a given reference period (column 5). Blue Box (3) payments included in the total base level of all trade-distorting support is the higher of existing Blue Box payments during the 1995­2000 period or 5 percent of the value of agricultural production (column 5). The total value (column 4) of overall base level of support is column (1) + (2) + (3). The reference value of agricultural production (5) in OECD countries is calculated as the average production value in the period 1999­2002 using values found in the PSE tables. For other countries, an average of the reported total value of agricultural production found in the WTO notifications has been used where available. In column 6, the total value of the overall base level of all trade-distorting domestic support is calculated as a percentage of the value of agricultural production with Iceland having the largest percentage value and Australia the lowest among developed countries. In column 7, the assumed reduction commitments for the overall base level of domestic support is specified, where developing countries with the highest level of possible trade-distorting domestic support as defined in column 6 making the largest reductions. For new commitments, the total AMS is reduced by the same reduction commitment as used to reduce the overall base level of domestic support. The permitted de minimis value of domestic support is reduced from 5/10 percent of agricultural production value, to 2.5/5 percent. Blue Box payments are limited to 5 percent of the agricultural production value found in column (5). The total overall base level of domestic support is reduced by the percentage found in column (7). The notification date is the latest notification to the WTO. 260 Agricultural Trade Reform and the Doha Development Agenda TABLE 9.6 Domestic Support Reductions Needed (a) In the United States (US$ millions) de minimis Non- Total Percent product- Product Blue domestic reduction AMS specific specific Box support in support Base commitment 19,103 9,656 0 9,656 38,415 New commitment 4,776 4,828 0 9,656 9,604 Notif. 2001 14,413 6,828 217 0 21,458 of which MPS 5,826 Reductions MPS -5,826 0 0 0 -5,826 -27.2 Non-MPS -3,822 -2,000 -206 0 -6,028 -28.1 New domestic 4,765 4,828 11 0 9,604 -55.2 support (b) In the European Union ( millions) de minimis Non- Total Percent product- Product Blue domestic reduction AMS specific specific Box support in support Base commitment 67,159 12,097 0 21,521 100,777 New commitment 16,790 6,049 0 12,097 25,194 Notif. 2000/01 43,654 538 40 22,223 66,455 of which MPS 30,684 Reductions MPS -30,684 0 0 0 -30,684 -46.2 Non-MPS 0 0 -17 -10,560 -10,577 -15.9 New domestic 12,970 538 23 11,663 25,194 -62.1 support Source: WTO notifications and authors' assumptions. reductions in some of the administrative prices in key market organizations under the CAP. In contrast with the MacSharry Reform, these price cuts were only partly replaced by compensatory payments based on areas planted or numbers of livestock. The price support element of the CAP is part of the Amber Box and hence of AMS. Consequences of Reducing Limits on AMS 261 TABLE 9.7 Agenda 2000 and MTR Intervention Price Reduction ( per metric ton) Notification 2000/01 New Commodity administered price administered price Cereals 110.25 101.3 Rice 298.40 150.0 Skimmed milk powder 2,055.20 1,747.0 Butter 3,282.00 2,464.0 Beef 3,242.00 2,224.0a Sugar 631.90 385.5a Source: European Commission 2005, 2003a, 2003b, 2003c, 1999. a. The Agenda 2000 reform of the CAP and the proposed sugar reform abolish the intervention prices for beef and sugar, respectively. Until now, those prices had been used in the calculation of MPS in the EU's notifications to the WTO. Instead the EU introduces a basic price of 2,224 per metric ton of beef and a reference price for sugar of 385.5 per metric ton. The new basic and reference prices act as trigger level for private storage as well as setting the level of border protection in the EU. In the calculation made in this chapter, it is assumed that the EU will notify these prices as new administered prices and use them in the calculation of the MPS component of the AMS. The compensatory payments are paid to farmers in combination with set-aside programs and are therefore allocated to the Blue Box. The MTR reform introduces decoupled payments. The idea is to change both the hectare and animal premiums into payments based on historical criteria. EU member countries can choose to keep a small amount of the production-coupled premiums, and the European Commission expects about 10 percent of payments to remain coupled to produc- tion. This policy change will probably mean that most of the support now placed in the Blue Box will be moved to the Green Box. Nevertheless, the EU will still need the Blue Box for future reform scenarios. The MTR reform introduces only minor changes in the market price support regimes. The EU sugar regime has not yet been reformed, but the European Commis- sion has put forward a rather serious reform plan. The administrative sugar price would be reduced by 39 percent over a few years. Sugar beet growers would be partly compensated by decoupled payments. Table 9.7 sums up the reductions in administrative prices included in Agenda 2000, the MTR reform, and the commis- sion proposal. Table 9.8 shows what the total AMS would be if the commission's price reductions are implemented, and compares that AMS with the new possible commitment presented in table 9.5a. The bottom line is that the EU's total AMS is reduced from 44 billion to 29 billion, 11.9 billion above the calculated new commitment of 16.8 billion. 262 Agricultural Trade Reform and the Doha Development Agenda TABLE 9.8 EU15 AMS Adjusted for Intervention Price Changes ( millions) Non- Other Equivalent exempt product measure Non- direct specific of product- New Commodity MPS payments support support specific AMS commitment Rice 17 0 0 0 0 17 Wheat 997 8 0 0 0 1,415 Grains 2,388 306 0 0 0 2,771 Fruits & 0 746 0 8,796 0 9,537 vegetables Oilseeds 2,070 0 0 103 0 2,173 Sugar 2,372 12 0 0 0 2,372 Fibers 0 0 0 888 0 888 Wine 0 0 0 807 0 807 Tobacco 0 964 0 0 0 964 Livestock 0 0 0 0 0 0 Beef 3,657 0 0 0 0 3,657 Pork 0 10 0 0 0 0 Poultry 0 0 0 0 0 0 Other meat 0 0 0 0 0 0 Milk 4,058 0 0 0 0 4,058 Non-product- 0 0 0 0 538 0 specific Total 15,559 2,047 0 10,593 538 28,659 16,790 Source: EU WTO notification and authors' assumptions. Note: Intervention price changes are a result of the Agenda 2000, the MTR reform, and the proposed sugar reform of the Common Agricultural Policy in the EU. In the United States, the 1996 farm bill fundamentally changed the traditional approach to agricultural policy to one of market reliance. Supply management in most areas was abolished, and deficiency payment programs were converted to decoupled payments based on historical production data. The income security net also was lowered. The loan rate and hence loan deficiency payments were reduced. The consequences for the commitments under the WTO were lower Amber Box support and a move of all Blue Box support to the Green Box. For political reasons the United States then argued for complete abolition of the Blue Box, but soon thereafter things changed for the worse: market prices fell, and bad weather across the country squeezed farm incomes. The political response was to provide ad hoc Consequences of Reducing Limits on AMS 263 TABLE 9.9 U.S. AMS Adjusted for Administered Dairy Price and Market Loss Assistance Payments (US$ millions) Non- Other Equivalent exempt product measure Non- direct specific of product- New Commodity MPS payments support support specific AMS commitment Rice 0 728 35 0 0 763 Wheat 0 177 13 0 0 189 Grains 0 1,219 77 0 0 1,286 Fruits & 0 0 0 0 0 0 vegetables Oilseeds 311 3,533 160 0 0 4,004 Sugar 1,032 27 2 0 0 1,061 Fibers 0 2,723 87 0 0 2,810 Wine 0 0 0 0 0 0 Tobacco 0 6 -7 0 0 0 Livestock 0 22 0 0 0 22 Beef 0 0 0 0 0 0 Pork 0 0 0 0 0 0 Poultry 0 0 0 0 0 0 Other meat 0 0 0 0 0 0 Milk 0 0 0 0 0 0 Non-product- 0 0 0 0 2,188 0 specific Total 1,342 8,435 367 0 2,188 10,136 4,776 Source: U.S. WTO notification and authors' assumptions. payments year after year, which brought the total AMS back up to its former levels. The 2002 farm bill introduced a new policy instrument, which institutionalized the former ad hoc arrangements as countercyclical payments that are non-product- specific and partly decoupled. Table 9.9 incorporates legislation already implemented and possible future policy changes together with the new commitments from table 9.5a. The new commitment equals a total AMS binding of $4.8 billion. The most likely result in the Doha negotiations will be that the ad hoc payments, notified in 2001 as $4.0 billion, will be moved to the Blue Box. Another issue, touched on by Sumner (2003), relates to dairy policy. His argument is that the notified MPS 264 Agricultural Trade Reform and the Doha Development Agenda amounting to $4.4 billion could be removed from AMS without affecting U.S. farmers. The high domestic milk price is supported by border measures, with the administered market price playing little independent role. The current small support element could then be changed to a more or less decoupled direct pay- ment (Sumner 2003). After these changes, the new total AMS is $10.1 billion-- $5.3 billion short of the calculated new commitments. Conclusions The most important messages from this chapter are that serious reductions are needed in both the bound AMS and de minimis support, tiered reductions are needed to level the playing field, and future commitments need to be placed not only in the Amber Box but also in the Blue Box. The July Framework Agreement provides a basis to develop a reduction scenario for countries that hold commitments, and that scenario suggests that Australia, Argentina, Canada, the EU, Iceland, Korea, Norway, Switzerland, Thailand, and the United States are the members most likely to need to reduce support. More specifically, the scenario indicates that the EU15 (not counting its 10 new members) needs to make serious reductions in both Amber and Blue Box support. The United States needs to make serious reductions in its Amber Box and de minimis support. A country's position in the Doha negotiations necessarily reflects domestic politics, both current and prospective. As under the Uruguay Round negotiations, the direction of causality is not obvious: domestic politics influence the negotia- tions and the negotiations influence domestic politics. A comparison of recent agricultural policy reforms in the EU and the United States gives some insight. In the case of the EU, we looked at the effects of Agenda 2000, the Midterm Review reform and the proposed sugar reform; in the United States, we looked at the farm bills of 1996 and 2002 and a possible milk policy reform. Finally, two important assumptions behind this analysis need some discus- sion. First, further negotiations may alter the details of the framework agreement on which this analysis is based. For example, the potential loopholes regarding base periods, reference periods, and specific percentages of reduction will be decided later. Second, AMS is not the complete story on domestic support. AMS is politically defined, and it excludes some important current support measures because it uses historical prices fixed by the URAA and because it uses adminis- trative prices as the indicator of whether the particular support policy will be included in the measure at all. A discussion to broaden the concept of AMS is thus needed. Consequences of Reducing Limits on AMS 265 TABLE 9A.1 Domestic Support Reductions for Selected Countries (a) Australia ($A millions) de minimis Non- Total Percent product- Product Blue domestic reduction AMS specific specific Box support in support Base commitment 472 1,747 0 1,747 3,965 New commitment 189 874 0 1,747 1,586 Notif. 2002/3 213 1 19 0 233 of which MPS 0 Reductions MPS 0 0 0.0 Non-MPSa -24 0 0 0 -24 New domestic 189 1 19 0 209 -10.4 support (b) Canada (Can$ millions) de minimis Non- Total Percent product- Product Blue domestic reduction AMS specific specific Box support in support Base commitment 4,301 1,537 0 1,537 7,375 New commitment 1,075 769 0 1,537 1,844 Notif. 1999 939 1,102 0 0 2,041 of which MPS 440 Reductions MPS -197 -197 -9.7 Non-MPSb 334 -334 0 0 0 0.0 New domestic 1,075 769 0 0 1,844 -9.7 support a. In Australia $A203 million is given as dairy structural adjustment programs in the 2002 (notification by Australia to the WTO), which would have to be reduced to meet the new AMS commitment by $A24 million. b. Reducing non-product-specific de minimis from 5 percent to 2.5 percent of the value of agricultural production moves Can$334 million back into the AMS calculation. To keep Canada's domestic support below its new commitments, MPS is reduced by Can$197 million. 266 Agricultural Trade Reform and the Doha Development Agenda TABLE 9A.1 Domestic Support Reductions for Selected Countries (Continued) (c) Norway (NKr millions) de minimis Non- Total Percent product- Product Blue domestic reduction AMS specific specific Boxc support in support Base commitment 11,449 884 0 7,880 20,213 New commitment 2,862 442 0 3,940 5,053 Notif. 2002/3 10,700 0 0 7,240 17,940 of which MPS 10,866 Reductions MPS -9,587 -9,587 -53.4 Non-MPS 0 0 0 -3,300 -3,300 -18.4 New domestic 2,862 0 0 3,940 5,053 71.8 support (d) Iceland (ISK millions) de minimis Non- Total Percent product- Product Blue domestic reduction AMS specific specific Box support in support Base commitment 130 6 0 15 150 New commitment 33 3 0 6 38 Notif. 2000 117 0 0 0 117 of which MPS 83 Reductions MPS -83 -83 -70.9 Non-MPS -1 0 0 0 -1 -0.9 New domestic 33 0 0 0 33 -71.8 support c. Because Norway has a high proportion of its support in the Blue Box, its reduction commitment is reduced to a 50 percent reduction of its base commitment of NKr 7,880 million compared with the 5 percent rule, where Norway would have to reduce its Blue Box payments to NKr 884 million. Consequences of Reducing Limits on AMS 267 TABLE 9A.1 (Continued) (e) Switzerland (Sw F millions) de minimis Non- Total Percent product- Product Blue domestic reduction AMS specific specific Box support in support Base commitment 4,257 365 0 365 4,987 New commitment 1,064 183 0 365 1,247 Notif. 1998 3,273 0 0 0 3,273 of which MPS 3,138 Reductions MPS -2,209 -2,209 -67.5 Non-MPS 0 0 0 0 0 0.0 New domestic 1,064 0 0 0 1,064 -67.5 support (f) Argentina (US$ millions) de minimis Non- Total Percent product- Product Blue domestic reduction AMS specific specific Box support in support Base commitment 75,021 -- 0 -- -- New commitment 45,013 -- 0 -- -- Notif. 1998 79,600 0 0 0 79,600 of which applied administered price support 79,600 Reductions MPS -34,587 -34,587 -43.5 Non-MPSd 0 0 0 0 0 0.0 New domestic 45,013 0 0 0 45,013 -43.5 support d. The reported domestic support in Argentina is support to tobacco, through an applied administered price, which would have to be reduced by 43.5 percent. 268 Agricultural Trade Reform and the Doha Development Agenda TABLE 9A.1 Domestic Support Reductions for Selected Countries (Continued) (g) Republic of Korea (W billions) de minimis Non- Total Percent product- Product Blue domestic reduction AMS specific specific Box support in support Base commitment 1,490 3,214 0 1,607 6,311 New commitment 894 1,607 0 1,607 3,786 Notif. 1998e 1,691 413 113 0 2,217 of which MPS 1,691 Reductions MPS -809 -35 -844 -38.0 Non-MPSe +12 0 -12 0 0 0.0 New domestic 894 413 66 0 1,373 -38.0 support (h) Thailand (B millions) de minimis Non- Total Percent product- Product Blue domestic reduction AMS specific specific Box support in support Base commitment 19,028 -- 0 -- -- New commitment 11,417 -- 0 -- -- Notif. 1998f 16,402 0 0 0 16,402 of which MPS 0 Reductions MPS 0 0.0 Non-MPSf -4,985 0 0 0 -4,985 30.4 New domestic 11,417 0 0 0 11,417 30.4 support Source: WTO notifications and authors' assumptions. Note: -- = not available. e. The reported domestic support in the Republic of Korea is mainly for rice (W 1,647 billion), through an applied administered price (MPS). f. The reported domestic support in Thailand is mainly for rice (B 16,282 million). The support is mainly a paddy pledging scheme and soft loan measure. Consequences of Reducing Limits on AMS 269 Notes 1. See chapter 8 for a discussion of de minimis measures. 2. In developed countries, the 75 percent reduction in total AMS and total trade-distorting support is implemented in countries where the total value of possible trade-distorting support as a percent of the value of agricultural production is equal to or greater than 20 percent. 3. Appendix table 9.A1 shows the reductions in domestic support in Iceland, Norway, Switzerland, Canada, Australia, Argentina, Korea, and Thailand. 4. It is very doubtful that official administrative prices would be abolished in the EU. Since the establish- ment of the Common Agricultural Policy in 1960, the backbone of the system has been various market organizations. The core of this market price support has always been an administrative price, and this is still true for the CAP today. The Midterm Review reform barely touched on the level of market price support. References Anderson, K., W. Martin, and D. van der Mensbrugghe. 2006. "Market and Welfare Implications of Doha Reform Scenarios." In Agricultural Trade Reform and the Doha Development Agenda, ed. K. Anderson and W. Martin. Basingstoke, U. K.: Palgrave Macmillan; Washington, DC: World Bank. European Commission. 1999. Council Regulation (EC) No. 1254/1999 of 17 May, on the Common Organization of the Market in Beef and Veal. European Commission, Brussels. ______. 2003a. Council Regulation (EC) No. 1787/2003 of 29 September, on the Common Organi- zation of the Market in Milk and Milk products. European Commission, Brussels. ______. 2003b. Council Regulation (EC) No. 1785/2003 of 29 September, on the Common Organization of the Market of Rice. European Commission, Brussels. ______. 2003c. Council Regulation (EC) No. 1784/2003 of 29 September, on the Common Organization of the Market in Cereal. European Commission, Brussels. ______. 2005. "Proposal for a Council Regulation on the Common Organization of the Market in the Sugar Sector." COM (2005) 263 final. European Commission, Brussels. Jensen, H. G., and S. E. Frandsen. 2003. "Impacts of the Eastern European Accession and the 2003 Reform of the CAP: Consequences for Individual Member Countries." Working Paper 11, Danish Institute of Food Economics, Copenhagen. OECD (Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development). 2001. The Uruguay Round Agreement on Agriculture: An Evaluation of its Implementation in OECD Countries. Paris: OECD. OECD. 2003. OECD Agricultural Databases, 2003 ed. Paris: OECD. Paarlberg, R. L. 1996. "The Uruguay Round and Agriculture: International Path to Domestic Policy Reform?" Paper 96-1, Weatherhead Center for International Affairs, Harvard University, Cambridge, MA. January 30. Sumner, D. A. 2003. "Implications of the US Farm Bill of 2002 for Agricultural Trade and Trade Negotiations." Australian Journal of Agricultural and Resource Economics 46(3): 99­122. USDA (United States Department of Agriculture), Economic Research Service. 2004. Data onWTO Domestic Support Notifications. http://www.ers.usda.gov/db/Wto/AMS_database/ Default.asp? ERSTab=3&view=DS6 (accessed June 2005). WTO (World Trade Organization). 2004a."Doha Work Programme, Decision Adopted by the General Council on 1 August 2004." Report of the General Council, WT/L/579, August 2. http://www.wto. org/english/tratop_e/dda_e/ddadraft_31jul04_e.pdf (accessed October 2004). ______. 2004b. WTO Notifications. http://docsonline.wto.org/gen_home.asp?language=1&_=1 (accessed August 2004). Zobbe, H. 2003. "The Economic and Historical Foundation of Agricultural Policy in Europe and the United States." Ph.D. thesis, Royal Veterinary and Agricultural University, Copenhagen. 10 Reducing Cotton Subsidies: The DDA Cotton Initiative Daniel A. Sumner The current round of World Trade Organization (WTO) negotiations differs in several ways from the previous half-century of multilateral negotiations under the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT). It is not just that there is now a formal organization to convene the talks, or that the talks are not called a "round" (as in "Uruguay Round" or "Kennedy Round") but the Doha Development Agenda (DDA). The most important differences in the current set of negotiations are the shifts in attention toward developing countries and even some of the least developed countries (LDCs). Cotton subsidy issues have been near the center of both these changes. That the DDA was delayed and that one significant source of the roadblock was agriculture was not surprising. The same delays plagued the GATT Uruguay Round negotiations that dragged on for seven years. This time, however, the important division is not mainly between Japan and the European Union on one side and the United States and its Cairns Group allies on the other. In the DDA, the split has been between the rich agricultural subsidizers, especially the United States and the European Union, and large developing countries, led by Brazil. Part of Brazil's influence and leadership has resulted from its successful WTO challenges of cotton policies in the United States and sugar export subsidies in the European Union. Furthermore, LDCs, led by four West and Central African cotton exporters with The author was a consultant to the Brazilian government in the WTO dispute settlement case against the U.S. cotton subsidy regime. He is grateful for comments and suggestions from Henrich Brunke, Christian Lau, Kym Anderson, John Baffes, Will Martin, Nicolas Imboden, and Tim Josling. 271 272 Agricultural Trade Reform and the Doha Development Agenda their "cotton initiative," have also garnered much attention and caused the Doha negotiations to focus on links between farm subsidies in rich countries and eco- nomic development of agriculture in poor countries. Benin, Burkina Faso, Chad, and Mali, the countries that proposed the cotton initiative, have tiny economies and no particular clout in international relations or in the international economy. Nonetheless, their proposal for accelerated elimina- tion of trade-distorting cotton subsidies and financial compensation for losses while subsidies are being eliminated has been included as a central issue in the WTO negotiations. (The WTO summarizes the issue and provides access to documents at its Web site; WTO 2005a.) Why Cotton? Many countries have specific products, services, or issues that are of particular concern in their trade relationships. These seldom are proposed as separate ini- tiatives in trade negotiations. When they are proposed, such initiatives seldom get much attention. The experience of the cotton initiative in the DDA has been different. It has been embraced at the highest levels of the WTO and has been accorded unprecedented global attention. All this for a farm commodity with total global export value of less than $10 billion, only a small percentage of the value of world agricultural exports, and a truly tiny fraction of the value of global trade in goods. The cotton issue caught the attention of world leaders and WTO negotiators for several reasons. First, heads of state of several very poor nations have champi- oned the issue. They flagged the issue as vital to their overall national interests and the very survival of large segments of their populations. Second, their arguments were more than political rhetoric. Cotton is a very important tradable commodity for the countries that have sponsored the initia- tive. Cotton comprises approximately 30 percent of total exports of the four West African nations that proposed the initiative and accounts for a significant share of rural incomes of millions of poor farmers in that region (Minot and Daniels 2001). Third, cotton subsidy policy is concentrated in a few rich countries. Devel- oping countries provide little domestic support, but they do apply agricultural border barriers. Therefore, a sector initiative that focuses on subsidies may gar- ner broad support among developing countries. The EU provides the highest per unit support, but cotton is a minor crop even in the two EU countries, Greece and Spain, that produce cotton. The United States is the only WTO member that highly subsidizes cotton and that plays a significant role in the global cotton market. Reducing Cotton Subsidies: The DDA Cotton Initiative 273 Fourth, cotton subsidies have little second-round benefit for poor countries. Sugar and rice are also heavily subsidized and protected and contribute to the incomes of many of the world's poor. Widespread import barriers restrict sugar and rice trade, however. Unlike rice, where poor nonfarm consumers likely gain from lower world prices, the rich-country cotton subsidies likely have little bene- fit for any of the poor in poor countries. And, unlike sugar, for which some poor countries get valuable preferential access to rich-country markets, there are no poor-country cotton producers that gain from the rich-country cotton subsidies. Finally, the cotton cause was adopted as the lead issue by global nongovern- mental organizations, especially IDEAS in Switzerland, which helped develop the initiative (Baffes 2005), and Oxfam, which developed some of the most dramatic evidence and publicized the issue effectively in Europe and North America (Oxfam 2002, 2004). These reasons may help explain why the cotton initiative got as much attention as it did. However, none of this discussion suggests that removing cotton subsidies alone, while leaving other subsidies and trade barriers in place, would improve substantially the lot of the world's poor overall, or that it is an optimal negotiating strategy for LDCs. The DDA Cotton Initiative: Original Content and Negotiating Developments Suggestions for separate negotiating initiatives for specific products or services sometimes have been raised in the GATT/WTO. Historically, broad areas such as textiles and agriculture have been separated because of special rules and excep- tions and, typically, a reduced pace of liberalization. Those wishing faster or more complete liberalization for some product groupings have sometimes sug- gested that accelerated tariff cuts be agreed on a sectorwide basis. These suggestions have not survived to the final agreements, however. For example, in the Uruguay Round negotiations, suggestions for zero-for-zero tariffs for oilseeds were dis- cussed but not implemented. Currently U.S. industry interests are urging elimination of market access restrictions for all fruits and vegetables. This sec- torwide initiative has received little attention. The proposed cotton sector initiative for the Doha negotiations is unique in its combination of elements. It was proposed at the highest political level mainly to deal with domestic support policies of one major export competitor. The propos- ing nations also suggested compensation for commercial losses caused by lowered prices resulting from the offending subsidies. In the DDA negotiations in Cancún, the proposed initiative was the subject of extensive media coverage, and the WTO director general led the discussions (WTO 2003a). 274 Agricultural Trade Reform and the Doha Development Agenda The four African cotton-exporting nations initially submitted their cotton initiative in a letter to the director general on April 30, 2003, and presented the ini- tiative to the WTO Trade Negotiating Committee on June 10, 2003 (WT0 2003b). President Blaise Compaore of Burkina Faso stated the objectives and motivation of the four countries in a speech to that committee on the same day (WTO 2003c). He urged that "a mechanism be set up to progressively reduce support to cotton production and export, with a view to fully suppressing all cotton sub- sidies at a defined deadline." Moreover, he asked that "as an immediate and tran- sitory measure in favor of least developed countries, a mechanism be adopted to compensate their farmers for the revenue losses incurred because of cotton sub- sidies." And to emphasize the importance of the initiative, he further stated, "African countries share the opinion that a satisfactory settlement for the cotton subsidy issue is both a must for the current negotiation round and a test that will allow member States to prove their sincerity behind the commitments taken at Doha." Under the proposal, compensation is to be paid to cotton growers or their local organizations. The specific compensation proposal has four elements. First, it asks that the amount of the proposed compensation be calculated on the basis of cot- ton subsidies and market conditions during the period 1999 though 2002. The amount of $250 million a year is highlighted in the proposal, based on data from the International Cotton Advisory Committee (ICAC 2002) and the work of Goreux (2003). Second, compensation would be reduced proportionately as sub- sidies are phased down on the path toward elimination. Third, responsibility for compensation payments would be allocated on the basis of each member's share of total cotton subsidies, and fourth, payments would be allocated to beneficiary LDC countries based on their share of cotton production. The cotton initiative began receiving serious consideration as soon as it was proposed. The failure of the Cancún ministerial to reach a framework agreement was attributed in part to the failure to address the cotton initiative adequately. For that reason, the December 2003 meeting of the General Council of the WTO devoted considerable attention to the cotton initiative and reported enough progress to allow the general Doha negotiation to proceed. The August 2004 WTO decision of the General Council that set the framework for the final stage of negotiations (known as the July Framework Agreement) dealt with the cotton initiative in the main text in paragraph 1(b) (WTO 2004a). It states that the trade-related aspects of the initiative will be dealt with in the con- text of the agricultural negotiations. The development (or compensation) aspects of the initiative are being dealt with by a separate WTO committee in a process that includes the World Bank and the Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations (FAO), among other institutions. Thus, while they continue to be Reducing Cotton Subsidies: The DDA Cotton Initiative 275 linked in the rhetoric, the proposed subsidy reductions and the proposed develop- ment aid that now encompass the "compensation" part of the cotton initiative are being pursued separately. In Annex 1 of WTO (2004a), where the framework for the agricultural negoti- ations is laid out, the cotton initiative is given considerable additional discussion beginning in paragraph 4, which is worth listing in full: The General Council recognizes the importance of cotton for a certain number of countries and its vital importance for developing countries, especially LDCs. It will be addressed ambitiously, expeditiously, and specifically, within the agriculture negotiations. The provisions of this framework provide a basis for this approach, as does the sectoral initiative on cotton. The Special Session of the Committee on Agriculture shall ensure appropriate prioritization of the cotton issue independently from other sec- toral initiatives. A subcommittee on cotton will meet periodically and report to the Special Session of the Committee on Agriculture to review progress. Work shall encompass all trade-distorting policies affecting the sector in all three pillars of market access, domestic support, and export competition, as specified in the Doha text and this Framework text. Surrounded by nice rhetoric, two key points are contained in this statement. First, the reduction of cotton subsidies will not be negotiated on a fast track separate from the rest of the Doha negotiations. Instead cotton subsidy reductions will be negotiated as a part of the overall agriculture agreement. Second, negotiating the reduction of cotton subsidy rates as a part of the agricultural agreement does not preclude applying higher reduction rates or other special provisions to cotton. This point is made implicitly by noting that the "Special Session of the Committee on Agriculture shall ensure appropriate prioritization of the cotton issue inde- pendently from other sectoral initiatives." Cotton Production and Trade To appreciate the economic context of the cotton initiative, it is important to have some background on global cotton production, consumption, and trade. Baffes (2005) provides a very useful interpretive summary of the global cotton situation and outlook. For most of the past 15 years, China has produced about 25 percent of the world total. Currently, the United States accounts for another 20 percent of world production, as do India and Pakistan together. China, India, and Pakistan are such major cotton textile-processing centers that all are net importers of cot- ton. The United States and the countries of West and Central Africa (taken together) are the major exporters, along with Uzbekistan and to a lesser degree Australia. Europe is a minor cotton producer (represented mainly by Greece and Turkey) and a large net importer. 276 Agricultural Trade Reform and the Doha Development Agenda Cotton textile manufacturing has shifted increasingly to developing countries as the textile trade has been liberalized. About two-thirds of cotton produced in the United States is now exported and U.S. exports account for about 40 percent of world exports. The United States cotton-milling industry continues to shrink. This means an increasing share of cotton production in the United States is exported and re-imported as textile products. The baselines by the Food and Agri- cultural Policy Research Institute (FAPRI 2004) and U.S. Agriculture Depart- ment's Economic Research Service (ERS 2004) provide much more detail on the outlook for global cotton production and trade if no change is made in the cur- rent policy path. Global Cotton Subsidies and Protection Cotton import tariffs are applied mainly in cotton-exporting countries and are typically in the range of 10 percent. Some countries also impose import tariff rate quotas, with very high tariffs for above-quota quantities, but these quotas are not filled and the prohibitive tariffs are not applied. For example, in the United States in 2002, the cotton quota was about 73,000 metric tons, but imports totaled 6 metric tons. In China the in-quota quantity has been unilaterally increased to assure that the official tariff rate quota does not restrict imports (Baffes 2003). There are no WTO-notified export subsidies for cotton such as those the European Union continues to use for many other commodities. The United States, however, applies programs that the recent WTO cotton panel ruled were unlisted export subsidies (Schnepf 2004; WTO 2004c). These include both the Step 2 export program and the export credit guarantee programs operated by the general sales manager of the U.S. Department of Agriculture (USDA). The Inter- national Cotton Advisory Committee also classifies the U.S. Step 2 export pro- gram as an export subsidy; in addition it has calculated what it considers to be export subsidies for China, based on information about differences between inter- nal and border prices (ICAC 2004). The Chinese cotton subsidy situation is complex and unsettled with conflicting information and a lack of transparency. Baffes has summarized data from the ICAC and other sources (Baffes 2004, 2005; ICAC 2002, 2004). Shui (2004) also provides recent information. The general consensus is that China provided a major subsidy to the industry in managing liquidation of its cotton stocks from the late 1990s through 2001. The government registered financial losses during that period because it sold cotton, which it bought at higher prices in the 1990s, at the bottom of the market--even though that further depressed prices. Thus it is not clear that growers benefited much from the government's mishandling of an attempted stabilization policy that actually caused more market price variability Reducing Cotton Subsidies: The DDA Cotton Initiative 277 and accentuated market price declines in the later period. The FAO and others have investigated the current Chinese cotton policy situation, but those results have not yet been published. As Baffes (2005) notes,"the fact that China subsidizes its cotton, however, is not uniformly accepted. Fang and Beghin (2003), for example, estimate that between 1997 and 2000, the nominal protection coefficient for cotton aver- aged 0.80, implying that China taxes its cotton sector. The different views on the nature and degree of intervention reflect the complexities of China's agricultural policies as well as the unreliability of the data." Current policy changes in China suggest that production or export subsidies are now quite small (Goreux 2004). According to ICAC, Brazil, the Arab Republic of Egypt, Mexico, and Turkey have also provided domestic support for cotton. Support has tended to be small and intermittent and has been zero in Brazil in more recent years (ICAC 2002, 2004). In Uzbekistan, the world's fourth-largest producer of cotton, the sector is largely controlled by the government with a net tax applied on cotton production rather than a subsidy. Furthermore, it appears that price transmission to that market from world market conditions is quite limited (Baffes 2004). Because other programs are small, or not well understood and expected to be small, the cotton initiative in the Doha negotiations targeted domestic support programs in the United States and the European Union and not other barriers and subsidies. In addition, of course, developing-country cotton producers would be unlikely to provide significant compensation, even if their subsidies were to continue. European Union cotton production is concentrated in Spain and Greece. Pro- duction grew rapidly after these countries entered the EU and became eligible for Common Agricultural Policy subsidies (Karagiannis 2004, Baffes 2004). ICAC data show that average assistance in the European Union has been in the range of $1.00 a pound in 2002 and 2003, whereas the world price has been in the range of $0.50 to $0.60 a pound. ICAC lists a total EU subsidy of slightly less than $1 billion in recent years, with production in the range of 425,000 metric tons. Hence, the benefits from the subsidy have been about double the potential revenue from market sales at world prices. Substantial subsidies also appear in EU notifica- tions to the WTO (Poonyth and others 2004). The form of subsidy to cotton in the EU is complex and includes various output-related programs and some input subsidies. The EU also applies limits on production eligible for subsidy, but these do not apply to individual farms and thus it is not clear that they are binding on farmer production behavior (Baffes 2004). It is not correct to con- sider the EU programs as a pure per unit or ad valorem production subsidy. Furthermore, in 2005 the EU is scheduled to change the program to a partially decoupled area payment together with a direct payment tied to cotton production for the 2005 season (Karagiannis 2004). 278 Agricultural Trade Reform and the Doha Development Agenda The United States also applies a wide range of complex programs that subsidize cotton production and trade, and, because the United States is a large cotton pro- ducer and exporter, the effects of these subsidies are larger than the higher per unit subsidies applied in the European Union. The U.S. programs apply primarily to upland cotton, which is the most common type in world markets. Major sub- sidy programs that apply to cotton include crop insurance subsidies, export credit guarantees, direct payments, countercyclical payments, marketing loan benefits, Step 2 payments to domestic users, and Step 2 payments to exporters. This list alone suggests the complexity of cotton subsidy programs, but each of the indi- vidual programs also has an array of provisions (WTO 2004c; Sumner 2003).1 The overall budget outlay for these programs varies inversely with various market prices and, in the case of crop insurance subsidy, with the weather and crop conditions. Recent total annual subsidies have ranged between $1.5 billion and nearly $4.0 billion (Baffes 2004; ICAC 2004). The totals do not include out- lays or budget commitments for crop insurance and export credit guarantee programs. Measures such as budget costs or contributions to the aggregate measure of support are interesting summaries but are not sufficient for analysis of impacts. For example, the direct payment program and the countercyclical payment pro- gram each pay recipients per unit of land on which cotton was historically grown, not per unit of current cotton output. Nonetheless, most land receiving these pay- ments continues to be used for cotton, and subsidy rules limit what can be grown on the base. These and other features suggest that these payment programs likely affect production, but to a smaller degree than would per-unit production subsi- dies tied to current output. The marketing loan program offers payments per unit of upland cotton production whenever the specified market price is below the "loan rate" or government-set trigger price for payments. The marketing loan program therefore has direct and significant production effects. The Step 2 program pays exporters and domestic users of U.S. cotton the dif- ference between the internal U.S. market price and an average of selected low-end prices in international markets. Hence, eligible buyers are assured that the net price for U.S. cotton will remain competitive. This program stimulates demand for U.S. cotton. The export credit guarantee program promises banks financing exports of U.S. cotton that the U.S government will repay loans should the buyer fail to repay them. This allows buyers to acquire lower-cost credit to make pur- chases of U.S. cotton. Finally, the crop insurance program provides premium sub- sidies of more than 50 percent and covers excess losses of insurance companies should they occur. The result is availability of crop insurance coverage that would not otherwise be found and at a far lower cost than would be charged in a purely commercial insurance market. Reducing Cotton Subsidies: The DDA Cotton Initiative 279 Effects of Cotton Subsidies on Markets The effects of these EU and U.S. subsidies on global markets for cotton have been the subject of intense analysis and attention for several years, in large part because of the high profile of both the WTO dispute on U.S. cotton subsidies brought by Brazil and the DDA cotton initiative. This section examines the likely effects of removing the subsidy and looks at the magnitude of appropriate compensation. Various studies differ in their coverage of subsidy policies, time horizons, and base periods, that is, they ask different specific questions about the effects of cot- ton subsidies. The studies also differ in parameter choices and thus would arrive at different results even if they focused on the same questions. Many of the relevant studies have been helpfully reviewed by the FAO (2004) and by other recent reports, including Goreux (2004), Poonyth and others (2004), Gillson and others (2004), Oxfam (2004), and Baffes (2005). Earlier studies include Goreux (2003), Sumner (2003), ICAC (2002), Oxfam (2002), Tokarick (2003), and Reeves and others (2001). Additional studies include Shepherd (2004), Pan and others (2004), Fadiga, Mohanty, and Pan (2004), and Karagiannis (2004). The last of those was the only study to concentrate on the effects of removing EU subsidy programs. The basic approach of all the studies, except Shepherd's, has been to develop simulation models specified with a set of supply and demand parameters. The models are used to pose counterfactual questions of the following form: what would the market prices, quantities, and other aggregates be (or have been) in the absence of the subsidy programs considered? Karagiannis (2004) not only consid- ered past program effects in Greece and Spain, he also analyzed the likely effects of the EU reform scheduled for 2005. The reform reduces the subsidy effects, but the new regime continues to have a substantial subsidy tied to the production of cotton. Given high costs of cotton production in Europe and the very high base-subsidy levels, complete removal of the production subsidy element would further reduce EU cotton output. Several studies examined how past market conditions would have been affected if subsidies had not been in place during the periods considered. That was the main relevant question posed in the WTO dispute concerning U.S. cotton subsidies, for which the Sumner (2003) analysis was developed. Some recent work motivated in part by the WTO dispute misses that important point (Pan and others 2004). For the cotton initiative (and for the "threat" issues posed in the WTO cotton dis- pute), the more relevant issue is how removal of cotton subsidies now would affect the future path of cotton prices, quantities, and other aggregates. For example, simulations by Sumner (2003); Pan and others (2004); and Fadiga, Mohanty, and Pan (2004) explicitly project how removing U.S. subsidies would affect future market conditions under assumptions of baseline projections. 280 Agricultural Trade Reform and the Doha Development Agenda The recent FAO review lists estimated price declines from removing subsidies that range from about 30 percent (ICAC 2002) to a low of about 3 percent (Tokarick 2003). The closely related studies by Pan and others (2004) and Fadiga, Mohanty, and Pan (2004) find estimates at the low end of the range, as does the study by Poonyth and others (2004). Studies at the upper end of the range include those by Gillson and others (2004) for some of their scenarios. The studies by Sumner (2003), Reeves and others (2001), and Goreux (2003) (for some of his scenarios) are in the middle of the range for price effects, although they are quite different in parameters and some findings. The studies at the high end of the range tend to treat all subsidy outlays as fully tied to production. They also begin with low-priced base years and use relatively inelastic demand elasticities and rel- atively low supply elasticities. In addition, ICAC considers relatively high subsidies on Chinese production in the base case. The studies at the low end of the range leave out some subsidy programs (such as partially decoupled payments, crop insurance, Step 2 programs, and export credit programs in the United States). These studies, especially the ones by Pan and others (2004) and Fadiga, Mohanty, and Pan (2004), also use high demand and supply elasticities or begin with high- priced baselines. The projected baseline matters significantly, in part because the degree of subsidy in the United States depends on the baseline prices for cotton and on commodities that compete for the same land and other resources. If cotton prices are expected to be high, then the marketing loan benefits and countercyclical payments would be low as a consequence. In a high-priced baseline, these two important subsidy programs would have relatively small effects on the expected revenue from cotton compared with other crops, and therefore they would have relatively small effects on area planted and quantity produced. Cotton prices have moved up and down dramatically in recent years. Baseline (especially short-term) projections have also moved up and down. Expectations about prices over a longer horizon determine the expected impact of the subsidy programs in the future, and these projections are more stable. A more inelastic demand function for cotton reduces price impacts from sub- sidy reductions. Econometric estimates typically find an inelastic demand for cotton, often in the minus range of -0.1 to -0.5. Cotton comprises a relatively small share of the total retail cost of textile products, and these products comprise a relatively small share of consumer expenditures. Thus, income effects are likely to be small, and substitution away from cotton textiles by final consumers is unlikely to be significant. The significant issue for the elasticity of demand for cotton is the substitution between cotton and other fibers, especially synthetics, by textile manufacturers. The overall share of the fiber market taken by synthetics has grown slowly over time even as the real price of cotton has declined (Baffes 2004). Reducing Cotton Subsidies: The DDA Cotton Initiative 281 Focusing on long-run effects of the cotton initiative, a demand elasticity nearing -1.0 might be expected. Such a demand elasticity may be appropriate for ques- tions about the long-term price gains to be expected from removal of subsidies. For shorter-term effects, such as the immediate price impacts of subsidy reduc- tions, a demand elasticity below -0.5 is more consistent with the econometric evi- dence as well as with evidence of large short-run price swings. Three supply response parameters are important in considering the impacts of the cotton initiative on prices and welfare of LDC cotton producers. First, the sup- ply responses to subsidy reduction (as well as to market price increases) in the EU and the United States will determine the reductions in cotton production from removal of program benefits. Second, the supply response to higher market prices in the rest of the world will determine (along with the demand elasticity) how much the price can rise before market-clearing equilibrium is restored. Finally, the supply response in the LDCs indicates how much they will increase output in response to higher global prices. Given that these countries make up only a small share of the world cotton supply, their gain in total revenue and producer surplus (or net revenue) is greater the more elastic their supply. Econometric estimates suggest quite inelastic values for all three sets of supply elasticities, but again there are reasons to believe that these estimates apply to rel- atively short-run analysis. Farmers adjust slowly to changes in relative net revenue and, given adjustment costs, they shift only partially unless relative price changes are expected to be permanent. The more the reductions in program benefits are expected to be permanent, and the more time that farmers, input suppliers, and marketers have to make adjustments, the larger the expected acreage shifts. Estimated supply elasticities are small for the United States, but given that alternative crops are available in most cotton-growing regions, a substantial drop in cotton area would be expected in response to a permanent and expected reduc- tion in subsidies. McDonald and Sumner (2003) also show how the estimated supply response elasticities, which apply to policy-constrained responses, are smaller than those applicable to the question of policy reform. In the European Union, the response may be even larger given the very high subsidy rates and the fact that cotton production initially expanded in response to the subsidies. In both cases, it may take a few years before the full adjustment is completed. In other countries, supply responses to higher prices are likely more muted. First, land and other resource restraints often limit cotton expansion in well- established growing areas. For example, water concerns may limit cotton expan- sion in Australia and China. Second, some major growing areas are insulated from world price movements by domestic policy (for example, China, Uzbekistan, and countries in Africa), or infrastructure problems (for example, China, India, and especially countries in Africa). Overall, supply elasticities averaging 1.0 in the 282 Agricultural Trade Reform and the Doha Development Agenda medium term may be reasonable in the United States, the EU, and Brazil, with elasticities more nearly in the range of 0.5 in poorer countries. The effects of removing a given subsidy also depend on whether other farm pro- grams are maintained or eliminated simultaneously with cotton subsidies. Given that the DDA cotton initiative has now been wrapped into the overall negotiations on agriculture, it is important to recognize that the supply response to reductions in cotton subsidies will be smaller when other subsidies are also reduced than if cotton subsidies alone were removed. Farmers compare expected net revenue from using land for the relevant competing crops. If program benefits from other crops are reduced at the same time cotton subsidies are reduced, relative impacts on net revenue are smaller than if cotton subsidies alone are removed. Recent research examining cotton liberalization has considered impacts of removing cotton subsidies alone, which was the relevant question in the WTO cotton case. Sumner (2003) estimated that eliminating all U.S. cotton programs, while other farm programs remained in place, would reduce U.S. production by 25­30 percent, reduce U.S. exports by about 40 percent, and raise world prices by about 10 percent. These are averages of estimates that apply over a range of base periods and initial price assumptions. Under a longer-run scenario, with other program subsidies reduced at the same time as cotton subsidies are eliminated, then the effects on U.S. supply would likely be smaller, as would the resulting effects on world prices. However, adding the removal of EU programs would likely add another 2­3 percent to the overall world price effect of cotton subsidy removal. Weighing all the evidence from a variety of sources, a 10 percent increase in the world price of cotton is a reasonable estimate if the cotton subsidy programs were removed under the cotton initiative while other farm production subsidies were also reduced substantially.2 Benefits of the Initiative for LDC Cotton Producers The DDA cotton initiative includes proposals for elimination of subsidies and for compensation for losses incurred before their elimination. Given the background developed on the impacts of subsidies, consider now the potential benefits for least developed countries of this compensation as well as the elimination of the subsidies. Compensation Clearly, benefits of higher world prices that would follow from subsidy reductions benefit all cotton producers (and taxpayers in the EU and the United States). They also cost cotton users globally. Compensation is designed to offer LDC cotton Reducing Cotton Subsidies: The DDA Cotton Initiative 283 producers and their rural economies benefits commensurate with what they would have received if subsidy reductions had proceeded more rapidly. Direct financial contributions are not the way that the GATT or WTO nor- mally deals with compensation for noncompliance. Traditionally, if a WTO mem- ber does not choose to implement a ruling, the offended member is allowed to "withdraw trade concessions" from the member that is out of compliance. There are instances of more direct compensation, and the concept is not inconsistent with WTO principles, but it simply has not been applied in a context similar to the cotton initiative. A recent report by International Lawyers and Economists Against Poverty (ILEAP 2004) provides detailed legal analysis of the prospects of direct financial compensation and finds that such a proposal, while unusual, is within the legal boundaries of WTO principles. As the membership of the WTO has expanded, the use of the odd mechanism of withdrawing concessions is not only in conflict with the basic principles of the WTO, it is also simply not practical for many members. Exports from LDCs gen- erally already face very low import duties in rich countries, and LDCs buy very little on a commercial basis. For an LDC such as Benin, for example, to raise its tariffs on imports from the United States would not only be self-defeating for Benin, it would also cause little or no notice in the United States and hence negligible pressure for the United States to come into compliance. In the absence of another feasible compensation mechanism, a direct financial transfer may be the only approach that actually provides some relief. It is also an approach that economists support on efficiency grounds. The total amount of loss from the continuation of subsidies depends on the size of the estimated world price effects and the size of the estimated LDC supply response to these effects. These, in turn, depend on the length of run considered appropriate for the analysis. The argument for a short-run scenario is that these payments are meant to compensate for the failure to remove subsidies now, rather than for what world prices would be now if subsidies had been removed many years ago and full adjustment had already taken place. A second issue is the rev- enue basis for the compensation criteria. The natural approach is to use estimates of forgone producer surplus or net revenue. But, since the subsidy effects reach beyond the farm to local input suppliers, forgone producer surplus would include local suppliers of farm inputs and marketing services (including local laborers). This concept of producer surplus would leave out suppliers of imported inputs and marketing services, because while these suppliers would benefit from subsidy reduction, they are likely to be associated with rich rather than poor countries. Goreux (2004) finds that the losses in poor countries from rich-country cotton subsidies are substantial, amounting to more than 10 percent of all the official development assistance to the four African countries that proposed the initiative. 284 Agricultural Trade Reform and the Doha Development Agenda A focus on LDC cotton producers suggests that production, not exports, should be the basis for compensation under the initiative. While producers in net importing nations would gain from higher prices, the textile industries in those countries, and presumably their workers, would lose. Thus the initiative has focused on exports or on production in countries that are net exporters. Goreux (2004) lists 22 LDCs that would be eligible for compensation based on their per capita incomes and their status as net cotton exporters. This later criterion leaves out Bangladesh, which is a significant cotton user in its textile industry and thus a net cotton importer. Based on 2001 and 2002 data, Goreux (2004) finds about 1.1 million metric tons of production in eligible countries and exports from these countries of about 0.8 million metric tons. It would be more now, as production has grown since 2002 in many LDCs. For some sample calculations of the potential losses and compensation, let us use a world price increase of 10 percent and a supply elasticity of 0.5 for the rele- vant LDC recipient countries. Assuming a subsidy-suppressed base production of 1.2 million metric tons (continuing to leave aside production in Bangladesh) and applying an additional price of 10 percent on top of a subsidy-suppressed base price of $1,100 a metric ton ($0.50 a pound), the removal of subsidies adds $132 million in revenue for the original production. In addition, production would expand by 5 percent (with an elasticity of supply of 0.5), and producers would gain one-half of this revenue, $33 million, in surplus. The total annual gain from removing rich- country cotton subsidies is therefore approximately $165 million, based on the price effect and supply elasticity chosen for illustration. This amount would provide the basis for compensation. Goreux (2004) arrived at a figure of $250 million, mainly because he assumed larger price increases as a result of the subsidy reduction. Two points are striking about these figures. First, they are quite modest com- pared with the budget outlays of $2.5 billion­$5 billion that the United States and the European Union typically spend on cotton subsidies every year. Second, com- pensation is modest compared with the global effects of the subsidies. This latter result is a simple reflection of the facts that about half the production outside the United States and the European Union is in China and India, and that cotton pro- duction in LDC exporters is only about one-fourth of total production outside of the subsidizing countries. Thus many developing-country cotton farms who cur- rently lose from rich-country subsidies would not receive compensation from the initiative and would therefore much prefer subsidy elimination. The criteria for distributing the compensation are closely related to the criteria for determining its magnitude. Goreux (2004) considers distributing the compen- sation among countries on the basis of either cotton production or cotton exports. The distributions are very similar. In both cases Benin, Burkina Faso, and Mali would each receive between 15 and 20 percent of the compensation. Chad, Reducing Cotton Subsidies: The DDA Cotton Initiative 285 Togo, and Sudan would each receive 7­8 percent, with the final 22 percent divided among the other 16 LDCs of Africa and Asia that export cotton. The amount and national distribution of benefits is only part of the compen- sation story. The other issue is how poor farmers and other target groups actually benefit. Goreux (2003, 2004) and Baffes (2005) discuss how to ensure that com- pensation actually reaches intended recipients. The simplest way is to allow com- pensation to flow to the same beneficiaries as would higher cotton prices. Another approach would use the compensation fund to supplement the market price for cotton with payments on a per unit basis made through the normal marketing channels. Such an approach would mimic the impact of the price gains from sub- sidy removal around which the compensation idea was developed. This "second- best" offset would correct the original policy-induced price distortion and hence give LDC cotton farmers cotton price incentives that approximate those that would be achieved under full reform. The effective cotton price they faced would, in fact, be higher than if subsidies were removed, because other cotton-producing countries, such as China and Brazil, would not face the higher effective prices and so would not increase production as they would if rich-country subsidies were removed. It is important to remember that the Doha negotiations refer to the compensa- tion issue as the "development" discussions. In this context, the emphasis seems to be on using compensation funds not to compensate cotton producers for their losses but to make investments in public goods, such as roads or other infrastruc- ture developments, that benefit cotton farmers and their local communities. Such ideas have merit where investment funds or incentives for such projects are lack- ing. Such indirect compensation for growers means that those who have suffered direct losses will be less likely to see direct benefits. Such indirect compensation also suffers from the concern that development aid in general has not been effec- tive in lifting the rural poor from poverty in these countries and that the new source of funds may contribute relatively little to the well-being of the cotton farmers in whose name the initiative is being pursued. Trade Benefits As noted above, the global trade benefits exceed the gains to the LDC farmers by a substantial margin. But consider the trade benefits just to these same LDC farm- ers that are the focus of the cotton initiative, leaving aside the trade benefits to farmers in Brazil, China, and other major producing regions (and the benefits to taxpayers in rich countries). Based on the discussion outlined above, the key determinants of trade benefits are the various supply and demand elasticities and the production-distorting 286 Agricultural Trade Reform and the Doha Development Agenda degree of the policies being reformed. Benefits to LDC cotton producers from removing rich-country subsidies are larger the more inelastic is the demand for cotton; the larger is the rich-country supply response to subsidy reduction, which is composed of the supply elasticity and the degree of subsidy in the programs; the smaller is the supply elasticity in the nonsubsidized countries; and the larger is the supply elasticity in the LDC countries. There are several issues to consider in negotiating cotton subsidy reforms. Given that the cotton initiative is now a part of the Doha agricultural negotiations, the achievements of the larger negotiations may be of vital importance, but this is not a necessary condition. If the cotton negotiations are conducted (in the recently organized subcommittee) separately from the rest of the agricultural negotiations, then cotton subsidies could be eliminated even if relatively little else is achieved in the broader agricultural negotiations. But such an outcome seems unlikely. Much more likely is that the two negotiations will be closely linked, with the cotton agree- ment supplemental to whatever is achieved in the overall agricultural talks (which in turn depend on what is agreed in nonagricultural negotiations). With the cotton initiative tied to the rest of the deal, cotton may be used as a leading edge that stimulates deeper subsidy cuts for other commodities than would otherwise occur. In that case, an adequate outcome for cotton would be achieved only if the subsidy reductions across all commodities were based on a solid starting point. Therefore, those urging cotton subsidy reductions have an incentive to achieve subsidy reductions across all commodities and then to push for additional or accelerated cotton subsidy reduction as a supplement to those established for other commodities. The DDA agricultural negotiations are unlikely to eliminate trade-distorting agricultural subsidies, and some remaining support for cotton is also likely to continue at least for several years into the future. That means the cotton initiative proponents must consider what subsidy programs cause the most harm to the interests of LDC farmers per unit of political resistance in the United States and European Union.3 A focus on the most "coupled" subsidies is likely to get the most response in world markets and be resisted least by the U.S. and EU negotiators. However, the complexities of domestic farm programs for cotton illustrate a serious concern in using WTO negotiations to define reduction commitments for these programs. Several of the U.S. programs have been notified to the WTO as "minimally dis- torting" Green Box programs, while others have been notified as non-product- specific support. U.S. notifications of these programs were not challenged at the time they were submitted, and the mechanism for timely challenges does not seem to be well developed. (These notifications were implicitly challenged in the context of the WTO cotton dispute brought by Brazil, as discussed below.) Reducing Cotton Subsidies: The DDA Cotton Initiative 287 For the 2005 EU cotton policy, a focus on the most distorting programs suggests spending less effort to remove area payments but carefully monitoring the defini- tions so that area payments are truly neutral across crops (Karagiannis 2004). For the U.S. programs, simulations reported in Sumner (2003) and summarized by Goreux (2004) can provide guidance. Sumner's table 1.4 shows that the Step 2 program, which is unique to cotton, has the largest projected impact on world price in the years 2004­7, closely followed by the marketing loan program. The countercyclical payment program also has significant price impacts, as do crop insurance subsidies. The least impact on world prices, at about 1 percent, is from the direct payment program. A reasonable objective for a partial reform of U.S. cotton program might therefore be to press first for immediate elimination of the Step 2 program. A second objective is a rapid and substantial reduction in the marketing loan subsidies by lowering the loan rate and changing the formula to raise the effective loan repayment rate. This is a natural agenda item for the over- all DDA agricultural negotiations because the marketing loan program is also important for the other major supported crops. A third objective would be the reform of the countercyclical program to reduce the size of the payments by reducing the target price and removing remaining restrictions on land use. Even better would be a shift of the countercyclical program funds to the direct payment program and elimination of the payments tied to the price of the specific com- modity. Finally, crop insurance subsidies could be reduced by reducing premium subsidies and shifting to whole farm insurance with area-wide triggers and reduced repayment of program losses. Any reasonable negotiation strategy must take into consideration the results achieved under the cotton dispute brought by Brazil against U.S. upland cotton programs. The WTO cotton panel ruled largely in favor of Brazil's position, and this ruling was upheld by the appellate body (WTO 2004c; WTO 2005b; Baffes 2005; Schnepf 2004). The final WTO ruling is available to provide context for the DDA negotiations and especially the cotton initiative subcommittee negotiations, allowing it to be used as a starting point for further efforts. Implementation of the cotton policy adjustments under the ruling is a much larger concern, however. It is unlikely to begin before late 2005, and full implementation that satisfies Brazil and other cotton producers is uncertain and is likely to entail additional negotiations. The WTO ruled that the Step 2 export program and the export credit guaran- tees for cotton (and some other commodities) were prohibited export subsidies, and that the Step 2 domestic program was a prohibited domestic-content subsidy. These cotton programs were then listed for early elimination--within months of the final ruling. Clearly, if the United States indicates that it will comply with the ruling and eliminate the prohibited subsidies, there is no reason to target the Step 2 program or export credit guarantees for vigorous negotiation in the DDA 288 Agricultural Trade Reform and the Doha Development Agenda cotton initiative. The United States has already signaled a willingness to negoti- ate removal of the subsidy elements of the export credit guarantee program in the DDA, so this program, in particular, seems likely to be reformed. The cotton initiative could aid in the rapid reform of these "prohibited" programs by rein- forcing the extreme pressure the United States would face if it fails to comply fully with the dispute resolution results. A second major set of findings of the cotton dispute is that none of the U.S. domestic support programs for cotton properly belonged in the Green Box of minimally trade-distorting programs. In particular, the direct payment program, by prohibiting production of fruits and vegetables on base land eligible for pay- ments, more than minimally restricted the use of the cotton base area and thereby likely stimulated cotton production, the WTO panel ruled. This ruling suggests that the WTO interpreted the Green Box more narrowly than the United States in its notifications under the Uruguay Round. This ruling has implications for compliance with constraints on aggregate measures of support, even without tightening the definitions that have been proposed for the DDA. Thus the DDA and the cotton initiative could take this ruling as a starting point for tightening definitions and categories surrounding classification of subsidy programs. Third, the WTO cotton panel found the Step 2 programs, the marketing loan program, and the countercyclical program all caused serious prejudice to Brazil's interests by depressing and suppressing the world price of cotton. The WTO panel did not specify a quantitative threshold that the effects of these programs exceeded. However, the panel did find, and the appellate body confirmed, that the United States was required to withdraw the programs or at least remove the sig- nificant price suppression that they cause. This finding not only reinforces the claims that motivated the cotton initiative but also makes it more difficult for the United States to argue, for example, that the countercyclical program should be placed in an enhanced Blue Box and secured from meaningful DDA disciplines. Overall, if the United States implements the ruling in a timely and forthright manner, the WTO cotton dispute will have achieved much of what the cotton initia- tive is seeking from the United States, except compensation during the implemen- tation process. The other value of the WTO cotton dispute is to place additional pressure on the EU to commit to adjustments to its cotton program. The separation of the compensation or development aid and subsidy reduction elements of the initiative during the negotiation process does not preclude linkage in the final stages of a deal. This is clearly defined in the original proposal. The danger is that compensation does not provide significant incentives for large and rapid subsidy reductions. Under any reasonable estimate, the amount of compen- sation is small relative to the outlays that the European Union and the United States are already spending for cotton subsidy programs. It may be more feasible Reducing Cotton Subsidies: The DDA Cotton Initiative 289 politically to reduce subsidies by less and compensate more. For example, in the United States, where the cotton subsidy program has routinely cost $2 billion and more a year, the farm lobby may consider adding another $100 million or $200 million to maintain the subsidy as simply a cost of doing business. Then, with LDCs legitimately satisfied by compensation, the cotton programs would be free of that additional pressure to reform. This would leave other developing-country cotton producers, including Brazil, China, and India, with no benefit from the initiative and a smaller coalition to press for real reforms. Final Words The DDA cotton initiative has the potential to put additional pressure on the United States and the European Union to reduce cotton subsidy programs fur- ther and more rapidly than they reduce subsidies for other commodities. Most of that incentive derives from unwelcome global attention and scrutiny from other WTO members. The most important leverage is the link between the cot- ton initiative and success of the DDA as a whole as well as the willingness of members to offer trade liberalization measures that are high on the agendas of the EU and the United States. If the United States complies expeditiously with the WTO cotton dispute, many of the trade objectives of the cotton initiative will be satisfied. The two approaches to trade policy reform (complying with the panel ruling or multilateral negotiation) are partial substitutes. Nonetheless, given the uncertainty associated with the U.S. response to the dispute settlement case, continuing a vigorous pursuit of the cotton initiative makes sense for developing countries. The DDA cotton initiative is likely to result in compensation that can provide significant benefits to LDC cotton producers, if handled carefully. The appropri- ate amount of compensation is likely in the range of $120 to $240 million a year based on the world price­suppressing effects of U.S. and EU subsidies. As the subsidies are partially reformed, the compensation rate would decline. The form of the compensation affects the within-country distributions as well as the effects on cotton markets. The most natural compensation scheme would be to distrib- ute funds in a way that mimics the effects of higher prices. This could be done with a direct payment per unit of production at the same rate as the estimated price suppression caused by the subsidies. The benefits would flow through the system precisely as would the benefits of higher market prices, and producers would not see any difference. The alternative of broad development assistance may be appropriate on its own merits. However, development project funding, even for projects tied to cotton productivity, cannot mimic the effects of higher prices in the way that adding the compensation to the market returns would. 290 Agricultural Trade Reform and the Doha Development Agenda As with the WTO cotton dispute, the cotton initiative may also be used to stim- ulate more, rather than less, policy reform in the DDA for the rest of the farm commodities. For this to occur, it is important that cotton not drain negotiating resources and incentives from the rest of the negotiations. Less than complete elimination of cotton subsides or a slower path of cotton policy reform might be exchanged for substantially more in the rest of the negotiations. Such a deal could improve LDC welfare more than demanding complete acquiescence to the goals of the cotton initiative. Finally, even if the cotton initiative achieves significant success, the result will not be the end of rural poverty even in cotton-producing regions. An extra $110 per metric ton of cotton, or $200 million a year is important, but many more investments and institutional changes will be required for rural economic devel- opment to be successful. Notes 1. Other policies also affect cotton, such as irrigation water subsidies in Arizona and California. 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Goreux, L. 2003."Prejudice Caused by Industrialised Countries Subsidies to Cotton Sectors in Western and Central Africa: Background Document to the Submission Made by Benin, Burkina Faso, Chad and Mali to the WTO." TN/AG/GEN/4, World Trade Organization, Geneva, June. ______. 2004. "Cotton after Cancun." Organization for Economic Co-operation and Development, Paris, March. http://www.oecd.org/dataoecd/38/48/30751318.pdf. ICAC (International Cotton Advisory Committee). 2002."Production and Trade Policies Affecting the Cotton Industry."ICAC,Washington, DC. http://www.icac.org/icac/Meetings/cgtn_conf/documents/ icac_ccgtn_report.pdf. ______. 2004. "Production and Trade Policies Affecting the Cotton Industry." ICAC Standing Committee, Attachment 1 to SC-N-473, Washington, DC. May 18. ILEAP (International Lawyers and Economists Against Poverty). 2004. "Legal Issues in Relation to Financial Compensation under the Cotton Initiative." ILEAP, Rome. http://www.fao.org/es/ESC/ en/20953/22215/highlight_47647en.html. Karagiannis, G. 2004."The EU Cotton Policy Regime and the Implications of the Proposed Changes for Producer Welfare." FAO Commodity and Trade Policy Research Working Paper 9, Food and Agri- culture Organization, Rome, April. www.fao.org/documents/show_cdr.asp?url_file=/ docrep/007/ j2732e/ j2732e00.htm. McDonald, J. D., and D. A. Sumner. 2003. "The Influence of Commodity Programs on Acreage Response to Market Price: With an Illustration Concerning Rice Policy in the United States." American Journal of Agricultural Economics 85 (4): 857­71, November. Minot, N., and L. Daniels. 2001. "Impact of Global Cotton Markets on Rural Poverty in Benin." MSSD Discussion Paper 48, International Food Policy Research Institute, Washington, DC. Oxfam. 2002. "Cultivating Poverty: The Impact of US Cotton Subsidies on Africa." Briefing Paper 30, Oxfam, London. ______. 2004. "Finding the Moral Fiber." Oxfam Briefing Paper, London, October. Pan, S., S. Mohanty, D. Ethridge, and M. Fadiga. 2004. "The Impacts of U.S. Cotton Programs on the World Market: An Analysis of Brazilian and West African WTO Petitions." Department of Agricul- tural and Applied Economics, Texas Tech University, Lubbock. Poonyth, D., A. Sarris, R. Sharma, and S. Shui. 2004. "The Impact of Domestic and Trade Policies on the World Cotton Market." Commodity and Trade Policy Research Working Paper, Food and Agri- culture Organization, Rome. Reeves, G., D.Vincent, D. Quirke, and S.Wyatt. 2001."Trade Distortions and Cotton Markets: Implications for Australian Cotton Producers." Centre for International Economics for Australia's Cotton Research and Development Corporation, Canberra. http://www.crdc.com.au/documents/Tradereport_ april2001.pdf. Schnepf, R. 2004. "U.S.-Brazil WTO Cotton Subsidy Dispute." CRS Report for Congress, Order Code RL32571, Congressional Research Service, Washington, DC, September 10. Shepherd, B. 2004."The Impact of US Subsidies on the World Cotton Market: A Reassessment." Groupe d'Economie Mondiale, Institut d'Etudes Politiques de Paris. http://www.oecd.org/ dataoecd/0/ 9/31592808.pdf. Shui, S. 2004."Measuring the Impact of Domestic Support on the World Cotton Market: An Overview of Existing Research and Research Issues." Background paper presented at the FAO Informal Expert Consultation on Cotton, Rome, May 31­June 1. 292 Agricultural Trade Reform and the Doha Development Agenda Sumner, D. A. 2000."Domestic Support and the WTO Negotiations." Australian Journal of Agricultural and Resource Economics 44 (3, September): 457­74. ______. 2003. "A Quantitative Simulation Analysis of the Impacts of U.S. Cotton Subsidies on Cotton Prices and Quantities." Paper presented to the WTO Cotton Panel, October. http://www.fao.org/es/ ESC/en/20953/22215/highlight_47647en_sumner.pdf. Tokarick, S. 2003. "Measuring the Impact of Distortions in Agricultural Trade in Partial and General Equilibrium." IMF Working Paper WP/03/110, International Monetary Fund, Washington, DC. http://www.imf.org/external/pubs/ft/wp/2003/wp03110.pdf. WTO (World Trade Organization). 1994."WTO Legal Texts: Subsidies and Countervailing Measures." WTO, Geneva. http://www.wto.org/english/docs_e/legal_e/legal_e.htm. ______. 2002. "United States: Subsidies on Upland Cotton: Request for Consultations by Brazil." WT/DS267/1, WTO, Geneva, October 3. ______. 2003a. "Fifth Ministerial Conference: Day 1: Conference Kicks off with `Facilitators' Named and Cotton Debated." WTO, Geneva. http://www.wto.org/english/thewto_e/minist_e/ min03_e/ min03_e.htm. ______. 2003b. "Poverty Reduction: Sectoral Initiative in Favour of Cotton: A Joint Proposal by Benin, Burkina Faso, Chad, and Mali." TN/AG/GEN/4, WTO, Geneva, May 16. Revised, WT/MIN(03)/ W/2, August 15. http://docsonline.wto.org/DDFDocuments/t/WT/Min03/W2.doc. ______. 2003c."Trade Negotiations Committee: Address by President Blaise Compaore of Burkina Faso on the Cotton Submission by West and Central African Countries to the Trade Negotiations Com- mittee of the World Trade Organization." WTO, Geneva, June 10. http://www.wto.org/english/ thewto_e/minist_e/min03_e/min03_e.htm. ______. 2004a."Decision Adopted by the General Council on 1 August 2004." WT/L/579 (July Frame- work Agreement), WTO, Geneva, August 2. http://www.wto.org/english/tratop_e/dda_e/ draft_text_gc_dg_31july04_e.htm#par1b. ______. 2004b."Sub-committee Set up on Cotton."WTO, Geneva, 19 November. http:// www.wto.org/ english/news_e/news04_e/sub_committee_19nov04_e.htm. ______. 2004c. "United States--Subsidies on Upland Cotton: Report of the Panel." WT/DS267/R, WTO, Geneva, September 8. ______. 2005a. "Agriculture: The Cotton Sub-Committee." WTO, Geneva. http://www.wto.org/ eng- lish/tratop_e/agric_e/cotton_subcommittee_e.htm. ______. 2005b. "United States--Subsidies on Upland Cotton: Report of the Appellate Body." WT/DS267/AB/R, WTO, Geneva, March 3. Part IV Doha Reform Scenarios 11 Holograms and Ghosts: New and Old Ideas for Agricultural Policy David Orden and Eugenio Díaz-Bonilla As the Doha Round of the World Trade Organization (WTO) negotiations pro- gresses, achieving substantial liberalization of agricultural trade looks as problem- atic as always. One reason is that just a few years after the Uruguay Round agree- ments put the first full set of multilateral trade and subsidy rules in place for agriculture, world prices of agricultural commodities plummeted. Despite the new rules, the levels of subsidies rose sharply among developed countries and, simulta- neously, some countries with fewer fiscal resources responded by increasing border protection to shield their domestic farmers from the price decline. Continuation of a prisoner's dilemma--with high subsidies in developed countries matched by high bindings on tariffs in developing countries--remains a possible Doha result. If so, the Doha Round may be lauded for what it accomplishes, but it will not have accomplished very much in agriculture. A more desirable outcome would be the globally efficient and welfare-enhancing one of low subsidies and low protection. The negotiations as of mid-2005 have demonstrated the difficulty of achieving this goal in this round. They have demonstrated equally that an unbalanced outcome of high subsidies in developed countries but low protection in developing countries, or of low developed-country subsidies with high developing-country protection, will not happen either. The authors thank Fuzhi Cheng for assistance, and John Nash, other participants at the project's December 2004 workshop in The Hague, Ed Young, and Paul Westcott for helpful comments. Finan- cial support was provided by the World Bank and the Economic Research Service, U.S. Department of Agriculture. Opinions expressed are those of the authors and should not be attributed to the institutions with which they are affiliated. 295 296 Agricultural Trade Reform and the Doha Development Agenda One problem that has made progress difficult is "dirty decoupling," which has discredited the constructive reform strategy of reducing the production- and trade-distorting effects of farm support programs, just as "dirty tariffication" marred the Uruguay Round elimination of quantitative trade restrictions and left high levels of protection in place. Decoupling of payments is supposed to elimi- nate distorting policy effects. But governments of developing countries, and oth- ers that provide few subsidies, are skeptical that the payments implemented as "decoupled" are isolated from production decisions. In any case, when prices are low, these payments extend help from governments to farm producers. The countries with less budgetary latitude are loath to give up their tools to extend such aid, even tools that are economically inefficient, as long as the subsidizers keep subsidizing. In this chapter we explore the policy instruments that developed and develop- ing countries might adopt to facilitate a substantial liberalization of agricultural trade. The various rules and derogations in place and being negotiated under dif- ferent colored boxes or pillars inherited from the Uruguay Round Agreement on Agriculture (URAA) are far from being a template for optimal agricultural poli- cies worldwide or a road map for how to get there.1 We keep these pillars and assessments in mind but step back from the negotiation specifics to look at the broad outlines of policy. For the developed countries, we focus first on whether decoupling can be made more convincing. One approach would be a commitment to end farm programs by buying out program beneficiaries so that subsidies are terminated. In the past, bringing an end to farm support programs has proven to be a hologram: the image sometimes appears but can never be grasped and made real. We also consider a very different way to end current subsidy payments through strength- ened supply management to prop up farm commodity prices. This is a ghost of farm policies past, being revived in the guise of such programs as bioenergy pro- duction. By restricting output in the implementing country, such programs are trade distorting, but they are unlikely to draw objections from competitors in world markets. For developing countries, the agrarian problem involving both rural growth and poverty issues has been the subject of many grand strategies, while the nuts- and-bolts policies have usually consisted of a complex mix of price interventions with public enterprises and parastatals operating in output and input markets and high protection. The ghosts of complex distorting interventions and of increased protection haunt the policy landscape. For developing countries, an integrated, efficient, and equitable set of macro, meso, and micro policies and investments, backed by sufficient resources, has been the intangible hologram that always seems to fade away. Holograms and Ghosts: New and Old Ideas for Agricultural Policy 297 Reforming Agricultural Policies in Developed Countries Several types of policy measures have been used over time to reform support for developed-country farmers to lessen their reliance on trade measures affecting prices. The most common policy has been a "cash-out" but "buyouts," or an uncompensated "squeeze-out" or "cutout" are alternatives. Each is discussed in turn, then buyouts are examined in depth. The Cash-Out Shift away from Market Interventions Farm policies within the developed countries have undergone substantial reform since price supports and supply control measures were introduced in the United States during the 1930s New Deal and since the Common Agricultural Policy (CAP) was inaugurated in Europe in the 1950s to provide a unified price support regime there. Orden, Paarlberg, and Roe (1999) call the U.S. farm policy reforms that have proven feasible over the past half century largely a cash-out, in which direct payments to farmers from taxpayers have replaced the support programs that earlier propped up commodity market prices. The price support programs required various interventions in markets to be operational, including tariff or quota protection, government stock accumulations, domestic supply controls, use of export subsidies, or some combination of these interventions. As the cash-out reforms have proceeded, the New Deal programs have remained in effect only for a group of specialty crops, particularly peanuts, tobacco, and sugar--and they too are now coming under reform. The cash-out reform of U.S. farm policy, which began in the 1960s, took a sub- stantial step forward in the 1985 farm bill, which lowered minimum price support guarantees (loan rates) while providing cash ("deficiency") payments for a large portion (fixed yields on 85 percent of "base" acreage) of the output of supported crops whenever market prices fell below legislated "target price" levels. Eligibility for the cash payments required production of specific crops. To control fiscal costs, a voluntary conservation reserve program (CRP) was initiated and annual land idling was required. The cashed-out support program of payments on lim- ited output combined with annual land-idling authority was exempted from WTO expenditure disciplines under the Uruguay Round's Blue Box; the CRP is a Green Box policy. The 1996 U.S. farm bill went further in the cash-out direction. Key new reforms suspended the authority for annual land set-asides and production of specific crops as conditions for payment eligibility and replaced the deficiency payments, at a time of high market prices, with fixed annual payments based on past production. Even the minimum loan rate prices were guaranteed with payments 298 Agricultural Trade Reform and the Doha Development Agenda ("loan deficiency payments") instead of by government stock-holding interven- tions. Thus, the 1996 policies were more decoupled from production and caused less market distortion than previously. The 1996 regime ostensibly paved the way for the United States to abandon the Blue Box in the WTO. But when market prices of farm commodities fell after 1996, support to farmers was supplemented with additional payments. Initially these "emergency" payments were reported to the WTO as non-product-specific de minimis. The 2002 farm bill then legislated new countercyclical payments tied directly to the levels of market prices but again not to current crop production.2 With this added support enacted, the United States began to argue in the Doha Round for relaxation of the Blue Box criteria to include the countercyclical payments instead of seeking its elimination.3 In the European Union, a similar cash-out of price support interventions has occurred, from higher initial levels and starting later chronologically than in the United States.4 Through the 1980s, intervention prices above world market levels made the EU dependent on direct export subsidies. The 1991 MacSharry reforms began a cash-out, with direct payments offered as compensation for lower inter- vention prices and acreage idling required to limit costs. It was this reform, fol- lowed by the Agenda 2000 and 2003 CAP reforms, that allowed the EU to reduce sharply its use of export subsidies and paved the way for the Doha Round frame- work agreement calling for their elimination by a certain date. The 2003 reforms took the decoupling step of introducing whole-farm payments for which production of specific crops would not be required. Although there are messy implementation rules allowing some support payments still tied to production, to an extent the EU with its whole-farm payments has moved decoupling beyond the U.S. policy, which retains its price-linked countercyclical payments. Alternatives to Cash-Out Programs A cash-out is a gradual and partial reform process that reduces the market intrusiveness of farm programs over the long run by offering their beneficiaries a continuous stream of cash compensation payments. The gains for those countries pursuing a cash-out are fewer market distortions, fewer production restraints, and more competitive export pricing. The extent to which cash-out measures have decoupled farm support from production decisions and trade effects remains under scrutiny. Even when decoupled, a cash-out entails an open-ended commit- ment to support payments. Thus, cash-outs have drawbacks. Dirty decoupling under a cash-out and the ongoing character of the subsidization remain obstacles to trade liberalization. Alternatives to the cash-out approach for ending intrusive farm program inter- ventions, or even for ending a cash-out itself, can be distinguished based on the Holograms and Ghosts: New and Old Ideas for Agricultural Policy 299 TABLE 11.1 Alternative Reform Strategies Speed of implementation Compensation Slow Fast Yes Cash-out Buyout No Squeeze-out Cutout Source: Orden, Paarlberg, and Roe (1999). speed of reform implementation and whether compensation is provided to bene- ficiaries of the programs (table 11.1). A buyout is a quick termination of support entitlements, made politically palatable through significant but temporary com- pensation up-front, in the form of a large cash windfall. A squeeze-out is an incre- mental reduction in the market intrusiveness and generosity of farm programs, managed slowly enough to avoid triggering a defensive backlash from lobby groups representing subsidy-dependent farmers, yet significant enough over time to reduce distortions and costs, and to inspire voluntary nonparticipation by market-oriented commercial farmers. A cutout is a quick termination of all pro- gram support entitlements without compensation. None of these alternatives to a slow compensated cash-out has proven feasible on a large scale in the United States or Europe. But could a buyout bring an end to domestic farm support pro- grams in developed countries, thus advancing the prospects for a liberalized agri- cultural trade regime? Recent Small-Scale Buyouts: Divergence among U.S. Peanut, Tobacco, and Sugar Reforms A number of recent policy reforms have been cited as buyouts. Interestingly, in the United States these have occurred around the specialty crops that had until recently avoided cash-out reforms. Here, we briefly examine the recent and divergent policy outcomes for peanuts, tobacco, and sugar. 2002 U.S. Peanut Reform. Under the traditional peanut program, holders of location-specific domestic quotas received preferential prices for peanuts supplied to the domestic market for edible uses compared with prices received for peanuts (known as "additionals") that went into processing (crushing into oil and meal) or were exported.5 Access to the domestic edible market by foreign competitors has been restricted by import quotas. 300 Agricultural Trade Reform and the Doha Development Agenda The 2002 farm bill made fundamental changes to the U.S. peanut program. The quota-based dual market structure was replaced with direct payments similar to most other supported crops: loan rates and related payments, fixed direct pay- ments, and countercyclical payments. The 2002 reform was a substantial cash-out but in most respects not a buyout. The only buyout dimension was that for a lim- ited time peanut quota holders were compensated for their loss of quota rights. The 2002 peanut program is quite lucrative for both former quota holders and for producers of peanuts once sold as additionals. The cash-out had an initial esti- mated cost of $4 billion over 10 years, essentially equal to the expected value of peanut production at world prices. Under the 2002 bill, any producer of peanuts is eligible for a loan rate of $355 a short ton on all current production. Those who qualify as "historical producers" of quota or additional peanuts are also guaranteed a direct fixed payment ($36 a short ton) and a target price ($495 a short ton) with countercyclical payments for the output from 85 percent of historical peanut acres and recent yields. The traditional producers also gain planting flexibility--they can receive the fixed and countercyclical payments without growing peanuts. If peanuts are grown, the new guaranteed revenue is higher than received in the past by pro- ducers of additionals, who had been eligible only for a loan rate of less than $200 a short ton. The quota owners receive a buyout payment of $220 a short ton for five years, which can also be taken as a one-time lump sum. Thus, for the next five years the total guaranteed revenue is essentially $694 a short ton for a quota owner, com- pared with a domestic price of $610 under the traditional program in the 1996 farm bill.6After five years, guaranteed revenue for a quota holder falls below the previous level. But the quota buyout of $220 a short ton for five years compared favorably with market prices for sales of quota rights before the 2002 farm bill was passed.7 There are several other political economy aspects to the reforms adopted for peanuts in 2002. The price support had been lowered by 10 percent in the 1996 farm bill and the annual quota had fallen to an average of 1.24 million short tons during 1996­2000, only 82 percent of its average in the preceding three years. Despite the reduced quota, domestic peanut production remained nearly con- stant, so domestic peanut producers were selling a relatively smaller proportion of their output at a lower quota support price than earlier and a relatively higher proportion of their peanuts at much lower prices in the additionals market. One reason for the declining quota for the domestic edible market was the international trade agreements to which the United States committed in the 1990s. Foreign producer access to the U.S. domestic market for peanuts increased from less than 1 percent of consumption before the 1993/4 marketing year to nearly 10 percent by the 1999/2000 marketing year due to market-access provisions of the WTO's URAA and of NAFTA (North American Free Trade Agreement). The increased imports and potential future trade liberalization that would expand Holograms and Ghosts: New and Old Ideas for Agricultural Policy 301 foreign access to the domestic edible market were used as arguments to motivate the 2002 peanut policy change as necessary to "preserve the domestic industry." Foreign producers who had attained market access under the tariff rate quota (TRQ) for peanuts were disadvantaged by the change. Unlike domestic producers, the foreign producers did not receive any payments as compensation for the lower U.S. peanut prices. With the new program in place, U.S. peanut imports dropped from an average of 105,000 short tons in 2000 and 2001 to 32,500 short tons in 2002 and 2003.8 2004 U.S. Tobacco Reform. Like peanuts, tobacco has been subject to location- specific production quotas to support market prices. Tobacco production is con- centrated in the southern states (with Kentucky and North Carolina accounting for two-thirds of the output). Domestic tobaccos are imperfect substitutes for foreign tobaccos and historically have commanded higher prices for higher quality. The United States both imports and exports leaf tobacco and primarily exports tobacco in the form of cigarettes. Domestic cigarette consumption in the United States has declined by one-third since the early 1980s, including by 18 percent since 1996. Tobacco imports have not been nearly as restricted as imports of peanuts, allowing domestic cigarette producers to blend tobaccos from different sources. Foreign tobacco had comprised 45 percent of the content of U.S. manu- factured cigarettes by 1994, when domestic content legislation was passed to restrict the imported share to 25 percent. A less restrictive TRQ was adopted in 1995, and by 2002 imported tobacco accounted for 55 percent of the content of U.S. cigarettes (Womach 2004b). In addition to quota restrictions, tobacco has been subject to loan rates that set annual price floors, with cooperatives holding stock when necessary to maintain the floor price. The tobacco program was legislated to operate at no net cost to taxpayers, with a unique industry-financed fund designed to cover any losses incurred in operation of the loan rate program.9 With declining domestic con- sumption associated with the negative health effects from smoking, and growing competition both for domestic usage and in export markets, the levels of quota production and tobacco producer revenues were in decline. The value of U.S. tobacco production averaged $2.8 billion during the 1990s but fell to under $2 billion in 2003 and 2004. From 1998 to 2004, quotas declined by nearly 50 percent. The sharp drop in quotas and revenue, along with changes in marketing chan- nels toward increased contracting by cigarette manufacturers, consolidated sup- port among producers for a new tobacco program. A tobacco program buyout was enacted in October 2004.10 Earlier buyout efforts had begun in conjunction with a national tobacco settlement that emerged after numerous states sued the tobacco companies for health care cost recovery.11 These early buyout efforts fell 302 Agricultural Trade Reform and the Doha Development Agenda short, but the idea survived. Subsequent discussion of a buyout centered on four dimensions: the compensation level to be provided, the structure of tobacco sup- port policy after the buyout, the source of funding for the buyout, and whether additional health-related regulatory authority over tobacco would be granted to the Food and Drug Administration (FDA) (Brown and Snell 2003). The tobacco reform of October 2004 provides a clean buyout to eliminate the tobacco quotas and price support loan rates. Owners of quota for the 2004 mar- keting year are to receive $7 a pound in equal payments over 10 years. Growers of tobacco during 2001­3 are to receive an additional payment of $1 a pound for each year they had acreage ($3 a pound if they produced in all three years). Estimated cost of the buyout of owners and growers is $9.6 billion, more than twice the cost of the peanut reform. This cost is to be financed by tax assessments on tobacco product manufacturers and importers, not by general tax revenue. The tobacco buyout ended authority for any price support or price stabilization programs. Production can take place anywhere in the country with no limit on volume. In short, with the legislation as enacted there will cease to be a tobacco farm pro- gram, but elimination of the support program is not accompanied by authority for health-related FDA regulation. The tobacco buyout raises questions about its effects on U.S. production and trade and how lucrative the payments are to past tobacco producers. With removal of the tobacco quotas, domestic prices can be expected to drop by some- what less than the past quota rental rates, and total national production is likely to increase. Brown and Thurman (2004), for example, project flue-cured tobacco prices will fall by one-fifth (from $1.85 a pound to $1.46 a pound), with produc- tion rising 180­280 million pounds from its 2004 level of 520 million pounds. Shifts among regions and types of tobacco produced are also anticipated, together with consolidation of production onto larger farms (Snell 2002). In terms of the compensation level of the buyouts, table 11.2 compares a seven- year (1995­2001) average of poundage quota rental rates for peanuts and flue- cured and burley tobacco with the quota buyout payments for peanuts and the quota and total (quota owner and operator) buyout payments for tobacco. For peanuts, the lump-sum payment of $0.55 a pound is equivalent to an infinite stream of payments of $0.026 a pound at a 5 percent discount rate. This is about 70 percent of the average of past rental rates. Alternatively, the quota buyout pay- ment is equivalent to average rental payments discounted at 5 percent for a period of 24 years. The buyout payment per pound exceeds this potential future payment stream to the extent that domestic peanut prices might fall had the earlier pro- gram continued. Likewise, the total buyout payment would exceed the total rental revenue stream under the old program if the quantity eligible for sale in the domestic market continued to decline under its continuation. With the peanut Holograms and Ghosts: New and Old Ideas for Agricultural Policy 303 TABLE 11.2 Value of the U.S. Peanut and Tobacco Buyouts (US$ per pound) Flue-cured Burley Measure Peanuts tobacco tobacco Seven-year simple average quota 0.037 0.471 0.411 rent (1995­2001) $7.00 tobacco buyout Quota buyout present value 0.550 5.675 5.675 Equivalent infinite annuity 0.026 0.270 0.270 Years for average rent 24 16 21 $10.00 tobacco buyout Quota buyout present value n.a. 8.108 8.108 Equivalent infinite annuity n.a. 0.386 0.386 Years for average rent n.a. 34 56 Source: Womach (2003) and authors' calculations. Present value and years of average rent are based on a 5 percent discount rate. Note: n.a. = not applicable. program reform, producers are also expected to receive (as of July 2004) nearly $2 billion of new fixed and countercyclical support payments in just the six years of the 2002 farm bill. For tobacco, the 10-year stream of owner buyout payments is first discounted at a 5 percent rate to an equivalent initial lump sum. This reduces the payment from the nominal $7.00 a pound to $5.68, as shown in table 11.2. The lump-sum payment is equivalent to an infinite stream of payments of $0.27 a pound, about 57 percent of the average of past quota rentals for flue-cured tobacco and about 66 percent for burley tobacco. The lump-sum payment is more than double the pri- vate market prices that had prevailed for sales of quota rights before the reform. It is equivalent to discounted average rental payments for 16 and 21 years for flue- cured and burley tobacco, respectively. Inclusion of the $3 payments to growers (also discounted to an up-front lump sum) raises the equivalent infinite payments and number of years of past rentals covered.12 Again, the buyout is more lucrative for producers to the extent that tobacco prices or quota allocations were likely to have continued to fall under continuation of the old program. No Reform for Sugar. In contrast to the reforms that took place for peanuts in 2002 and tobacco in 2004, there has been an absence of reform in the support 304 Agricultural Trade Reform and the Doha Development Agenda program for sugar. The United States is a sugar importer, with the domestic industry protected by quantitative import restrictions (TRQs) and high overquota tariffs. Sugar demand fell markedly in the 1980s with the development of corn sweeteners, but most of the adjustment was channeled into reduced imports rather than reduced domestic production. Still, the support policies authorize domestic marketing allotments to restrict supply in order to keep prices above loan rates, and the sugar program is designed to operate at no net cost to the gov- ernment. Thus the sugar program is similar in design to the traditional peanut and tobacco programs, and its support program faces similar pressures from lim- ited demand and increased imports under the URAA, NAFTA, and other trade agreements that might require tighter domestic marketing allotments or support price reductions. The 1996 farm bill kept sugar loan rates fixed nominally at previous rates ($0.18 a pound for raw cane sugar and $0.23 a pound for refined beet sugar). Small changes in the provisions of the program made it potentially less beneficial for producers. The requirement that the sugar program operate to the extent possi- ble at no net cost was eliminated. This was a change in legal status that technically created room for intrusive stock-holding expenditures or even for direct cash-out payments, but neither was imminent with high agricultural prices in 1996. A policy crunch arose for sugar in 2000 when domestic production plus mini- mum U.S. import commitments exceeded domestic consumption and private stock-building demand at the supported domestic prices. To sustain those prices, the U.S. Department of Agriculture (USDA) accumulated stocks and offered a "plow-down" under which it exchanged stockpiled sugar for destruction of some of the planted sugar beet crop. A similar payment-in-kind (PIK) program was initiated to reduce future beet planting and avoid having to plow down another growing crop. Supply pressure on the sugar market eased in 2001, lessening political pressure for reform. Sugar producers failed to endorse a cash-out reform along the lines of peanuts in the 2002 farm bill. Instead, they opted to tighten restrictions under their tradi- tional program to defend the existing support prices. The 2002 bill stipulated again that the sugar program operate at no net cost to the government. The PIK program was continued, and authority was restored to control domestic supply through marketing allotments but only when annual sugar imports remained below 1.5 million short tons. The combination of the no-net-cost provision and the constraint on the use of domestic marketing allotments was designed, in the words of the U.S. producers, to ensure that the USDA and U.S. trade representa- tive stood "shoulder to shoulder" with the domestic industry to oppose loosening of import restrictions. Together these provisions tie the hands of trade policy negotiators. Imports above 1.5 million short tons cannot be offset by restrictive Holograms and Ghosts: New and Old Ideas for Agricultural Policy 305 domestic marketing allotments to sustain the supported price under the 2002 farm bill, while allowing imports to exceed this level would induce violation of the no-net-cost provision if USDA stockpiling were the result. Thus, the sugar pro- gram has to continue to be administered with tight import restraints, which sets it firmly against trade liberalization and makes U.S. sugar an obstacle to a liberal- izing outcome within the Doha Round. Synopsis from the Three Recent U.S. Policies. The contrasting recent policy outcomes among the historically similar U.S. peanut, tobacco, and sugar support programs provide some evidence about the conditions conducive to a buyout and its consequences. Narrowly defined benefits, specifically quota rights, may be easier to buy out than broader support policies: binding quota rights were bought out for both peanuts and tobacco, whereas sugar marketing allotments that are only intermittently binding have not been bought out. The onset of reform aligns closely with a sharp shrinkage of the benefits obtained by participants in the old program. The pressure from reduced quotas and revenue was most severe for tobacco, and the tobacco buyout is the most com- plete. Unique dimensions with respect to tobacco also explain the more complete buyout of tobacco support compared to peanuts. Domestic tobacco producers were the least successful of the three sectors in securing restrictions on imports to protect their quota rents. The emergence of substantial health-cost-related transfers financed by manufacturers, importers, and consumers is also unique to the tobacco industry and set the precedent for financing the tobacco buyout with specific assessments instead of general tax revenue.13 Had the sectoral tax precedent not existed, the higher cost of the tobacco buyout compared with peanuts might have blocked its enactment. The health issues associated with tobacco consumption also contributed to the outcome of full elimination of the support programs for producers. In contrast, peanut producers were able to align ongoing support with the cashed-out programs for other crops. Consumers influence the buyout outcomes to the extent that their demand behavior contributes to declining benefits under a quota program. But the political economy condition necessary for a buyout still appears to be the emergence of substantial support for a reform among producers. Emergence of such opinion is obviously related to the shrinkage of benefits. Producers excluded from the quota program also align to favor reform. That was especially evident in the case of producers of additional peanuts, who gained from becoming eligible for a stronger support program. The opinion in favor of reform among producers does not have to be unanimous. In both the peanut and tobacco cases, minori- ties of producers in high-cost production regions opposed elimination of the location-specific quotas. 306 Agricultural Trade Reform and the Doha Development Agenda In terms of compensation, the evidence suggests that for reform to occur, the buyout payments have to be quite lucrative, especially given the circumstances of declining benefits to quota owners that provide the reform trigger. The buyout payments for peanuts and tobacco are equivalent to continuation of total prere- form quota rental revenue for a period of 15 years or more. It is also the case that while a buyout may be conducive to liberalization of trade policy, the peanuts and tobacco buyouts were designed to benefit domestic, not foreign, producers. The United States was already a net peanut exporter of additionals--imports were artificially drawn in only because of the market dis- crimination under the quota program. In the case of tobacco, total U.S. output is likely to rise with the buyout, displacing imports. The Debate over Larger Buyouts As the cash-out of farm support policies for most crops has been pursued, buyouts have on occasion been proposed, either as a means to facilitate adjustment out of agriculture or as compensation for elimination of a support program. These buyouts have not been adopted because the main thrust of farm support programs in developed countries has been to dampen pressure for adjustment, not to facilitate it or speed it up.14 The time has largely passed when farm poverty or large migra- tions out of agriculture provided a rationale for adjustment-dampening policies, and in any case the effectiveness of those policies can be questioned.Yet the argument that farm policy should facilitate adjustment out of the sector is still not widely held. Nor has reform gone so far as to eliminate the main support programs and offer buyout compensation. Bond Schemes in the EU. A "bond scheme" for transforming EU CAP policies was proposed in 1991 by Stefan Tangermann, then of the University of Gottingen (Swinbank and Tranter 2004; Daugbjerg and Swinbank 2004). The initial bond proposal was made before the EU adopted the 1992 MacSharry reforms. As charac- terized recently by Swinbank and Tangermann (2004), the proposal incorporates six steps: decouple crop payments from current land use; extend this principle to livestock; decouple payments from land and attach the entitlements to individu- als; limit the duration of payments to, say, 10 or 20 years, and (possibly) make pay- ments degressive over time; definitively fix the future level of payments; and transform payment entitlements into bonds. Swinbank and Tangermann (2004) recognized that by 2003, the EU cash-out reforms had largely accomplished their first two proposed steps. The last four steps, they argue, would add two advantages. First, these steps would facilitate structural adjustments in production by allowing land prices to fall. Second, they Holograms and Ghosts: New and Old Ideas for Agricultural Policy 307 would create certainty about future payments, while at the same time bringing the payments to an eventual end.15 The Tangermann bond scheme was an innovative proposal when it was first presented. Whether the bond scheme proposal would be a buyout or a delayed cutout depends on the level of associated payments. Swinbank and Tangermann (2004) center their discussion on payments starting at the level of the existing EU farm programs, a level that they argue would avoid putting additional pressure on the EU budget. But guaranteed payments at existing levels for 10 or even 15 years is not very lucrative for producers by the standard of the quota buyouts for U.S. peanuts or tobacco. There remains ambiguity in the 2003 CAP reforms, so the benefits being bought out by the bonds are not yet narrowly defined. A sharp diminution of benefits under the existing programs is not evident. There is no groundswell of calls for a buyout from producers, although producers are not opposed to the scheme, according to survey analysis undertaken by bond researchers (Tranter and others 2004). For these reasons, the prospects may be low for adoption of a bond scheme in the near term. Yet introduction of such bonds, especially with declining annual payments over an agreed implementation period, could provide a convincing domestic subsidy counterpart to phasing in substan- tial tariff reductions through the WTO. How Might a Buyout Look in the United States? There has never been a con- vincing buyout proposal for the main farm support programs in the United States. The fixed payments adopted in the 1996 farm bill provided a windfall to farmers in a year of high market prices, but it failed to ensure a buyout in three respects: a budget baseline remained in place for future farm program spending, the permanent farm program legislation from 1949 and related acts was retained, and the 1996 farm bill took no other steps to bind the actions of a future Congress. As discussed above, when farm prices fell, the next Congress quickly stepped in with additional payments. A buyout of the 2002 U.S. farm programs could focus on the fixed direct pay- ments, the countercyclical payments, or the loan rate price guarantees. The fixed payments are a narrowly defined benefit, which increases the feasibility of a buyout. Bringing about their eventual elimination might ease concerns about continued subsidization, but it would accomplish the least economically or institutionally: either the fixed payments or a buyout replacement (perhaps through a bond) are WTO Green Box measures and are relatively decoupled. A buyout of the countercyclical payments would accomplish more, since these payments are a particularly contentious form of decoupling more likely to have production-stimulating effects. A buyout of countercyclical payments would allow the United States to abandon the Blue Box, potentially allowing simplification 308 Agricultural Trade Reform and the Doha Development Agenda and improved transparency of the WTO rules. The value of countercyclical payments is not as certain as the fixed payments under the 2002 farm bill, but there is an upper bound because the payments are made on fixed quantities and at per-unit levels no greater than the difference between the target price and the sum of the loan rate and per-unit fixed payment for each commodity. The farm lobby succeeded in building the countercyclical payments into the 2002 farm bill to address what it viewed as an inadequate safety net in the 1996 legislation, so there is no clamor from producers to eliminate these payments. But government fiscal deficits that had eased as the 2002 farm bill was enacted have tightened again. So farm program spending will be under scrutiny and may require some adjustment. And the question remains: with widespread opposition among nonsubsidizing countries, is the Blue Box doomed in the future even if it survives in the Doha Round? Table 11.3 provides some information on the potential costs of several buyout options. Results are shown separately for a buyout (for all commodities aggregated) of the annual fixed payments, the maximum possible countercyclical payments, and the expected countercyclical payments as projected in the president's 2006 budget. TABLE 11.3 Cost of Possible Buyouts of the Main U.S. 2002 Farm Bill Support Payments (US$ billions) Fixed Countercyclical payments Buyout cost direct payments Maximum Projected possible level 2002 farm bill 5.292 (average) 7.302 (average) 3.505 (average) payments (crop 28.198 (lump sum) 38.787 (lump sum) 18.303 (lump sum) years 2002­2007) Buyout payments 9.659 (annual) 13.328 (annual) 6.398 (annual) over 10 years 78.311 (lump sum) 108.065 (lump sum) 51.870 (lump sum) equivalent to annual payments at 2002 farm bill level for 25 years Infinite annuity 3.729 (annual) 5.146 (annual) 2.470 (annual) equivalent of buyout payments Source: Fixed direct payments and projected countercyclical payments are based on the president's 2006 budget. Estimate of maximum countercyclical payments is from calculations provided by the U.S. Department of Agriculture's Economic Research Service. Buyout payments are assumed to be made in equal installments over 10 years. Present values and infinite annuities are based on a 5 percent discount rate. Holograms and Ghosts: New and Old Ideas for Agricultural Policy 309 The 2002 farm bill payments are assumed to occur for six consecutive years (crop years 2002­7). The nominal average annual payment and the present value of the payments (at a 5 percent discount rate) are shown as a benchmark in the first row of table 11.3. The buyout payments are assumed to be made in equal nominal installments over 10 years, as in the tobacco case. The costs shown in the second row are those required to compensate for discounted farm bill payments for 25 years--roughly consistent with the buyouts provided for peanuts and tobacco. The nominal value of an infinite annuity equivalent of the annual payments are shown in the third row. A buyout of the fixed direct payments along these lines nearly doubles the annual expenditure that would have to be made for 10 years compared to expen- ditures each year under the 2002 farm bill, and almost triples the present value of the payments. This buyout raises short-term costs, but the value of equivalent annual payments in perpetuity is less than the 2002 farm bill delivers during crop years 2002­7. A buyout of the maximum countercyclical payments that could be made is the most costly, while a buyout of their projected value has a lower cost than for the fixed direct payments. Still, with the 2002 farm bill put into place, and these projected and potential costs of the countercyclical payments, it is not sur- prising that the United States has invested so much negotiating effort to ensure their inclusion in a continuation of the Blue Box, despite the merit of abandoning these payments as a step toward facilitating trade liberalization. The expected cost of the price-linked countercyclical payments underscores that use of the Blue Box for these subsidies will remain contentious.16 If farm subsidy payments were to be bought out, there is also a time-consistency problem of whether any buyout could be enforced. Based on the increase in sup- port enacted after 1996, the record is not encouraging. The 1996 farm bill included "production flexibility contracts" designed to assure farmers of the stream of legislated payments regardless of future federal budget constraints. These contracts proved one-sided, as taxpayers were not assured that farmers would receive only the contracted level of support. Several steps can be envisioned that would improve the prospects for adher- ence to a buyout. The first would be to eliminate the permanent legislation for farm support programs. Stronger steps could also be taken. Contracts for buyout payments could require that the acreage for which the payments were being bought out (and the output from that acreage) be ineligible for future support legislated by Congress. Such contracts could be structured similarly to those by which some farmers sell their "development rights" to state and local governments so that their land must remain in rural condition or agricultural use.17 The state governments have devised binding legal criteria to ensure compliance from the contract beneficiaries who have sold their development rights. 310 Agricultural Trade Reform and the Doha Development Agenda A WTO agreement built around a buyout of U.S. countercyclical payments would also provide an enforcement mechanism. If the Blue Box were eliminated, and Amber Box constraints were made sufficiently tight, countercyclical payments could become infeasible. Even tighter Amber Box constraints could bind the loan rate program too. Constraints through the WTO are less likely to reinforce a buy- out of fixed payments. Countercyclical and loan-rate-based payments are never going to fit into the WTO Green Box. But there are many loopholes through which farm support programs, including trade-distorting programs, can be renewed within the Green Box. Revived Supply Management: A Ghost of Policies Past There are other policy options that might end current subsidy programs of developed countries by moving in quite different directions from a buyout of the existing payments. One option would be to replace the commodity-based pay- ments with expanded "green-payment" subsidies tied to environmental criteria and made in a way that keeps land in agricultural production. If the new subsidies stimulated production, this approach would constitute "dirty environmentalism" and would leave ample room for conflict in the WTO (as have dirty tariffication and dirty decoupling). Yet for the United States, for example, as domestic policy it would build upon a conservation working lands program introduced in the 2002 farm bill. Interventions along such lines fit under the broad rubric of dampening adjustment pressures, a feature that has characterized past farm support programs. A second alternative to a buyout would be a revival of supply management. Sufficient revival of this ghost of past policies would also allow existing subsidy payments to be eliminated, but only by exacerbating the market-distorting effects that have been moderated with past cash-outs and that would be further avoided with a buyout.18 Control of supplies and diversion of crop outputs to shore up prices have never faded far from the policy mix under the cash-out reforms that have occurred. In the EU, acreage set-asides are still in use with the program of Single Farm Pay- ments. One-tenth of the cropland in the United States is idled under the CRP, even though annual acreage controls have been eliminated. Ethanol production now absorbs more than 10 percent of the U.S. corn crop. This use of corn has been stimulated by tax breaks on blended fuels, but regulations that require blending could supplant the tax-break stimulus. While there are proponents of a simple revival of annual acreage idling to push up prices, the more innovative recent supply management proposals focus on diverting additional acreage into bioenergy production, with the implicit effect that crop supplies would tighten and prices rise. A range of proponents has Holograms and Ghosts: New and Old Ideas for Agricultural Policy 311 emerged, who tie their arguments to the conflict over subsidies in the WTO. The former CIA director James Woolsey, for example, argues that a shift from current subsidies to subsidized bioenergy crop production could "help resolve global trade deadlocks that center on whether our support for agriculture undermines the rural poor in the rest of the world" (EFC 2004). Proponents describe this as a "farmer-oriented" policy and have offered only corresponding partial assessments of its economic impacts. 19 The point of briefly calling attention to these alternatives to a buyout of farm support programs is not to assert their merit but rather to demonstrate that the evolution of farm policies in the developed countries toward efficient and trade- facilitating outcomes is not assured. War in Iraq and high oil prices in 2004 have not yet given a noticeable boost to the bioenergy subsidy proposals. Neither has any clear momentum yet arisen for ending the current farm programs with a large buyout. Efficient Policies toward Agriculture in Developing Countries We turn next to the agricultural policy challenges in developing countries. These diverse countries have always confronted a double policy dichotomy. First is the issue of the balance between the agricultural sector vis-à-vis other productive sectors (especially industry) in their general economic strategies. This issue has been manifest in the dilemma of trying to maintain prices at high levels for agricultural producers while keeping them affordable for consumers, and in the debate about the balance between rural areas and urban centers (Lipton 1977). Second is the policy issue of growth versus equity. Should the agricultural sector pursue growth and production, usually concentrating support on "modern" and larger agricul- tural units, or emphasize poverty reduction and food security with a focus on small farmers, landless rural workers, and other vulnerable groups? This dilemma has many facets, including the possibility of complex two-way influences, such as whether more equal societies have higher and more stable rates of growth than their more unequal counterparts (Alessina and Perotti 1996; Deininger and Squire 1997). Others note the positive impacts of an agrarian structure based on family farms on the emergence of democratic governance (Moore 1967) and on the for- mation of larger domestic markets that allow the development of industry and other activities. The environmental sustainability of a strategy based on large commercial farms, versus another focused on small-scale agriculture, has also been amply debated. Agricultural trade policies historically have been just a component of the broader policy debates relating to agricultural development and the "agrarian question" in general. Those trade policies (and related price schemes) often taxed export goods, 312 Agricultural Trade Reform and the Doha Development Agenda while import-competing goods, mainly food products, were more likely than not supported through direct border protection and a variety of price mechanisms. The nature of such agricultural trade policies has changed over time, as has the general matrix of macroeconomic policies and trade policies for other sectors, which together determine the net effect on the agricultural sector of developing countries. The possibility of achieving welfare-enhancing results in the agricultural negotia- tions of the Doha Round requires placing the debate about agricultural trade poli- cies within this broader context. Evolution of Agricultural Policies toward Less State Intervention Just as agricultural policy in developed countries has evolved through partial reform toward less-intrusive interventions in markets, so too policies toward agri- culture in developing countries have seen a substantial evolution away from state management since the 1950s--but with significant differences that shape the approach that developing countries have taken in the WTO agricultural negotia- tions. In the discussion that follows, we highlight key dimensions of this reform. The review frames the policy options that could facilitate trade liberalization in the WTO while promoting, in particular, rural and agricultural development, poverty alleviation, food security, and environmental sustainability within devel- oping countries without resorting to distorting-trade measures. The 1950s and 1960s: Industrial Focus, Community Development, and Land Reform. According to the post­World War II development strategy, the role of agriculture was to be subordinated to the needs of industrialization, within what has been called Import Substitution Industrialization (ISI). Different arguments were used to support this view. Quantitative historical analysis (for instance, Kuznets 1966) showed that agriculture declined in importance with the advance of economic development. Also it was argued, especially in Latin America, that inelastic supply and demand for agricultural goods and deteriorating terms of trade suggested the need to diversify the economic structure out of agriculture and into industry (CEPAL 1969). Other arguments were based on the structure of national and international power. Many developing countries were economically dependent on the former colonial powers and, from this perspective, deemphasizing the role of the agricultural sector in development was part of a double process of economic independence and political sovereignty, combined with a more equitable internal distribution of income. Therefore the prevalent approach during the 1950s and 1960s was to support the process of industrialization by making the agricultural sector perform four Holograms and Ghosts: New and Old Ideas for Agricultural Policy 313 main functions: a transfer of labor surpluses would occur as workers supposedly underemployed in agriculture shifted to industry; agriculture would provide food ("wage goods") and raw materials to the industrial sector; savings in the agricultural sector would be taxed away to sustain the process of investment in the industrial sector and for the development of public infrastructure; and the agricultural sec- tor had to generate surpluses of foreign currency to pay for the importation of capital goods and industrial inputs (Johnston and Mellor 1961).Within the ISI approach, the nuts and bolts of agricultural policies were based mostly on the use of administered prices at different stages of the market chain; the existence of public and parastatal enterprises operating in product and input markets, in good measure to enforce the administered prices but also with the avowed objective of ensuring the supply of some inputs; and the establishment of public agricultural banks and the supply of subsidized credit. In many cases those policies tried to help "modern," more productive units. The issue of poverty in rural areas was addressed mainly through community development and land reform. Community development that spread during the late 1950s and 1960s was a political rather than economic approach. The idea was to stimulate the popula- tion to organize, so the people could exert initiative and improve their communi- ties through cooperative efforts based on self-help and mutual help, leading to increases in welfare and reductions in poverty. The expectation was that a success- ful program would result not only in improved economic conditions but also in more stable and democratic communities (Holdcroft 1977; Uphoff and others 1979). Community development, however, was not exempt from criticisms. In particular, the focus on the use of the community's own resources was considered by some a subterfuge of the governments to avoid investing the additional resources that were required to effectively develop those communities, while at the same time concentrating resources in the urban sector.20 Furthermore, in some cases mobilization began to exceed what some governments considered control- lable limits, and many other countries had serious difficulties showing quantifiable results in aspects such as "participation,""institutional capacity," and "democratic organization." Another important approach to agricultural development during the 1950s and 1960s was land reform. After the Second World War successful land reforms were carried out in Japan, Taiwan (China), and the Republic of Korea under U.S. influence. In Latin America and the Caribbean (LAC), there were several impor- tant land reforms before 1960 (Mexico in the 1920s, Bolivia and Guatemala in the early 1950s, and Cuba in the late 1950s), but it was the Alliance for Progress in 1961 that launched a widespread program. Africa also saw different attempts at land reform in the Arab Republic of Egypt, Ethiopia, Kenya, and several of the other countries emerging from colonial rule and acquiring their independence. 314 Agricultural Trade Reform and the Doha Development Agenda The results in many countries in Latin America (and Asian countries such as the Philippines with similar land structures) were less favorable than in Japan, Korea, and Taiwan (China), mostly because their more unequal and dualistic initial structures proved more difficult to reform (due to political resistance) than in Asia with its more equal initial distribution and a larger number of family farms. The problems in most of Sub-Saharan Africa (SSA), where land also tended to be more equally distributed than in LAC, were mainly related to the tension between traditional communal land tenure systems and the attempts at creating commercial land tenure structures. In any case, by the mid-1970s and early 1980s the priority of land reform, which, in many cases, was linked to the fear of peasant revolutions in developing countries, began to fade along with the prospects of the spread of communism in Latin America and the Caribbean or Asia. The 1970s: New Technology and Outward-Oriented Development Strategies. Both the overall development strategy and agriculture's role within it, as well as sec- toral policies, began to be reviewed in the mid-1960s and early 1970s, when different concerns arose about the adequacy of a development strategy that concentrated sav- ings and investment in industrial development and discriminated against the agri- cultural sector. Schultz (1964), in an influential book, argued that the farmers in developing countries were"poor but efficient,"reacting with economic rationality to changes in prices and incentives. Debates over the operation of "dual economies" (Fei and Ranis 1966 versus Jorgenson 1967), specifically on whether efficiency gains could be made by moving labor from agriculture to industry, suggested the impor- tance of supporting agriculture through technological development and human capital formation in rural areas. The idea that there could be a technological solu- tion to the rural problem infused the Green Revolution of the 1970s, replacing community development and land reform as the main rural development strategy. This approach led to the creation of the system of international agricultural research centers (the Consultative Group on International Agricultural Research, or CGIAR) and of national agricultural research institutes and extension services in many developing countries during the 1970s. Complementary irrigation invest- ments expanded in several countries, particularly in Asia. The Green Revolution was criticized for concentrating on better-off areas and farmers (which, it was argued, worsened income distribution and poverty). However, the increases in productivity since the mid-1970s, especially in food crops, allowed the world to increase the level of available calories per capita even though population doubled, using about the same land and with real prices half the levels of the 1960s, all of which helped to alleviate poverty and malnutrition.21 Another argument emphasizing the importance of agriculture in the develop- ment process was provided by the realization that the poor in developing countries Holograms and Ghosts: New and Old Ideas for Agricultural Policy 315 were concentrated mainly in rural areas. If poverty alleviation was to be an impor- tant objective of economic policy, this argument went, then greater attention should be given to agricultural and rural development. Chenery and others (1974), in another influential book entitled, suggestively, Redistribution with Growth, presented the case for an investment program centered especially on accumulation of human and physical capital by the rural poor.22 Under the aus- pices of the World Bank, international organizations began to increase investment in agriculture, mainly through integrated programs in rural areas targeted to reach low-income groups, including productive and social investments in what was called Integrated Rural Development. While highlighting the importance of agriculture, both the Green Revolution and the Integrated Rural Development approaches were undertaken within the framework of development and macroeconomic policies still shaped by ISI. Other analyses were appraising that overall approach critically. Little, Scitovsky, and Scott (1970) and Balassa and Associates (1971) called for a modification of the import-substitution approach that protected industry and the elimination of policy biases against agriculture. They highlighted the negative impacts on growth and poverty alleviation of the structure of "macro prices" enforced through governmental policies. Poverty alleviation appeared impaired by policies that protected capital-intensive industrialization and limited the development of agriculture. The slow employment growth in industry and the stagnation of agriculture had adverse effects on income distribution, limited participation of the population in productive employment, and contributed to persistent poverty (Johnston 1977). Thus, poverty problems could not be resolved simply by restructuring micropolicies or by reallocating investments to the poor. The development strategy had to be refocused to take advantage of opportunities in international trade, eliminate distortions created by extreme government inter- vention, allow prices to operate more freely, and make sure that technology and investment reflected the endowment of human and other resources by posi- tively reappraising the role of agriculture in the economy (Balassa 1984; Little, Scitovsky, and Scott 1970; Krueger 1978). Through the 1970s, while many countries in LAC and Africa continued within the ISI approach, several countries in Asia as well as some in LAC began to move to an export-oriented strategy. In the agricultural sector, the nuts-and-bolts approach continued to be administered prices, public sector interventions and institutions, and directed credit, combined with the Green Revolution (cum irrigation) and Integrated Rural Development. A "basic-needs" approach to poverty also emerged in the late 1970s. It was argued that objectives such as growth, or even employment and income redistribution, were means to the more concrete objective of attending to the specific basic needs of the population (defined primarily by nonfinancial 316 Agricultural Trade Reform and the Doha Development Agenda indicators, and including both "material" and "immaterial" components), espe- cially for the poor and vulnerable.23 The 1980s: Fiscal Retrenchment and Structural Adjustment. The two oil shocks of the 1970s and the change in macroeconomic policies in developed countries in the early 1980s (with sharp increases in real interest rates and the sub- sequent recession) severely affected many developing countries and led to the debt crisis of the 1980s, mostly in LAC and Africa. Agricultural prices collapsed in the mid-1980s, primarily as a result of those macroeconomic changes and expanded public support of agricultural production in developed countries, particularly as the EU increased subsidization of exports and the cash-out reforms in the United States reduced price-supporting loan rates. The agricultural transformation in China, the expansion of the Green Revolution in many developing countries, and the break-up of the Soviet Union were developments that added to global agricul- tural supplies or weakened demand within agricultural markets, exacerbating the collapse in prices (Díaz-Bonilla 1991; Borensztein and others 1994). The possibil- ity of financing import substitution industrialization with the rents extracted from agriculture basically disappeared, leading to the progressive reduction of taxes (and of price schemes with similar effects) on agricultural export goods. What prompted the change in overall development strategies in the 1980s, much more than the analytical studies showing the economic limitations of ISI, was this sequence of macroeconomic shocks and the ensuing debt problem. The success of export-oriented strategies, mostly in Asia, also contributed to the reevaluation of ISI. At the agricultural level, the nuts-and-bolts approach of gov- ernment intervention and Integrated Rural Development underwent a thorough revision that substantially changed them, while the technological-development approach continued as a crucial strategy (although with less funding, because of the fiscal retrenchment). Additional analyses, mostly covering the period from the 1960s to mid-1980s and focusing on macroeconomic policies and the direct and indirect effects of trade, also argued that price incentives were tilted against agriculture and impaired growth (Krueger, Schiff, and Valdés 1988; Bautista and Valdés 1993). The price bias resulting from these factors was different from the more general urban bias discussed by Lipton (1977), which included an emphasis on urban areas in public investment and expenditures. From the perspective of the macroeconomic approach to incentives, investments in the agricultural sector were considered far less effective within a framework of distorting macroeconomic and trade policies. At the sectoral level, one of the characteristics of the interventions of the 1960s and 1970s was the granting of preferential loans in many developing countries through sectorally specialized institutions (industrial as well as agricultural and Holograms and Ghosts: New and Old Ideas for Agricultural Policy 317 rural banks).24 The expansion of credit was commonly financed through redis- counts from the central bank or similar institutions, which expanded money sup- ply, basically in the context of closed capital accounts. Different studies had warned about the inefficiencies and waste in the complex maze of price policies and market interventions by public enterprises in developing countries (see, for example, Bates 1981 for Africa). Studies of "financial repression" (McKinnon 1973) argued that administered interest rates, which tended to become negative either because of delayed adjustment to inflation or because subsidized interest rates were considered necessary to accelerate investment, ended up discouraging savings (at least in the formal financial system) and generating excess demand for credit, with negative effects on growth and efficiency. Focusing on rural financial markets, Adams, Graham, and von Pischke (1984) argued that subsidized agricul- tural credit generated a misallocation of resources in the rural sector (excessive capital intensity and land speculation), did not reach the poorest sectors because preferential credit was absorbed by the largest farms, and discouraged rural sav- ings and the development of rural financial institutions and markets. The World Bank's World Development Report for 1986, which focused on agri- culture, codified these lines of analysis into several policy recommendations: developing countries should eliminate inefficient industrial protectionism; cor- rect the overvaluation of the exchange rate; eliminate export taxes on agriculture; reduce the government's involvement in agricultural markets; and phase out administered prices, public sector enterprises operating in output and input mar- kets, and state-owned agricultural banks and directed agricultural credit schemes. Budgetary savings from the elimination of public interventions, which were con- sidered inefficient, contradictory, and open to waste and corruption, could be reassigned to investments in technology, extension and training, and infrastruc- ture. General and sectoral "structural adjustment programs," by the World Bank and other international banks and donors, financed the implementation of those policy changes in many developing countries. Within the new general framework, the poor, particularly in rural areas, were supposed to benefit from more sustainable growth once the capital-intensive and antiagricultural development strategy was corrected. The remaining poor could then be aided through focused policies. The basic-needs approach that had emerged in the late 1970s provided a possible rationale for this reorientation and focalization of social services in the 1980s. International organizations and donors basically reoriented their activities to cover both the more macroeconomic level of policies for productive purposes and the more narrowly focused social interventions for poverty alleviation, mostly abandoning the midlevel of sectoral productive interventions. In particular, World Bank agricultural lending, including for Integrated Rural Development, 318 Agricultural Trade Reform and the Doha Development Agenda was sharply curtailed as the decade of the 1980s progressed (Lipton and Paarlberg 1990). It declined (in constant 2001 U.S. dollars) from about $5 billion and some 30 percent of total World Bank lending in the late 1970s and the first half of the 1980s to $3 billion and 10­15 percent of total lending in the second half of the 1980s. By the early 2000s, agricultural lending had declined further to about $1.5 billion, or 7 percent, of total World Bank loans. Similar trends occurred in other multilateral institutions and individual donors. The 1990s and Beyond: Further Adjustment and Targeted Poverty Alleviation. Changes in macroeconomic and trade policy in developing countries during the 1980s and 1990s led to depreciated real exchange rates and reduced overall trade protection. Wood (1988) calculated that the real exchange rates of most developing countries (except oil-exporters) had been declining from the 1960s to the 1980s. More recent data from Cashin, Céspedes, and Sahay (2002) on real, effective exchange rates for different countries during the period 1980 to 2002 also show further devaluations: real, effective exchange rates in LAC were on average below the early 1980s' values by 15­20 percent, in Asia by about 40 percent, and in Africa by 45­55 percent. 25 With respect to trade policy, except for the Middle East and North Africa where the levels of protection have increased, average total tariffs in the early 2000s are 40 percent to 70 percent lower than during the 1980s. Looking at tariffs by sectors, the conventional wisdom around the mid-1980s (World Bank 1986; Krueger, Schiff, and Valdés 1988; Bautista and Valdés 1993) that industrial protection in developing countries was higher than for agricultural products, imparting an antiagricultural bias to overall incentives, can be questioned. Cernat, Laird, and Turrini (2002) suggest that tariff protection of agriculture is at least as high as for manufacturing now (table 11.4), while Jensen, Robinson, and Tarp (2002) calcu- late that whatever antiagriculture bias existed as a result of trade and macroeco- nomic policies in the 1960s and 1970s was largely eliminated during the 1990s, at least for the 15 countries they examine. At the same time that price distortions were reduced or eliminated, other devel- opments, however, were moving against the agricultural sector. At least in LAC and SSA, economic growth declined significantly during the 1980s and 1990s, affecting demand for agricultural goods. Overall fiscal positions of developing countries deteriorated during the 1980s (for SSA fiscal problems began in the 1970s). Deteri- orating public sector finances, both in developing and developed countries, along with the decline in world agricultural prices in the mid-1980s, led to fiscal adjust- ments and pressures to reduce support for agriculture in many countries.26 Credit conditions also changed. During the 1980s, and then more markedly in the 1990s, many developing countries began to open up their capital accounts, Holograms and Ghosts: New and Old Ideas for Agricultural Policy 319 expecting beneficial impacts on growth, efficiency, and smoothing of volatility (Prasad and others 2003). This changed the context for monetary policies. The limits of the impossible trinity began to be recognized: a country could not have a fixed exchange rate, an open capital account, and an independent monetary policy at the same time, but could pick only two out of those three policy instruments. Considering the tendency in developing countries to try to maintain stable exchange rates (what Calvo and Reinhart 2002 have called "fear of floating"), and with a capital account open, a consequence appears to have been more con- strained monetary policies. At the same time the International Monetary Fund, World Bank, and other international organizations, as part of the structural adjustment and stabilization programs of the mid-1980s and 1990s, supported financial sector reforms including changes in public agricultural agencies such as agricultural banks and parastatal companies that, among other things, provided credit to farmers (FAO/GTZ 1998; Kherallah and others 2003). Some of the reforms, while eliminating many of the inefficient and contradictory public sector interventions, have at the same time dismantled the institutional infrastructure that provided technical assistance and some key inputs to agricultural production (including credit, seeds, and fertilizers) and marketing services, without ensuring the creation of private sector institutions that could provide similar services and inputs (Kherallah and others 2003). Several developing countries, particularly in Africa but not only there, have been affected further by armed conflicts that have reduced agricultural produc- tion and increased poverty and hunger. According to FAO (2004), conflict in Africa resulted in lost agricultural production of more than US$120 billion during the last three decades of the 20th century. Conflict there has sometimes been the result of competition over scarce natural resources, including land and water. In addition to the changes in growth, fiscal and monetary policies, institutional arrangements, and internal conflict, there were also two important changes in external conditions. First, particularly since the 1980s, the extensive support and protection of agriculture in developed countries led to surpluses that were sold with subsidies in international markets, depressing prices there. Those policies discouraged investments in the rural sector of many developing countries that came to depend on cheap and subsidized food from abroad, and contributed to turning many of them, including a number of countries in Sub-Saharan Africa, from net exporters to net importers of food. Cuts in loans to agricultural and rural development projects by the World Bank and other development banks appear to have been influenced, at least in part, by low international food prices that reduced the expected returns of future projects and depressed the ex post results of evaluated projects (Lipton and Paarlberg 1990). 320 Agricultural Trade Reform and the Doha Development Agenda TABLE 11.4 Average Tariff Protection Applied, by Economy or Region, early 2000s (percent) Average applied MFN tariff rate Transition Sector Asian NIEs China South Asia economies Primary agriculture 38 16 21 13 Processed agriculture 20 15 29 20 Other primary sectors 2 2 14 1 Textiles and apparel 8 13 28 14 Other manufactures 5 6 24 9 Second, expanded capital flows seem to have led to a more volatile economic environment for developing countries, with the sequence of crises in Mexico in 1995, East Asia in 1997, Russia in 1998, Brazil in 1999, and Argentina in 2001. The impacts of these financial crises on world agricultural prices and markets, as well as domestic conditions in the countries affected, appear to have been substantial (IMF 1999; USDA 2000).27 In summary, the policy changes linked to structural adjustment during the second half of the 1980s and 1990s appear to have reduced the incentive bias against agriculture, but gaps in private sector development, tighter fiscal and monetary conditions, lower growth in some regions, and external events such as depressed agricultural prices and volatility in financial markets, have influ- enced negatively the performance of the agricultural sectors of developing countries. In terms of poverty alleviation, in the second half of the 1990s a new type of program began to be implemented in some of the more advanced developing countries (such as the case of Mexico's "Progresa" and now "Oportunidades" program, Brazil's "Bolsa Scola," and Argentina's "Jefes y Jefas de Hogar"). Although the details vary, they basically consist of income transfers given mostly to female heads of households but with specific commitments required related to attendance at school and health care for their children. These programs are try- ing to break the intergenerational transfer of poverty across members of the fam- ily. They have been complemented by other institutional and policy changes related to education, health, and labor markets, trying to improve the existing supply of services that cover the target population. The programs appear to have positive impacts on local activity and short-term growth, and on accumulation Holograms and Ghosts: New and Old Ideas for Agricultural Policy 321 TABLE 11.4 (Continued) Sub- Saharan Middle East Latin Western North Rest of Africa and North Africa America Europe America Japan the world 16 49 12 12 9 30 6 27 58 17 21 10 46 13 5 4 5 0 0 0 5 21 13 15 5 10 6 14 11 8 11 2 1 0 9 Source: Cernat, Laird and Turrini (2002). Note: NIEs are the newly industrialized economies of Hong Kong (China), Republic of Korea, Singapore, and Taiwan (China). of physical capital and formation of human capital, so as to boost long-term growth prospects.28 Developing Country Views of the Doha Trade Negotiations By the time the Doha Round was launched, trade policies taxing agricultural exports had largely disappeared in developing countries, and their price sup- ports and subsidies had been deeply curtailed by the crises (and related policy adjustments) of the 1980s and 1990s, leaving agricultural protection as the main available policy instrument to support agriculture. Those facts have shaped the views of many developing countries, which as members of the WTO have become more active participants in the negotiations. Although they have pre- sented a large variety of proposals, developing countries can be divided into two main groups, depending on their emphasis on two different approaches. One approach is to "play offense," by trying to limit the ample legal room developed countries have under current WTO rules to protect and subsidize their own agriculture (for which they also have large financial resources). The other is to "play defense," asking for special and differential treatment (SDT) to be able to protect (and potentially subsidize) agriculture in developing countries. Countries following a defensive approach see their agricultural sector as vulner- able and consider agriculture as special, requiring separate treatment in the WTO. Although these opinions may appear to put them close to the "multifunctional" arguments of some developed WTO members, the developing countries do not want their special problems of agriculture to be confused with the multifunction- ality claims by rich countries. While they want tighter disciplines on developed 322 Agricultural Trade Reform and the Doha Development Agenda countries' agricultural policies, these countries do not agree with the view that agriculture should be treated similarly to industry under WTO rules. In partic- ular, because they believe that developed countries will not reduce their levels of protection and subsidies, or because, even if that happens, they think that their agriculture would still not be competitive, they have asked for special and differ- ential treatment to have ways to promote their agricultural sectors. One argument used to support this line of reasoning is that the legal exemp- tions allowed for developing countries under the Green Box and Article 6.2 of the Uruguay Round Agreement on Agriculture are of little use to developing coun- tries because the financial, technical, and human resources required by the per- mitted policies make them very difficult to implement (UNCTAD 2000). The conclusion reached is that the developing countries need flexibility on the levels of protection allowed and possible subsidies under the label of development or food- security boxes.29 A subset of these developing countries, particularly in Africa, is concerned about maintaining the perceived value of their preferential access to the markets of developed countries that may decline if protection in those markets is reduced (Bouët, Fontagné, and Jean 2006). Also, those developing countries in this subset that are net food importers emphasize the problem of possible increases in the cost of food imports in a liberalized world.30 Another (smaller) block of developing countries is part of the Cairns Group (whose 17 members include 14 developing countries).31 The Cairns Group's offensive approach has focused on including agriculture in the disciplines of the WTO, asking for lower levels of protection and domestic subsidies and a prohibition on export subsidies. Although Cairns Group members are often thought of as large and competitive exporters, some of the developing countries in this group (such as Bolivia, Guatemala, and the Philippines) have the profile of food-insecure countries (Díaz-Bonilla and others 2000). The Cairns Group developing countries share with many other developing countries their criticism of export subsidies as unfair and disruptive of international trade. These two groups agree on the need to drastically reduce domestic support in rich countries, including the Blue Box and several of the payments to farmers allowed in the Green Box. The main dif- ference has been that the Cairns Group has not considered appropriate the ample SDT provisions favored by the first group of developing countries that, it is feared, would reinforce the protection of developed countries while also reducing trading opportunities in other markets. Some developing countries have tried to apply both approaches (offense and defense), reflecting in part the nature of their agriculture. India is an inter- esting case. Playing offense seems reasonable for a country that in the past few years has emerged as a net exporter of agricultural products.32 At the same time, Holograms and Ghosts: New and Old Ideas for Agricultural Policy 323 a large share of India's poor population lives in rural areas, and concerns about possible negative impacts on that group have underpinned the strong defensive components in India's WTO proposal (embedded in the notion of a food- security box).33 The balance between defensive and offensive approaches in several developing countries was changed by the joint U.S.-EU framework of August 2003, which was perceived as moving the United States toward the EU's more protectionist stance in exchange for maintaining American subsidies. This perception generated a paral- lel realignment within developing countries leading to the creation of the G-20 that brought together many Cairns Group's members (Argentina, Brazil, Costa Rica, Indonesia, South Africa, and Thailand) and several of the development-box countries (Dominican Republic, Arab Republic of Egypt, Pakistan, and Sri Lanka) along with countries such as China, India, and Mexico. The Cairns Group's devel- oping countries accepted a larger component of defensive policies, while other developing countries moderated somewhat their aspirations for stronger SDT. The heterogeneity of developing-country interests nonetheless increases the risk of "lose-lose" scenarios in which developed countries retain their high levels of protection and subsidization while developing countries reinforce their levels of farm protection. This type of outcome is not at all precluded under the WTO's July 2004 Framework agreement of the Doha Development Agenda. It is basically the option offered by the EU, Japan, and countries with comparable agricultural policies. The United States, for its part, has pushed developing countries toward a similar defensive approach by asking for wide liberalization while trying to retain policy instruments (basically domestic subsidies) that enhance its competitiveness in world markets. In such a nonliberalizing bargaining equilibrium, developing countries would lose export opportunities that generate employment and incomes, while paying the cost of higher food items in their own markets, likely impairing food security. In developed countries, taxpayers and consumers would still be burdened with the costs of subsidizing inefficient producers in ways that do not necessarily protect the environment or achieve a more equitable income distribution in their societies, while agricultural development in poorer countries would continue to be stifled, leaving in place the negative effects of those policies on poverty, hunger, and malnourishment. If developing countries want to avoid such a Doha Round outcome and benefit from the negotiations, they should maintain their focus on playing offense. Limiting the possibilities for subsidization and protection in developed countries would stimulate opportunities for production in developing countries, both for export markets and for their domestic markets, where they have to compete with subsi- dized products from the developed countries. The separate issue of the erosion of preferences of low-income countries with access to protected markets in developed 324 Agricultural Trade Reform and the Doha Development Agenda countries must be quantified, and losses could be compensated directly to those countries through some form of buyout payments. Food-insecure and vulnerable developing countries will need some SDT, including simplified and streamlined instruments to confront unfair trade practices and import surges that may irreparably damage the livelihoods of small farmers, and longer transition times for adjustments to be undertaken. But to be constructive, SDT must avoid a strong protectionist component and instead focus on Green Box and other investment- centered approaches to agriculture, that being the best strategy for rural development and poverty alleviation.34 Avoiding Distortionary Protection and Agricultural Subsidies in Developing Countries Our review has highlighted different ghosts that still haunt agricultural policies in developing countries and that could be revived. One possibility is to go back to the multiple, contradictory, and inefficient policies of public sector intervention in agricultural and related markets. Although many low-income countries lack the fiscal resources to implement those policies, this option is becoming increasingly open to middle-income countries as agriculture's share of their economies becomes smaller. Another possibility is to increase agricultural protection in developing countries. In the context of the WTO Doha Round, some negotiators and civil society groups have argued that increased agricultural trade protection in devel- oping countries would ease poverty and promote food security. But this would be equivalent to a regressive tax on food consumption, which would harm poor con- sumers, and its benefit to farmers would go mostly to large producers. A better approach than increasing distortionary farm subsidies and protection in developing countries is ensuring a neutral trade and macroeconomic frame- work, coupled with significant nondistortionary interventions and investments. The so-far intangible hologram for developing-country policy is precisely an integrated program, backed by enough resources, to address the multiple issues that require consideration: the macroeconomic and trade framework, specific policies and investments at the household and individual levels, and meso-level sectoral and regional policies and investments. Remaining price policy biases against agriculture, where they still exist, should be eliminated--but not by changing the sign of that policy bias in favor of agriculture. Price bias is different from the more general urban bias that still affects agriculture and rural areas in many developing countries. Increased rural investments in health, education, and human capital are needed, along with strengthening networks of small urban centers and villages; improving management of land and water resources; facilitating land ownership by small producers and landless workers; promoting Holograms and Ghosts: New and Old Ideas for Agricultural Policy 325 improved agricultural technology; investing more in rural infrastructure (including rural roads, communications, and energy) and nonagricultural rural enterprises; encouraging organizations to expand the social capital and political participation for small producers and the poor; and providing adequate safety nets, including conditional income transfers that are now expanding in some middle-income countries. These latter policies and interventions are basically allowed under the Green Box of the URAA and do not need special dispensations within the WTO. What developing countries require, however, are additional financial resources to sup- port agricultural and rural development policies and investments, part of which must come from the international community. Such support is not, institutionally, within the purview of the WTO. However, a credible and binding commitment by developed countries and international organizations to provide additional fund- ing for rural development, poverty alleviation, and food security in developing countries might well be included as a side agreement in the new WTO texts, reducing the possibility of a Doha Round outcome that allows continued subsidies and protection worldwide. Notes 1. T. N. Srinivassan points out that were trade liberalization accepted as the goal, the agricultural agreement could simply state a future date for low tariff levels and let each country decide for itself on a path to meet the requirements. In our formulation, simple rules for subsidy elimination would also have to be included. 2. Farmers were also allowed to update their base of eligible output, and direct payments were extended to oilseeds. Westcott, Young, and Price (2002) provide a summary of the provisions of the 2002 farm bill. Orden (2003) provides a political economy assessment of its enactment. 3. The change proposed was that payments otherwise eligible for the Blue Box be extended from those made"under production limiting programs"to also include those that"do not require production." 4. Swinbank (2004) provides a concise appraisal of the EU reform process since the late 1980s. 5. From the 1930s until 1996, quota peanuts had to be grown in the county and state in which the quota had originally been assigned. Under the 1996 farm bill, up to 40 percent of quota could be trans- ferred (leased or permanently sold) across county lines within a state. The largest shift of production occurred in Texas, where nearly all of the allowed quota transfer moved from the high-cost central pro- duction area to the lower-cost western region. 6. For a traditional producer who continues to grow peanuts, the minimum average revenue is $474 a short ton on a level of production equal to recent output [(0.85)*($495) + (0.15)*($355) = $474] plus the $220 quota buyout payment. 7. Alston and Sumner (2004) conclude that agricultural quota-right purchase prices are usually heavily discounted. 8. Potentially the exporters could pursue a dispute under the WTO for impairment and nullifica- tion of concessions, but that has not occurred. Domestic peanut production also dropped in 2003 but recovered in 2004 to a level above the prereform average. Abolishing location-specific quotas has had substantial effects on the regional distribution of domestic production, with a shift from high-cost to low-cost areas. For example, planted acreage fell more than 50 percent in Oklahoma and Virginia 326 Agricultural Trade Reform and the Doha Development Agenda between 2001 and 2003 while rising in Georgia and Florida. Quota rents were lower in the high-cost production areas, so the uniform national quota buyout payments provided somewhat more com- pensation in those areas. 9. Exceptions are recent tobacco quota-loss payments in fiscal years 2000, 2001, and 2003, totaling $860 million, and the Commodity Credit Corporation's takeover of 1999 loan stocks, amounting to about $625 million (Womach 2004a). 10. The buyout was added to tax legislation (the American Jobs Creation Act of 2004) prompted by the successful EU case in the WTO against export subsidies embedded in U.S. tax laws. In the indirect sense of providing this legislative vehicle, WTO disciplines (but not on agriculture) played a role in the U.S. tobacco reform. 11. Unlike other crops, tobacco is not included in the general farm bills. Senator Richard Lugar of Indiana had proposed a buyout early in the debate over a health-costs settlement. As an offshoot of the 1998 national settlement (the Master Settlement Agreement), the National Tobacco Growers Settlement Trust (or the Phase II payments) provided a distribution of $5.15 billion to tobacco quota owners and producers over a 12-year period (Womach 2004a). 12. This is not to say that either the quota owner or total payment is comparable, in terms of owner plus producer welfare, to the past rental payments. With removal of the quotas and an increase in pro- duction, the growers are better off even without any compensation since producer surplus increases (as represented in a single-region, static partial equilibrium model). The intense political battles over compensation of quota owners versus growers are a bit curious in this context. Similar debates took place over the rights to decoupled payments in the 1996 farm bill between owners and producers under various rental and share-cropping arrangements. In the quota removal case, growers capture some of the former quota rents, so quota owners could be partly compensated, in principle, directly by producers. All rents are captured by growers and consumers when the quotas are eliminated. 13. Buyout experiences in other countries provide additional insights. For example, in July 2000 Australia implemented a buyout in its dairy sector paid over eight years, financed by a consumer tax during that period. Again, shrinking quotas and other marketing restrictions led to support for reform among producers. The compensation package of Australian $1.8 billion was equivalent only to two or three years of previous transfers to farmers (Edwards 2003). The rate of exit from the sector tripled during the three subsequent years (8.2 percent of dairy farmers exited in 2000/1), but total milk pro- duction remained stable (Harris and Rae 2004). 14. Orden, Paarlberg, and Roe (1999) and de Gorter and Baffes (2004) review several past buyout proposals. Blandford and Boisvert (2004) call for a buyout of land asset values to facilitate an end to exist- ing U.S. farm support programs, a proposal that they characterize as being to "think the unthinkable." 15. Swinbank and Tangermann (2004, 65) argue that the issuing of tradable bonds to a finite- length stream of fixed payments would create a flexible asset for the beneficiaries and "lock in" the pol- icy reform since payments "could not be altered without impacting on the wealth of bondholders who are no longer the original farm recipients." 16. The actual and projected costs of countercyclical payments vary with commodity prices and forecasts. Relatively high prices in 2002­3 fleetingly created the prospect that market conditions would make the countercyclical payments less controversial, but they ultimately demonstrated their con- tentious subsidy dimension when prices were low. USDA projected in July 2004 that average costs of countercyclical payments would be only $1 billion for fiscal 2003­8. When prices dropped sharply based on good harvests later in 2004, the July projection proved too optimistic, and USDA revised its estimate of countercyclical payments upward again. For the July 2004 projected cost of countercyclical payments, annual expenditures for a buyout as described above would be just $1.83 billion. 17. The intent of a buyout of farm support payments is quite different from the rationale for pur- chase of development rights. The latter is to temper local adjustment pressure to exit agriculture, not facilitate it. 18. Even the well-known international economist William Cline has apparently mixed up decou- pling and supply management. Cline (2004, 290) highlights the importance of agriculture in a com- prehensive assessment of the effects of multilateral trade liberalization in reducing global poverty. Holograms and Ghosts: New and Old Ideas for Agricultural Policy 327 He recommends that developed countries "decouple forcefully any domestic subsidies from exports and production." But he then goes on to write: "The prime example of a decoupled subsidy is one that rewards the farmer for removing land from production, rather than for producing. Such `set-aside' conservation-oriented subsidies featured prominently in earlier periods of U.S. farm support, and they could easily once again become the centerpiece of farm programs." 19. Among other prominent proponents of bioenergy, Wirth, Gray, and Podesta (2004) argue like- wise that "farmers in this country [the United States] and elsewhere in the Americas could be big win- ners." Ugarte and Hellwinckel (2004) estimate that a subsidized price of $40 a dry ton for switchgrass would induce a shift of 12 million acres into its production and push other crop prices up 10 percent or more, reducing projected costs of loan rate and countercyclical payments. They provide no analysis of net welfare effects. 20. Related criticisms of community development were that despite an emphasis on participa- tion, in many cases governments imposed the schemes, using them as more or less disguised mech- anisms of social control. Another problematic issue was that the communities were not socially homogeneous and that the emphasis of working with the leaders of each community ended up aligning social promoters with the elite of local power, reinforcing the possibilities of elite domina- tion over the rest. Focusing on communities also ignored the broader national and even interna- tional structures of which they were part and that defined their political, social, and economic functioning. 21. In terms of direct poverty effects in rural areas, studies of the Green Revolution also tend to paint a positive view, usually showing advances for the poor, attributable to production, employment, and food price effects, although recognizing that uniform attainment of benign outcomes is by no means guaranteed (Hazell and Ramaswamy 1991, IFAD 2001). 22. Redistributing investment was considered better than the alternatives of redistributing incomes to the poor for consumption (which was considered unsustainable fiscally) or redistributing fixed assets such as land (which faced strong political resistance). 23. The basic-needs approach implied an important role for the public sector in the provision of certain public services and required improvements in both the provision and access, so as to effectively reach the poorest sectors. It would also require promoting organization of the population that was to receive the services and their participation in the decisions and actions to be implemented (Streeten and Burki 1978). 24. For example, in Brazil during the second half of the 1970s, agricultural credit represented about 100 percent of agricultural gross domestic product (GDP), with interest subsidies that in some years amounted to some 5 percent of GDP (World Bank 1986). 25. The real exchange rate is defined as the ratio of nontraded to traded goods' prices, while the real, effective exchange rates are trade-weighted currency exchange rates adjusted for inflation meas- ured by the Consumer Price Index. For both measures a higher value of the index indicates an appre- ciation of the domestic currency relative to foreign currencies. 26. For instance, at the beginning of the 1980s, several countries in South America (among them, Brazil and Chile) embarked on accelerated programs to expand wheat and other cereal production, due to concerns about shortages that were heightened by the high prices in the mid-1970s. When prices collapsed in the mid-1980s, those programs represented a high cost for the government, and support for those crops was substantially diminished (Díaz-Bonilla 1999). In Asia, estimates of public sector agricultural expenditures (measured in purchasing power parity values) by Fan and Pardey (1998) show that they grew at 9.5 percent during the 1970s, slowed down to 3.5 percent during the 1980s, and had a negligible increase of less than 0.5 percent during 1990­93. 27. Domestically, increases in capital flows may have led to positive growth and investment effects on those products such as livestock and dairy that are more closely linked to the evolution of income and demand in the domestic market, but it also led to overvaluation of domestic currencies (mostly in LAC), which hurt tradable sectors. Then a reversal of capital flows also contributed to growth declines (affecting those products that depend on domestic market incomes) and to banking and fiscal crises (negatively impacting the supply of government services for a variety of products). 328 Agricultural Trade Reform and the Doha Development Agenda 28. The programs generate focused inflows of liquidity that appear to lead to local growth multi- plier effects in poor communities. Those transfers have smaller or no leakages in terms of import con- tent and savings at the more macro level. 29. The development box idea, presented by Sri Lanka, Dominican Republic, Pakistan, Cuba, and others, or the food-security box, advocated by India, for example, combines a series of existing excep- tions and additional proposals for special and differential treatment for developing countries in the areas of market access, domestic support, and export subsidies. 30. Within a mostly defensive approach, the main topic on which African countries are challenging developed countries'policies (i.e."playing offense") relates to cotton subsidies, mostly in the United States. Benin, Burkina Faso, Chad, and Mali (all of them least developed countries) are seeking compensation for past subsides and elimination of future subsidies (Sumner 2006). This is one of the few issues in which these countries can oppose developed countries' agricultural policies without fearing negative impacts on either the perceived rents gained by developing countries from protection in developed countries' markets or the price of food items in world markets. 31. The members of the Cairns Group are Argentina, Australia, Bolivia, Brazil, Canada, Chile, Colombia, Costa Rica, Guatemala, Indonesia, Malaysia, New Zealand, Paraguay, the Philippines, South Africa, Thailand, and Uruguay. 32. In the 1995­2000 period, corresponding to the implementation of the Uruguay Round, India has exported about $2 of agricultural products for every $1 of agricultural imports, a ratio comparable to that in Latin America and far higher than in South Asia as a whole. 33. In terms of external vulnerability, it is interesting to note that India has a low percentage of food imports (a mere 6 percent) compared with total exports (an indicator of how vulnerable the country is to changes in international food markets). This percentage is much lower than India's aver- age for the four decades since the 1960s as a whole (almost 20 percent), and it is below the average for other developing regions such as Latin America (9.5 percent), the whole South Asian region (11 percent), and least developed countries (28 percent) (Díaz-Bonilla 2003). 34. For instance Díaz-Bonilla, Diao, and Robinson (2004) simulate those two alternatives in a world model. In the first scenario there is an arbitrary increase in protection on food-security crops (assumed to be grains in the simulations) only in those countries that supported the concept of a development or food-security box. 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New York: Oxford University Press. 12 Market and Welfare Implications of Doha Reform Scenarios Kym Anderson, Will Martin, and Dominique van der Mensbrugghe The aims of this chapter are threefold: to summarize, from the preceding chap- ters and other material, some likely and some more ambitious scenarios that might emerge as part of an eventual Doha agreement, particularly with respect to agriculture; to analyze empirically the market, trade, and welfare consequences of such scenarios relative to two benchmarks (the baseline, and a world free of dis- tortions to goods trade); and to draw out implications of those Doha scenarios for developing countries especially. More specifically, the chapter shows what the world economy would look like in 2015 with and without a successful conclusion to the Doha Round, how far Doha could take the world toward where it would be in the absence of all distor- tions to merchandise trade, and what contribution could be made by the various elements of a Doha package. For present purposes we make use of the World Bank's recursive dynamic model known as LINKAGE (van der Mensbrugghe 2004b), rather than the GTAP-AGR (Global Trade Analysis Project--Agriculture) model used by Hertel and Keeney (2006), because LINKAGE has a longer-run focus that is used for the World Bank's standard decade-long projections of the global economy and its earlier trade analysis (for example, World Bank 2002, 2004). We also use the latest version (6.05) of the GTAP database, which includes the tariff The authors are grateful for helpful comments from project participants, especially Rod Tyers, and for tariff-cutting data from CEPII staff in Paris (with special thanks to David Laborde). 333 334 Agricultural Trade Reform and the Doha Development Agenda preferences enjoyed by many developing countries (see www.gtap.org). The distinc- tion is made in our results between effects on developing countries and effects on more advanced economies, but in doing so, it is necessary to take into account not only the World Bank's country classification based on income level but also the self- nominated classification practiced in the WTO, in which even economies as advanced as Hong Kong (China), Republic of Korea, Singapore, and Taiwan (China) claim developing country status and so are eligible for special and differential treat- ment (SDT), including smaller tariff cuts and longer phase-in periods than what is likely to be eventually agreed for developed countries under Doha. Our analysis suggests most of the potential gains from multilateral trade reform are from agriculture. Because of huge gaps between WTO-bound and applied rates of protection, however, there would be little real agricultural reform globally as a result of the Doha Round--especially by developing countries-- unless WTO members are willing to make very substantial cuts to their bound tar- iff rates and domestic farm subsidy commitments. Without that, the gap between agricultural and manufacturing protection is likely to widen, as is the gap between developed- and developing-country protection rates, thereby limiting the welfare gains from reform to a small number of more advanced economies. We therefore explore the effects of a more ambitious agricultural reform package and of devel- oping countries participating more fully in the Doha Round rather than invoking SDT to avoid reform. In both cases, we show how much closer the world could come to realizing the full benefits of trade if these more ambitious reform com- mitments were to be made and implemented over the next decade. The chapter begins with an overview of the key elements of a prospective Doha agreement, focusing especially on the agricultural elements discussed in preceding chapters. It then describes the model of the global economy to be used to analyze the consequences of such an agreement and of alternative, more ambitious reforms, including a move to complete free trade (which provides a helpful benchmark). The estimates of protection and subsidy rates for each region are a crucial part of the data in the global model, and so they are discussed in some detail before the key results of the simulations are presented. After discussing some qualifications, the chapter concludes by highlighting the key messages and drawing out implications for developing countries in particular. Key Elements of a Prospective Doha Agreement To what extent are reform commitments likely to emerge from the Doha Round? In addressing that question, one needs to remember that WTO trade negotiators are focusing on reductions not to the applied tariffs and subsidies but rather to Market and Welfare Implications of Doha Reform Scenarios 335 members' legally bound import tariffs, agricultural export subsidies, and bound commitments on domestic support to farmers. These bound rates are higher than applied rates in nearly all countries, but especially so in most developing coun- tries. Hence if cuts to bound rates are sufficiently small, or the gap between bound and applied rates is sufficiently large, an agreed set of bound rate reductions could result in no actual reform. The Doha Round was launched in late 2001, but the following trade ministerial meeting, in Cancún in September 2003, ended with acrimony and without an agreement on how to proceed. Developing countries made it abundantly clear that further progress would not be possible without a commitment by developed countries to significantly lower their import barriers and agricultural subsidies (especially for cotton, despite its relatively minor role in developed-country agri- culture, see Sumner 2006). An intense period of consultations in July 2004 ended in the early hours of August 1 with a decision on how the Doha Work Programme should proceed (WTO 2004). The decision, known as the July Framework Agree- ment, reiterates the importance of keeping development at the heart of the Doha agenda, and it stresses agricultural reform as key to that. In its annexes, the deci- sion provides guidance on how a Doha agreement might be structured, with frameworks outlined for agriculture and for nonagricultural market access, and for negotiations on trade facilitation, as well recommendations for trade in services. What emerged with respect to the three agricultural pillars has been the subject of careful scrutiny in this book because--as was the case in the Uruguay Round Agreement on Agriculture--the devil will be in the details. We begin by summariz- ing the July Framework Agreement as it pertains to those three agricultural pillars. Agricultural Market Access Jean, Laborde, and Martin (2006) examine the consequences of different tariff- cutting formulas, bearing in mind the tariff rate quotas (TRQs) described by de Gorter and Kliauga (2006), the prevalence of preferences for developing countries as described in Bouët, Fontagné, and Jean (2006), the need to accommodate sensi- tive and special farm products, and the special and differential treatment outlined in the July Framework and discussed by Josling (2006). For our purposes, tariff cut- ting is implemented at the six-digit level of the Harmonized System and involves a detailed comparison of each country's bound tariff, which is the negotiators' focus, with the applied MFN (most-favored-nation) tariff on a given bilateral trade flow. The gap between bound and applied MFN tariffs is the so-called binding overhang, and it can blunt significantly the impact of any negotiated outcome--so much so that in some scenarios countries are not required to change their applied tariffs at all. Once the detailed tariff analysis was conducted, the results were aggregated up 336 Agricultural Trade Reform and the Doha Development Agenda to the GTAP and LINKAGE models' regions and sector levels by the CEPII (Centre d' Etudes Prospectives et d'Informations Internationales) staff in Paris.1 Applied tariff cuts vary not only by sector but also by trading partner--and may involve smaller cuts on imports from those developing countries currently enjoying nonreciprocal preferential access to richer countries' markets (Hoekman and Özden 2006). Jean, Laborde, and Martin (2006) evaluate the effects of different approaches to liberalization on 2001 applied rates. They focus on different degrees of top-down progressivity in the bound tariff cuts, as well as on different degrees to which developing countries participate in reform. They look first at a proposal similar to the Harbinson progressive reduction formula (WTO 2003b), with marginal tariff rate reductions of 35 percent for tariffs below 15 percent, 65 percent for tariffs above 90 percent, and 60 percent for tariffs within the 15­90 percent bracket.2 Harbinson's proposal for tariff cuts for developing countries also follow a progres- sive tiered formula, but Harbinson suggested four rather than three brackets, with inflexion points placed at tariff levels of 20, 60, and 120 percent, to maintain his criterion of cutting by an average of 25, 30, 40, and 45 percent, respectively, in those four brackets. That set of cuts, it turns out, would lead to very little import liberalization, because bound tariffs in many countries exceed applied rates by such large mar- gins. As a result, Jean, Laborde, and Martin focus on a set of reforms that involves cuts in applied agricultural protection rates that are at least 10 percentage points higher than Harbinson proposed, namely, 45, 70, or 75 percent bound rate cuts for developed countries and 35, 40, 50, or 60 percent cuts for developing countries. Consistent with the framework, least developed countries make no reduction commitments in either of these two cases.3 Jean, Laborde, and Martin then examine, and we model, the consequences of: · Allowing smaller tariff cuts for self-nominated sensitive farm products, assuming that countries take into account the importance of the commodity, the height of the existing tariff, and the gap between the tariff binding and the applied rate in deciding which products to grant such treatment. Countries are allowed to treat 2 percent (in scenario 2) and 5 percent (in scenario 3) of tariff lines as sensitive, making those lines subject to just a 15 percent tariff cut; · Including special agricultural products for developing countries, by adding another 2 percent (in Doha scenario 2) and 5 percent (in Doha scenario 3) of tariff lines as special and so subject to just a 15 percent tariff cut; · Using instead a proportional cut formula that brings about the same reduction in average tariffs in industrial countries as a group, and developing countries as a group, as the tiered formulas used; and · Adding a tariff cap of 200 percent, consistent with the suggestion in paragraph 30 of the July Framework Agreement that the role of a tariff cap be explored. Market and Welfare Implications of Doha Reform Scenarios 337 Agricultural Domestic Support Reductions in domestic support have been a particular concern of developing countries. Developed countries are the major providers of such assistance, and many developing countries are concerned about the ability of their producers to compete with developed-country producers receiving large amounts of domestic support.While the marked asymmetry between industrial and developing countries is worrisome, evidence from Hertel and Keeney (2006) and from Hoekman, Ng, and Olarreaga (2004) suggests that the benefits to developing countries from reductions in domestic support may be substantially smaller than the potential gains from reductions in barriers to market access. Nonetheless, disciplining domestic support programs is crucial to ensure that when tariffs are lowered, import protection is not simply replaced by equally trade-distorting domestic measures. Under the July framework, the base from which reductions in domestic support are to take place is in the commitments on the total bound aggregate measure of support (AMS) agreed under Article 6 of the Uruguay Round Agreement on Agriculture. Key elements of this framework are the distinction between nondis- torting Green Box measures and trade-distorting Amber Box measures, together with a Blue Box containing measures tied to specific areas or livestock numbers. Several features of this framework will influence the ability of negotiators to achieve substantial reductions in domestic support. One of these features is the de minimis provision that allows industrial countries to exclude from measurement up to 5 percent of the value of their agricultural output in commodity-specific support, and another 5 percent as non-commodity-specific support.Another feature is the market price support (MPS), which is based on a comparison of the official domestic price (which need not be closely related to domestic market prices) with the 1986­88 external reference price for each product. This MPS measure may not be associated with actual support and, to the extent that it is, it generally double- counts support provided by border price measures. A potentially more serious problem with the MPS is that countries can remove this element from their current AMS--without changing the amount of actual support provided--simply by abolishing the applied administered price used in calculating MPS. Because that does not alter the AMS binding commitments, it allows countries that formerly made extensive use of MPS to create substantial scope in their commitments to expand their actual support. The July framework proposes tiered reductions in the total bound AMS, with larger reductions by members with higher initial AMS levels. In addition, it pro- poses capping product-specific AMS. De minimis levels are to be reduced to an extent to be negotiated. The definition of the Blue Box measures based on specific areas or livestock numbers is to be tightened by requiring these numbers to be "fixed and unchanging" and capped either at historical levels or at 5 percent of the 338 Agricultural Trade Reform and the Doha Development Agenda value of production. The Green Box is to be clarified to ensure that the measures it incorporates are at most minimally trade distorting. The MPS element of the AMS seems worthy of special attention because it does not measure trade-distorting support, and because of the scope it provides for avoiding disciplines. One option considered by Hart and Beghin (2006) is to rede- fine it so that it measures actual protection. Under some circumstances, this approach would impose greater discipline and would certainly encourage coun- tries to adopt policies that reduce the damaging insulation of their domestic prices from world prices. Another alternative is to ensure that the MPS element is removed from both the current total AMS and the bound AMS. A third and potentially important reform canvassed by Hart and Beghin is to phase out the de minimis and Blue Box measures in favor of a (perhaps temporarily) expanded Green Box. To provide negotiators with some insights into the prospective effects of these changes, we consider how various levels of cuts in the total bound AMS would affect the total distorting assistance that could be provided. How much would actual distorting support be reduced under various degrees of reduction in each country's total bound AMS? To answer this question, we assume that countries would take advantage of the loophole allowing them to reduce their current AMS by abolishing the administered domestic price, while retaining its effects in their bound AMS (a change already made by Japan in the case of rice). A striking feature of the findings is that extraordinarily large reductions in bound AMS are required before any reductions in actual support would occur-- an outcome required by paragraph 9 of the July Framework Agreement. Results for a tiered formula in which all countries with AMS notifications above 20 percent of the value of production cut their bound protection by 75 percent, and all others by 60 percent, are given in table 12.1. These results highlight just how deep cuts in bound levels of domestic support must be to bring about reductions in applied rates. Clearly, the offer of an initial reduction of 20 percent in bound AMS, contained in Paragraph 7 of Annex A of the July framework, is likely to have no direct impact. The very limited actual reductions required from such a large reduction in bound rates are a consequence in part of the high level of the bindings, which in turn reflect the choice of a period of very depressed world prices--1986­88--for the base.A cynical way of thinking about this is that WTO members can avoid disci- plines by exploiting the ability to "abolish" their MPS without abolishing the actual support to which it is related. This problem is serious for the AMS but should be kept in perspective if there are strong reforms of market access and export competi- tion, since reductions in these trade measures will reduce market price support. Finally, there is the issue of cotton subsidies, addressed by Sumner (2006). Almost no cut is likely to be required under the July Framework Agreement, but Market and Welfare Implications of Doha Reform Scenarios 339 TABLE 12.1 Effects of a Tiered Formula Cut in Agricultural Domestic Support, 2001 (percent) Cut in support Cut in applied Country or region AMS binding support United States 20 75 -28 Norway 114 75 -18 EU15 42 75 -16 Australia 11 60 -10 Canada 24 75 0 All other countries 60 0 Source: Jensen and Zobbe (2006). Note: All countries with aggregate measure of support (AMS) notifications of 20 percent or more of the value of production cut their bound domestic support by 75 percent. All other industrial countries cut their bound domestic support by 60 percent and developing countries by 40 percent. the United States might agree to larger (phased) cuts of its cotton subsidies as part of complying at some future date with the WTO's dispute settlement outcome (see Sumner 2006). In that case, less could be needed in the way of U.S. cuts in its other domestic support programs. Agricultural Export Subsidies As Hoekman and Messerlin (2006) make clear, farm export subsidies are inconsis- tent with GATT (General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade) rules, so for that reason alone they deserve to be eliminated. The empirical analysis summarized in Hertel and Keeney (2006) shows that export subsidies are now only a small part of agri- cultural support programs--even when implicit subsidies in the form of food aid and export credits are included. A gradual phasing out over the next decade of both explicit and implicit forms of farm export subsidies should therefore be a politically feasible component of a comprehensive Doha agreement. Their elimi- nation in isolation could harm a few food-importing and aid-dependent developing countries, but the poor net buyers of food in those countries can be assisted in far more efficient ways than through these measures. Nonagricultural Market Access Negotiations in the area of nonagricultural tariffs have been lagging those on farm products. Developing countries have clearly indicated that they wish to make smaller tariff cuts than developed countries do, and least developed countries 340 Agricultural Trade Reform and the Doha Development Agenda expect not to have to make any cut commitments. A Doha Round is unlikely to require that all nonagricultural bound tariffs be cut by more than half, so in our analysis we assume a 50 percent cut in these tariffs by developed countries and a 33 percent cut by developing countries other than least developed ones (from whom no cuts are being demanded). Since those reductions in bound tariffs could lead to very little reform by developing countries, given their high tariff bindings relative to their applied tariffs, a more ambitious scenario may see them prepared to commit to more reform in order to entice deeper cuts in developed countries' agricultural and textile tariffs. Perhaps the most optimistic possibility is that developing countries would agree to cut nonagricultural bound tariffs as much as developed countries (that is, by the 50 percent we assume). Especially if that were coupled by more ambitious cuts in agricultural tariffs on the part of developing countries, developed countries could well respond with larger commitments themselves not only in trade but also with development aid. Indeed the experience of earlier multilateral trade negotiations showed that developing countries tended to receive only to the extent they were willing to give "concessions" themselves, such is the reciprocal nature of these negotiations.4 Services Trade To date, WTO members have been slow in coming forward during the Doha nego- tiations with proposals to reform trade in services. At this stage it seems likely that, as with the Uruguay Round, countries will make few meaningful commitments to open up their services sectors during the Doha Round. For that reason, and because services trade is less adequately represented in trade models than is goods trade, we have chosen to assume no reductions in barriers to services trade resulting from the Doha Round, even though, as Hertel and Keeney (2006) and Winters and others (2003) indicate, gains from services reform could well be enormous, even for developing countries. Trade Facilitation Measures Trade facilitation is a key to enlarging the opportunities for developing countries to benefit from market opening at home and abroad. The poorest of countries in particular could well be able to turn any losses from others' trade liberaliza- tion into gains with a bit of investment in trade facilitation, as they could with some other domestic reforms that would help to make their internal factor and product markets work more efficiently. Funding agencies are showing an increas- ing interest in lending for such purposes, but it is impossible to know how much influence such moves would have on the outcome of the Doha negotiations. Market and Welfare Implications of Doha Reform Scenarios 341 Therefore we do not consider them further here except indirectly in the sense that the Armington trade elasticities used in the LINKAGE model are set a little above those in the GTAP model in part to capture some elements of trade facili- tation, such as harmonization of standards, that tend to occur over the longer term as countries open up. The Global LINKAGE Model for Assessing Effects of Future Trade Reform The model used for this analysis is the World Bank's global, dynamic computable general equilibrium (CGE) model, known as LINKAGE (van der Mensbrugghe 2004b). It is a relatively straightforward CGE model but with some characteristics that distinguish it from standard comparative static models such as the GTAP model. A key difference is that it is recursive dynamic, so it begins with 2001 as its base year and can be solved annually through to 2015. The dynamics are driven by exogenous population and labor supply growth, savings-driven capital accumula- tion, and labor-augmenting technological progress (as assumed for the World Bank's Global Economic Prospects exercise in 2004).5 In any given year, factor stocks are fixed. Producers minimize costs subject to constant returns to scale in production technology; consumers maximize utility; and all markets, including the market for labor, are cleared with flexible prices. There are three types of pro- duction structures. Crop sectors reflect the substitution possibility between extensive and intensive farming. Livestock sectors reflect the substitution possibility between pasture and intensive feeding. All other sectors reflect the standard capital- labor substitution (with two types of labor, skilled and unskilled). There is a single representative household for each modeled region, allocating income to con- sumption using the extended linear expenditure system. Trade is modeled using a nested Armington structure in which aggregate import demand is the outcome of allocating domestic absorption between domestic goods and aggregate imports, and then aggregate import demand is allocated across source countries to determine the bilateral trade flows. The model covers six sources of protection. The most important involves the bilateral tariffs. There are also bilateral export subsidies. Domestically, there are subsidies only in agriculture, where they apply to intermediate goods, outputs, and payments to capital and land. Three closure rules are used. First, government fiscal balances are fixed in any given year.6 The fiscal objective is met by changing the level of lump-sum taxes on households. This implies that losses of tariff revenues are replaced by higher direct taxes on households. Second, the current account balance is fixed. Given that other external financial flows are fixed, this implies that ex ante changes to 342 Agricultural Trade Reform and the Doha Development Agenda the trade balance are reflected in ex post changes to the real exchange rate. For example, if import tariffs are reduced, the propensity to import increases. Addi- tional imports are financed by increasing export revenues, which is typically achieved by a real exchange rate depreciation. Finally, investment is driven by savings. With fixed public and foreign saving, investment is driven by two factors: changes in the savings behavior of households, and changes in the unit cost of investment. The latter can play an important role in a dynamic model if imported capital goods are taxed. Because the capital account is exogenous, rates of return across countries can differ over time and across simulations. The model solves only for relative prices. The numéraire, or price anchor, in the model is given by the export price index of manufactured exports from high-income countries. This price is fixed at unity in the base year and throughout the projection period to 2015. The newest version of the LINKAGE model is based on the latest release of the GTAP database, Release 6.05. Compared with Version 5 of the GTAP database, Version 6.05 has a 2001 base year instead of 1997, updated national and trade data and, importantly, a new source for the protection data. The detailed database on bilateral protection integrates, at the HS6 tariff level, trade preferences, specific tariffs, and a partial evaluation of nontariff barriers such as tariff rate quotas. Tariffs are lower in the new GTAP database than they were in the previous version (see appendix table A12.1) because of the inclusion of bilateral trade preferences and of major trade reforms between 1997 and 2001. These included the continued implementation of the Uruguay Round Agreement, especially the elimination of quotas on textile and clothing trade, and China's progress toward WTO accession. Together,these reforms boosted trade's share of world GDP (gross domestic product) from 44 to 46 percent during those four years. The version of the LINKAGE model used for this study is a 27-region, 25-sector aggregation of the GTAP database (see Appendix table A12.2). There is a heavy emphasis on agriculture and food, which account for 13 of the 25 sectors, and a focus on the largest commodity exporters and importers. The Subsidies and Import Protection Database The main source of protection resides in tariffs or border barriers, although some countries--notably, high-income countries--also have significant agricultural production and export subsidies. The average import tariff for agriculture and food is 16.0 percent for high-income countries and 17.7 percent for developing countries, while for manufactures other than textiles and clothing, it is 8.3 percent for developing countries and just 1.3 percent for high-income countries (table 12.2). The averages of course obscure large variations across countries and commodities. Market and Welfare Implications of Doha Reform Scenarios 343 TABLE 12.2 Import-Weighted Average Applied Tariffs, by Sector and Region, 2001 (percent) Agriculture, processed Textiles, Other Importing region food clothing manufacturing All goods High-income 16.0 7.5 1.3 2.9 Developing countriesa 17.7 17.0 8.3 9.9 (14.2) (14.3) (7.1) (8.4) Middle-income 16.5 16.8 7.3 8.9 Low-income 22.2 17.9 14.5 15.9 Developing countries by region East Asia and the Pacific 26.3 17.8 8.6 10.5 of which China 37.6 19.4 11.3 13.6 South Asia 33.9 20.1 22.2 23.5 Europe and Central Asia 14.8 10.7 4.1 6.0 Middle East 14.1 27.1 7.2 9.8 and North Africa Sub-Saharan Africa 18.2 23.7 10.5 12.6 Latin America 10.3 11.3 7.1 7.7 and the Caribbean World total 16.7 10.2 3.5 5.2 Source: Authors' compilations from the GTAP database Version 6.05. a. Numbers in parentheses are the averages at the start of 2005 following WTO accessions including China; the completion of Uruguay Round implementation, including the end of textile quotas under the Multifibre Arrangement; and the eastward enlargement of the European Union to 25 members. For example, if high-income countries put tariffs on temperate zone farm products at a prohibitive 100 percent but set tariffs on tropical products such as coffee at zero, the import-weighted average agricultural tariff could be quite low. Com- modity averages also obscure bilateral differences. India, for example, has an aver- age tariff on agriculture and food of 82 percent on imports from East Asia, but only 20 percent on imports from Sub-Saharan Africa. For high-income countries, agricultural tariffs on goods from low-income countries are lower than on imports from high- and middle-income countries. In other sectors, however, there is less evidence of preferences at this level of aggregation. Imports of textiles and clothing--indeed, of all merchandise--from low-income countries face a higher average tariff in high-income countries than do imports from middle- or high-income countries. 344 Agricultural Trade Reform and the Doha Development Agenda Welfare Impact of Current Protection Policies The LINKAGE model provides a baseline projection of the world economy first from 2001 to the start of 2005, following accession to the WTO by China and Taiwan (China), the EU expansion eastward in 2004 that added 10 more countries to the EU15, and completion of Uruguay Round implementation including the phaseout of the textile and clothing quotas under the Multifibre Arrangement (MFA).7 The model then provides a baseline projection to 2015 assuming no other policy changes. The projected tariffs as of 2005, and hence in the baseline in 2015, are summarized in table 12.3. Deviations from that baseline in 2015, attributable to phased partial or total liberalization from 2005, are examined next. One benchmark against which to measure the results of Doha is that which would come if merchandise trade were completely freed over the 2005­10 period. That would lead to global gains by 2015 of $287 billion a year, according to the LINKAGE model. Another benchmark involves the internationally agreed reforms incorporated in the presimulation experiment for the 2001­5 period: had those reforms not been implemented, the dynamic gains in 2015 from freeing global merchandise trade would have been $341 billion instead of $287 billion, or another $54 billion (that calculation indicates the benefits of those recent reforms). The removal of the MFA quotas accounts for nearly half of that differ- ence and thus should be considered part of the Uruguay Round's legacy (assum- ing safeguards by high-income countries or export taxes by China do not replace textile and clothing quotas).8 Table 12.4 reports the distribution of the standard economic welfare, or real income (equivalent variation) effects, of removing all merchandise trade barriers and agricultural subsidies globally. Two-thirds of the $287 billion annual gain in 2015 and after would accrue to the high-income countries. As a share of income, however, developing countries (as self-defined by WTO members) do twice as well, with an average increase of 1.2 percent compared with 0.6 percent for high- income countries. The results vary widely across developing countries, ranging from little impact in the case of Bangladesh and Mexico to increases of 4­5 percent in parts of East Asia. The second column of numbers in that table shows the amount of that welfare gain resulting from changes in the international terms of trade for each country. For developing countries as a group, the terms-of-trade effect is negative, reducing somewhat the gains from improved efficiency of domestic resource use (especially in China and India). That effect would dissipate over time, however, as developing countries diversify their exports in the course of their industrialization. Other macroeconomic effects, including on real exports, imports, exchange rates, and terms of trade, are summarized in table 12.5. There are several ways to decompose the real income gains from global trade reform so as to better understand the sources of the gains. One way is to assess the Market and Welfare Implications of Doha Reform Scenarios 345 TABLE 12.3 Import-Weighted Average Applied Tariffs, by Sector and Country, 2005 (percent) Agriculture, Primary Other Importing processed agriculture Processed Textiles, manufac- region food only food only clothing turing High-income Australia and 2.6 0.3 3.3 13.9 4.1 New Zealand EU25 and EFTA 13.9 13.2 14.7 5.1 1.7 United States 2.4 2.3 2.5 9.6 0.9 Canada 9.0 1.2 14.1 8.7 0.5 Japan 29.3 48.0 20.8 9.0 0.4 Korea, Rep. of, and 53.0 84.5 22.4 9.2 3.6 Taiwan (China) Hong Kong (China) 0.1 0.0 0.2 0.0 0.0 and Singapore Developing countries Middle-income Argentina 7.1 5.6 7.8 11.1 10.1 Brazil 5.0 2.4 9.0 14.7 9.7 China 10.3 9.9 11.0 9.6 5.5 Mexico 10.3 10.8 9.7 7.8 4.3 Russian Federation 13.5 14.6 12.8 15.8 7.8 South Africa 8.6 5.9 10.6 21.9 5.4 Thailand 16.7 12.7 19.2 16.4 7.6 Turkey 16.6 16.4 17.0 3.8 1.2 Rest of East Asia 13.4 18.6 9.0 8.7 3.5 Rest of Latin America 10.8 9.2 11.8 12.9 8.4 and the Caribbean Rest of Europe and 15.7 10.4 19.5 9.3 3.2 Central Asia Middle East and 13.1 8.2 18.3 23.9 7.2 North Africa Low-income Bangladesh 12.7 7.4 21.2 29.9 16.2 India 49.9 25.7 75.6 26.5 24.2 Indonesia 5.0 4.3 6.2 8.0 4.3 Vietnam 37.1 13.1 44.8 29.1 12.3 Rest of South Asia 21.1 14.2 32.0 6.6 14.3 Selected Sub-Saharan 11.8 10.2 13.0 12.5 7.5 Africaa Rest of Sub-Saharan 21.2 18.0 23.6 26.2 14.0 Africa Rest of world 11.8 1.9 18.7 5.6 8.9 Source: Authors' projections from the GTAP database Version 6.05 using the World Bank's LINKAGE model. a. The Selected Sub-Saharan African countries (for which national modules are available in the LINKAGE model) include Botswana, Madagascar, Malawi, Mozambique, Tanzania, Uganda, Zambia, and Zimbabwe. 346 Agricultural Trade Reform and the Doha Development Agenda TABLE 12.4 Impacts on Real Income from Full Liberalization of Global Merchandise Trade, by Country or Region, 2015 (2001 US$ billions) Change in real As % of Real income due baseline income just to change income Country/region gain in terms of trade in 2015 Australia and New Zealand 6.1 3.5 1.0 EU25 and EFTA 65.2 0.5 0.6 United States 16.2 10.7 0.1 Canada 3.8 -0.3 0.4 Japan 54.6 7.5 1.1 Korea, Rep. of, and Taiwan (China) 44.6 0.4 3.5 Hong Kong (China) and Singapore 11.2 7.9 2.6 Argentina 4.9 1.2 1.2 Bangladesh 0.1 -1.1 0.2 Brazil 9.9 4.6 1.5 China 5.6 -8.3 0.2 India 3.4 -9.4 0.4 Indonesia 1.9 0.2 0.7 Mexico 3.6 -3.6 0.4 Russian Federation 2.7 -2.7 0.6 South Africa 1.3 0.0 0.9 Thailand 7.7 0.7 3.8 Turkey 3.3 0.2 1.3 Vietnam 3.0 -0.2 5.2 Rest of South Asia 1.0 -0.8 0.5 Rest of East Asia and the Pacific 5.3 -0.9 1.9 Rest of Latin America and 10.3 0.0 1.2 the Caribbean Rest of Europe and Central Asia 1.0 -1.6 0.3 Middle East and North Africa 14.0 -6.4 1.2 Selected Sub-Saharan Africa 1.0 0.5 1.5 Rest of Sub-Saharan Africa 2.5 -2.3 1.1 Rest of world 3.4 0.1 1.5 High-income countries 201.6 30.3 0.6 Developing countries 141.5 -21.4 1.2 Developing countries--WTO definition 85.7 -29.7 0.8 Middle-income countries 69.5 -16.7 0.8 Low-income countries 16.2 -12.9 0.8 East Asia and the Pacific 23.5 -8.5 0.7 South Asia 4.5 -11.2 0.4 Europe and Central Asia 7.0 -4.0 0.7 Middle East and North Africa 14.0 -6.4 1.2 Sub-Saharan Africa 4.8 -1.8 1.1 Latin America and the Caribbean 28.7 2.2 1.0 World total 287.3 0.6 0.7 Source: Authors' World Bank LINKAGE model simulations. Note: Data are given relative to the baseline. Market and Welfare Implications of Doha Reform Scenarios 347 TABLE 12.5 Impacts on Selected Trade Indicators from Full Liberalization of Global Merchandise Trade, 2015 (percent) Real Real Real Terms Country/region exports imports exchange ratea of tradeb Australia and New Zealand 8.4 11.3 2.6 2.4 EU25 and EFTA 2.9 3.4 -0.8 0.5 United States 5.5 5.3 -0.3 0.9 Canada 2.5 2.8 -0.2 0.1 Japan 10.1 12.8 1.3 1.3 Korea, Rep. of, and Taiwan 15.9 16.5 4.3 -0.8 (China) Hong Kong (China) and -3.3 -1.1 2.3 2.2 Singapore Argentina 19.8 24.5 1.6 2.5 Bangladesh 51.5 37.7 -6.3 -5.5 Brazil 28.5 31.9 4.4 4.2 China 17.2 19.4 1.6 -0.1 India 63.7 57.2 -4.2 -5.1 Indonesia 10.5 13.7 2.0 0.3 Mexico 13.3 13.0 -0.5 -1.1 Russian Federation 12.9 14.2 -0.8 -1.0 South Africa 14.3 18.0 0.8 0.4 Thailand 22.3 26.4 7.0 0.8 Turkey 11.6 13.3 0.9 1.1 Vietnam 55.5 42.4 11.3 -1.3 Rest of South Asia 30.0 28.8 -1.0 -0.8 Rest of East Asia 7.5 8.1 3.2 -0.6 and the Pacific Rest of Latin America 20.5 18.0 0.7 -1.0 and the Caribbean Rest of Europe 17.7 15.9 -0.4 -0.5 and Central Asia Middle East and North Africa 16.2 15.0 0.1 -0.9 Selected Sub-Saharan Africa 15.5 17.8 3.1 2.7 Rest of Sub-Saharan Africa 30.3 25.1 -0.1 -1.9 Rest of world 39.4 33.2 1.2 0.2 Source: Authors' World Bank LINKAGE model simulations. Note: Data are given relative to the baseline. 348 Agricultural Trade Reform and the Doha Development Agenda impacts of developing-country liberalization versus industrial-country liberalization in different economic sectors; another is to decompose by policy instrument.9 The latter gave results very similar to those reported in Hertel and Keeney (2006), namely, that barriers to market access explain almost all the welfare effects of agri- cultural policies, with removal of domestic support and export subsidy programs playing only a very minor role and in fact slightly harming developing countries as a group (since some food-importing developing countries gain from farm export subsidies in industrial countries). In our case, all but about 1 percent of the global welfare gains from full removal of all merchandise trade barriers and agri- cultural subsidies are accounted for by cuts in import tariffs, which is also what Hoekman, Ng, and Olarreaga (2004) estimate would result from halving all agri- cultural distortions (in their case using partial equilibrium analysis). Hertel and Keeney's estimate from full liberalization of all merchandise markets was only slightly higher, at 7 percent (see their table 2.7). Our results decomposed by sector are provided in table 12.6. They suggest that global liberalization of agriculture and food yields 63 percent of the total global gains (similar to Hertel and Keeney's 66 percent). This finding is consistent with the high tariffs in agriculture and food (17 percent global average) versus other sectors, but it is nonetheless remarkable given the low shares of agriculture in global GDP (4 percent) and global merchandise trade (9 percent). The elimina- tion of trade-distorting farm policies in high-income countries accounts for three-fourths of those gains. Notice too that as much of the gain to developing countries from farm reform results from South-South agricultural liberalization as from developing countries' unrestricted access to markets in high-income countries. That is almost equally true in manufacturing in aggregate, despite the big gains from textiles and clothing reform ($13 billion from market access in high-income countries compared with $9 billion attributable to South-South textiles trade growth). In other words, reform by developing countries is as important for economic welfare gains to the South as reform by high-income countries. It is clear that reforming agricultural policies in both sets of countries is crucial for developing countries, with reform by high-income countries in textiles only half as important as is their agricultural reform. Politicians also have an eye on what happens to their country's volume of output and exports in sectors whose protection is cut, and on earnings of constituents. Contrary to much rhetoric from protectionist groups, the full liberalization results suggest little change in the high-income countries' shares of global output and exports of processed food, beverages and tobacco, and "other manufactures." Only for primary agriculture are the changes noticeable: the export share falls by more than one-quarter, from 53 percent to 38 percent (including trade within the EU), but the output share falls by only one-sixth, from 30 to 25 percent The converse of these share changes are shown for developing countries in table 12.7. Market and Welfare Implications of Doha Reform Scenarios 349 TABLE 12.6 Regional and Sectoral Sources of Gains from Full Liberalization of Global Merchandise Trade, 2015 Gains by region (US$ billions) Percent of global gain High- High- Liberalizing region Developing income World Developing income World Developing countries Agriculture, food 28 19 47 33 9 17 Textiles, clothing 9 14 23 10 7 8 Other merchandise 6 52 58 7 26 20 All sectors 43 85 128 50 42 45 High-income countries Agriculture, food 26 109 135 30 54 46 Textiles, clothing 13 2 15 17 1 6 Other merchandise 4 5 9 3 3 3 All sectors 43 116 159 50 58 55 All countries Agriculture, food 54 128 182 63 63 63 Textiles, clothing 22 16 38 27 8 14 Other merchandise 10 57 67 10 29 23 All sectors 86 201 287 100 100 100 Source: Authors' World Bank LINKAGE model simulations. Note: Data are given relative to the baseline (see text). Small interaction effects are distributed propor- tionately, and numbers are rounded to sum to 100 percent. TABLE 12.7 Change in Developing Countries' Shares of Global Output and Exports under Full Global Merchandise Trade Liberalization, by Sector, 2015 (percent) Processed food, Primary beverages,and Textiles, Other agriculture tobacco clothing manufacturing Output Baseline 70 40 62 35 Free trade 75 40 65 35 Exports Baseline 47 34 63 30 Free trade 62 40 67 32 Source: Authors' World Bank LINKAGE model simulations. Note: Data include intra-EU trade. 350 Agricultural Trade Reform and the Doha Development Agenda In absolute terms, agricultural and food output in high-income countries would decline but only by 0.1 percent a year over the projection period to 2015 following a move to free trade in all merchandise, instead of rising by a projected 1.6 percent a year in our baseline. The impact of full reform on agricultural and food output and trade is shown for each country or region in table 12.8; the table also shows clearly that exports are enhanced much more than output. As a consequence, the global share of agricultural and food production exported rises from 9.5 to 13.2 percent (or from 6.6 to 11.6 percent when trade within the EU is excluded). Developing countries would earn an additional $192 billion each year from these increased exports. Latin America accounts for a large part of that increase, but exports expand in all regions, and even low-income countries would sell an additional $36 billion worth of such goods each year (an increase of 52 percent). The situa- tion with food imports is also noteworthy. Middle-income countries as a group would see food imports grow less rapidly than farm exports, while imports and export would grow at the same pace in low-income countries, leaving their food and agricultural self-sufficiency ratio unchanged. Even for high-income coun- tries, that ratio would fall only five percentage points, although it is concentrated in primary agricultural products (table 12.9). Self-sufficiency ratios improve for Sub-Saharan Africa and Latin America, while China and India maintain their agricultural self-sufficiency levels, despite their expansion of exports in labor- intensive manufactures. Cotton trade distortions and subsidies raise producer prices by more than 50 percent in the United States and even more in the EU. What effect would their removal have in this context of freeing all merchandise trade and agricul- tural subsidies? The price of cotton in international markets is estimated to be considerably higher in 2015 than it would be without reform, including for U.S. exports because its subsidies no longer depress that price. However, the volume of U.S. cotton exports shrinks when those subsidies are removed, raising the price for other countries' exports. The price rise would not apply equally to all exporters, however, because of product differentiation as captured in the Armington elasticities. For Australia and Brazil, the rise is 8 percent, while for Sub-Saharan Africa it averages less than 2 percent (relative to the numéraire, which is the average price of exports of manufactures by developed countries). However, cotton exports from Sub-Saharan Africa would be 73 percent greater under this reform scenario. Indeed, developing country output and exports of cotton would expand by about the same amounts as the U.S. levels would shrink, with Sub-Saharan Africa enjoying more of that gain than any other region--and cotton is so important in Sub-Saharan Africa (minus South Africa) that it contributes one-quarter of that region's net gain in agricultural value Market and Welfare Implications of Doha Reform Scenarios 351 TABLE 12.8 Impacts of Full Global Trade Liberalization on Agricultural and Food Output and Trade, by Country/Region, 2015 Value (US$ billions) Percent change in volume Country/region Exports Imports Output Exports Imports Output Australia and 18.0 1.4 27.9 38.0 23.0 20.5 New Zealand EU25 and EFTA 21.7 103.5 -185.8 -10.8 39.3 -12.3 United States 18.4 16.5 30.7 11.6 25.6 0.0 Canada 14.6 6.9 7.2 40.2 54.3 4.8 Japan 2.8 34.7 -91.7 60.4 169.7 -18.4 Korea, Rep. of, 33.2 12.3 -0.4 600.2 189.8 20.2 and Taiwan (China) Hong Kong (China) 7.0 1.5 7.4 115.2 7.6 35.4 and Singapore Argentina 10.4 0.7 12.2 44.2 36.9 11.5 Bangladesh 0.8 0.4 -2.5 60.9 15.6 0.8 Brazil 38.0 2.8 66.4 120.6 48.4 34.0 China 15.1 24.1 -9.9 145.6 27.3 -0.9 India 5.1 13.4 -23.8 53.2 165.4 -3.7 Indonesia 3.6 1.9 4.5 32.2 23.5 2.4 Mexico 11.9 6.7 6.2 66.0 52.9 2.2 Russian Federation 0.7 4.4 -7.8 15.4 22.3 -5.4 South Africa 2.4 1.1 1.4 55.9 40.2 4.9 Thailand 5.6 5.2 5.3 29.2 57.2 4.7 Turkey 4.3 4.3 -0.1 109.4 140.3 0.5 Vietnam 1.2 3.3 -2.1 13.9 170.4 -13.3 Rest of South Asia 2.9 3.7 -1.5 57.1 83.3 -1.8 Rest of East Asia 9.4 5.8 7.4 61.7 50.7 6.8 and the Pacific Rest of Latin 36.0 9.6 37.0 68.1 42.3 11.7 America and the Caribbean Rest of Europe 9.2 10.9 -22.2 106.0 90.5 -1.6 and Central Asia Middle East and 13.2 17.5 -7.8 64.1 43.1 -1.2 North Africa Selected Sub- 4.5 1.3 5.3 50.0 74.4 9.2 Saharan Africa Rest of Sub- 9.5 8.1 -4.1 45.4 79.2 -0.6 Saharan Africa Rest of world 8.2 5.8 2.9 168.3 123.3 4.4 352 Agricultural Trade Reform and the Doha Development Agenda Table 12.8 (Continued) Value (US$ billions) Percent change Country/region Exports Imports Output Exports Imports Output High-income 115.8 176.7 -204.7 15.7 65.5 -5.3 countries Developing 191.9 131.0 66.8 67.4 51.5 2.2 countries Middle-income 156.1 93.1 88.2 72.7 41.9 3.2 countries Low-income 35.8 37.9 -21.4 52.3 99.3 -1.0 countries East Asia and the 34.8 40.4 5.2 54.4 35.5 0.1 Pacific South Asia 8.9 17.5 -27.8 55.1 122.9 -3.0 Europe and 14.2 19.6 -30.0 79.7 62.6 -1.9 Central Asia Middle East and 13.2 17.5 -7.8 64.1 43.1 -1.2 North Africa Sub-Saharan 16.4 10.5 2.6 47.7 71.6 2.1 Africa Latin America and 96.3 19.8 121.8 75.7 46.1 13.8 the Caribbean World total 307.7 307.7 -137.8 36.3 59.8 -1.3 (excluding intra- EU trade) Source: Authors' World Bank LINKAGE model simulations. Note: Data are given relative to the baseline (see text). added from full global trade liberalization (Anderson, Martin, and van der Mensbrughe 2005, table 14). In 2015, the share of all developing countries in global cotton exports would be 85 percent instead of 56 percent, vindicating their efforts to ensure that cotton receives specific attention in the Doha negoti- ations (Sumner 2006; Baffes 2005). The relatively small percentage changes in net national economic welfare hide the fact that redistributions of welfare among groups within each country following trade reform can be much larger. This is clear from the effects on real rewards to labor, capital, and land that are reported in table 12.10. The results also strongly support the expectation from trade theory that returns to unskilled labor rise substantially in developing countries, and by more than wages of skilled workers, Market and Welfare Implications of Doha Reform Scenarios 353 which in turn rise more than earnings of capitalists. Trade reform therefore would be likely to improve equity and reduce poverty in those countries, given that the vast majority of the poor are unskilled laborers (and farmers). For high-income countries, again consistent with standard trade theory, skilled workers gain more than unskilled workers. Those farmers in Europe and northeast Asia who rent agricultural land would benefit from a large fall in rental costs, more or less offset- ting the fall in prices for their output, while owners of land in those countries would lose if uncompensated. Those changes in factor rewards assume labor is mobile between sectors. In the most densely populated developing countries, full liberalization would encourage more farm workers to take up now-more-rewarding work in labor-intensive man- ufacturing and service activities, so value-added in agriculture would fall not only in economies where it has been highly protected (Europe, northeast Asia, and the United States) but also in South Asia. All other developing-country regions would see a rise in net farm income. That is true even of China, because it has already reduced much of its agricultural protection as part of its reforms associated with its accession to WTO at the end of 2001 (table 12.11). These results are for full trade liberalization. Smaller changes can be expected to result from partial reforms of the sort being negotiated currently under the Doha Development Agenda. It is to those that we now turn our attention. Some Prospective Doha Scenarios: Estimating Their Consequences What will the Doha package ultimately contain? To focus on the agricultural com- ponent in particular, we make simplifying assumptions about nonagricultural components, namely, we assume no reform in services and no new trade facilita- tion measures. We also assume that agricultural export subsidies are eliminated and that domestic support for agriculture is cut in just the four economies noted earlier in the discussion of table 12.1. More difficult to determine are the likely nature and extent of reductions in market access barriers, so several scenarios are considered initially for agricul- tural and food products in isolation from nonagricultural tariff cuts, before incorporating some cuts in nonagricultural market access barriers. A total of eight simulations are designed to evaluate the consequences of different approaches to liberalization; the simulations focus on different degrees of top- down progressivity in the tariff cuts, and on different levels of developing-coun- try participation in the reforms (for a summary list, see table 12.12). As suggested in the Girard text (WTO 2003a), the bound tariff on a good for which no bound tariff has been set is assumed to be double the applied MFN rate. Throughout 354 Agricultural Trade Reform and the Doha Development Agenda TABLE 12.9 Impact of Full Liberalization of Global Merchandise Trade on Self-Sufficiency in Food and Agricultural Products, Selected Regions, 2015 (percent) High-income countries Developing countries Global Global Product Baseline lib'n Baseline lib'n Rice 97 49 99 101 Wheat 137 118 89 91 Other grains 103 99 90 84 Oilseeds 119 55 75 90 Sugar 92 47 100 113 Plant-based fibers 117 78 95 104 Vegetables, fruits 83 72 103 105 Other crops 83 85 110 106 Livestock 103 104 98 98 Other natural resources 91 91 102 102 Fossil fuels 81 81 119 120 Processed meats 99 89 98 109 Vegetable oils, fats 96 91 98 99 Dairy products 103 100 88 92 Other food, beverages, 97 99 101 96 tobacco Textiles 91 91 99 98 Wearing apparel 63 55 153 162 Leather products 58 53 136 138 Chemicals, rubber, plastics 103 104 89 87 Iron, steel 99 100 97 96 Motor vehicles, parts 101 102 87 82 Capital goods 101 100 93 93 Other manufacturing 95 95 105 104 Agriculture and food 98 93 99 100 Agriculture 97 84 98 100 Processed foods 98 97 99 98 Textile and wearing apparel 74 70 114 116 Other manufacturing 98 98 98 97 Market and Welfare Implications of Doha Reform Scenarios 355 TABLE 12.9 (Continued) Sub-Saharan Latin America Africa & Caribbean South Asia China Global Global Global Global Baseline lib'n Baseline lib'n Baseline lib'n Baseline lib'n 91 78 97 98 102 102 100 108 53 35 90 119 98 98 90 92 101 102 104 103 99 99 76 32 158 279 184 247 100 102 1 1 109 116 126 173 99 99 45 27 385 694 94 109 87 92 93 95 137 141 146 183 95 88 97 97 167 174 140 132 104 104 11 10 103 103 103 102 99 99 94 94 125 125 128 127 95 95 92 92 147 154 116 115 66 57 85 82 96 136 105 132 98 101 89 85 85 72 111 106 65 25 96 90 74 78 92 94 97 97 60 57 100 93 106 106 111 108 97 96 75 62 85 79 130 134 99 98 78 62 92 80 513 765 225 255 85 59 107 87 170 186 156 164 70 66 79 74 91 89 92 89 94 93 100 92 95 92 93 92 58 68 101 99 94 84 88 79 45 45 81 79 79 79 104 106 115 108 98 92 97 94 111 112 108 111 111 120 99 96 91 91 118 123 121 134 99 98 88 88 98 97 105 111 98 87 96 94 77 61 92 81 149 163 125 129 92 91 93 89 88 85 101 101 Source: Authors' World Bank LINKAGE model simulations. Note: Self-sufficiency is defined as the percentage of domestic consumption that has been produced domestically. 356 Agricultural Trade Reform and the Doha Development Agenda TABLE 12.10 Impacts of Full Global Merchandise Trade Liberalization on Real Factor Prices, 2015 (percent) Unskilled Skilled Capitala Landa Country/region wages wages user cost user cost CPI Australia and New Zealand 3.1 1.1 -0.3 17.4 1.2 EU25 and EFTA 0.0 1.3 0.7 -45.4 -1.3 United States 0.1 0.3 0.0 -11.0 -0.4 Canada 0.7 0.7 0.4 22.8 -0.9 Japan 1.3 2.2 1.1 -67.4 -0.1 Korea, Rep. of, and Taiwan (China) 6.5 7.1 3.8 -45.0 -0.7 Hong Kong (China) and 3.2 1.6 0.3 4.4 1.1 Singapore Argentina 2.9 0.5 -0.7 21.3 0.3 Bangladesh 1.8 1.7 -0.2 1.8 -7.2 Brazil 2.7 1.4 1.6 32.4 2.2 China 2.2 2.2 2.8 -0.9 -0.4 India 2.8 4.6 1.8 -2.6 -6.0 Indonesia 3.3 1.5 0.9 1.0 0.5 Mexico 2.0 1.6 0.5 2.8 -1.4 Russian Federation 2.0 2.8 3.5 -2.2 -3.3 South Africa 2.8 2.5 1.8 5.7 -1.6 Thailand 13.2 6.7 4.2 11.4 -0.6 Turkey 1.3 3.4 1.1 -8.1 -0.3 Vietnam 25.3 17.6 11.0 6.8 -2.3 Rest of South Asia 3.7 3.2 0.1 0.1 -2.7 Rest of East Asia and the Pacific 5.8 4.2 5.2 -0.9 -1.6 Rest of Latin America and 5.7 1.4 -0.4 17.8 -1.2 the Caribbean Rest of Europe and Central Asia 2.3 4.2 2.1 -0.3 -2.6 Middle East and North Africa 4.1 4.1 2.6 2.4 -3.1 Selected Sub-Saharan Africa 6.0 1.6 0.0 4.6 0.4 Rest of Sub-Saharan Africa 8.2 6.5 2.2 5.2 -5.0 Rest of world 4.4 2.7 1.1 6.3 -1.4 High-income countries 0.6 1.1 0.5 -20.0 -0.6 Developing countries 3.5 3.0 1.9 0.9 -1.7 Middle-income countries 3.2 2.6 1.9 2.2 -1.1 Low-income countries 4.2 3.9 1.9 -1.0 -4.0 World total 1.2 1.5 0.8 -0.8 -0.8 Source: Authors' World Bank LINKAGE model simulations. Note: Data are given relative to the baseline. Nominal factor prices are deflated by the consumer price index (CPI). a. The user cost of capital and land represents the subsidy-inclusive rental cost. Market and Welfare Implications of Doha Reform Scenarios 357 this section, the WTO usage of the term developing countries applies when allo- cating special and differential treatment in the form of lesser commitments to reform. As a result Hong Kong (China), Korea, Singapore, and Taiwan (China) are all subjected to the same tariff cuts as other developing economies despite their high-income status. The experiments begin with scenario 1, which assumes a tiered reduction for- mula with marginal agricultural tariff rate reductions of 45, 70, and 75 percent within each of the three bands defined by the Harbinson (WTO 2003b) inflection points of tariff rates of 15 percent and 90 percent for developed countries (that is, for low agricultural tariffs the marginal rate of reduction is 45 percent, for medium-level tariffs it is 70 percent, and for the highest tariffs it is 75 percent). For developing countries, the reductions are 35, 40, 50, and 60 percent within each of their four bands. Least developed countries are not required to undertake any reduction commitments. These cuts are greater than those proposed in the Harbinson draft because we found its cuts were too light to have much impact (providing only two-thirds of the global welfare gain of scenario 1 and leading to zero gain in scenario 2). Scenarios 2 and 3 examine the consequences of including the sensitive farm products allowed for in the framework, with developed countries allowed to treat 2 percent (in scenario 2) and 5 percent (in scenario 3) of their HS6 agricultural tariff lines as sensitive and thereby subject to a tariff cut of only 15 percent (as a substitute for the TRQ expansion mentioned in the framework agreement); those proportions are doubled for developing and least developed countries, in part to incorporate their special farm products demand.10 Scenario 4 considers the impact of a proportional cut formula that brings about the same reduction in average agricultural tariffs in developed countries as a group (44 percent), and developing countries as a group (21 percent), as the tiered formulas used in scenario 1. Scenario 5 uses the same proportional cut formula as scenario 4 but allows 2 percent of tariff lines in developed countries to be treated as sensitive products, and 4 percent in developing countries, to cover sensitive and special products. This approach reduces the average tariff cut to 16 percent for developed countries and 9 percent for developing countries. Scenario 6 considers the effects of adding to scenario 5 a tariff cap of 200 percent so that any product with a bound tariff in excess of that limit will be reduced to that cap rate. This scenario leads to average cuts in food and agricultural tariffs of 18 percent for both developed and developing countries. Scenario 7 adds to scenario 1 the cuts in nonagricultural tariff bindings of 50 percent in developed countries, 33 percent in developing countries, and zero in least developed countries. 358 Agricultural Trade Reform and the Doha Development Agenda TABLE 12.11 Impact of Full and Partial Liberalization on Agricultural Value Added, 2015 Value (US$ billions) Percent change Full global Doha Full global Doha Country/region liberalization scenario 7 liberalization scenario 7 Australia and 6.4 2.4 25.6 9.8 New Zealand EU25 and EFTA -39.1 -20.4 -26.4 -13.8 United States -18.2 -6.3 -15.0 -5.2 Canada 3.4 0.9 23.3 5.8 Japan -17.7 -7.4 -39.5 -16.6 Korea, Rep. of, and -9.5 -3.4 -33.3 -12.1 Taiwan (China) Hong Kong (China) 0.1 0.0 7.5 1.4 and Singapore Argentina 6.1 1.7 33.8 9.4 Bangladesh -0.5 0.0 -4.4 0.4 Brazil 15.1 5.5 46.3 16.7 China 0.3 1.8 0.1 0.4 India -17.1 0.4 -8.1 0.2 Indonesia 0.8 0.5 2.7 1.7 Thailand 3.8 1.1 25.0 7.2 Vietnam 0.8 0.0 13.6 0.3 Russian Federation -1.4 -0.2 -6.5 -0.8 Mexico 0.9 1.2 2.5 3.2 South Africa 0.5 0.1 9.6 1.2 Turkey -2.0 -0.1 -7.2 -0.3 Rest of South Asia -0.6 0.8 -1.3 1.8 Rest of East Asia and -0.2 0.5 -0.7 1.9 the Pacific Rest of Latin America 22.9 8.4 30.2 11.1 and the Caribbean Rest of Europe and -1.1 -0.1 -1.8 -0.2 Central Asia Middle East and 0.3 1.0 0.3 0.9 North Africa Selected Sub-Saharan 1.5 0.3 9.1 1.7 Africa Rest of Sub-Saharan 2.3 0.8 5.4 1.9 Africa Rest of world 3.1 1.0 16.4 5.4 Market and Welfare Implications of Doha Reform Scenarios 359 TABLE 12.11 (Continued) Value (US$ billions) Percent change Full global Doha Full global Doha Country/region liberalization scenario 7 liberalization scenario 7 High-income countries -74.6 -34.2 -19.4 -8.9 Developing countries 35.6 24.8 2.9 2.0 Middle-income 45.3 20.9 5.3 2.4 countries Low-income countries -9.7 3.9 -2.5 1.0 East Asia and the 5.5 3.9 1.1 0.8 Pacific South Asia -18.1 1.2 -6.8 0.5 Europe and Central -4.5 -0.3 -4.0 -0.3 Asia Middle East and 0.3 1.0 0.3 0.9 North Africa Sub-Saharan Africa 4.3 1.1 6.7 1.8 Latin America and 45.0 16.7 27.4 10.2 the Caribbean World total -39.0 -9.5 -2.4 -0.6 Source: Data are given relative to the baseline (see text). See table 12.12 for description of scenario 7. Note: Authors' World Bank LINKAGE model simulations. Finally, scenario 8 makes developing (including least developed) countries full participants in the Doha Round, undertaking the same reductions in bound (but not necessarily applied) tariffs as the developed countries in scenario 7. The average tariffs resulting from all these scenarios are summarized for each region in table 12.13, along with the original projected baseline tariffs if there were to be no Doha reform. Estimated Welfare and Trade Effects of Scenarios in 2015 The welfare consequences of implementing these various reforms over the 2005­10 period and allowing the global economy to adjust to 2015 are summarized in table 12.14, in dollar terms and as percentage changes in real income. The first column suggests that agricultural liberalization using the harmonizing formula (scenario 1) would generate a global gain of $75 billion even without the inclusion of nonagricultural tariff reform. But almost all those benefits accrue to the reforming high-income countries; developing countries would gain only $9 billion 360 Agricultural Trade Reform and the Doha Development Agenda TABLE 12.12 Summary of Doha Partial Liberalization Scenarios Considered Baseline Amends 2001 protection measures by allowing EU eastward enlargement to 25 members, implementation of WTO accession commitments by China, and implementation of Uruguay Round commitments including abolition of quotas on textiles and clothing by the end of 2004, followed by normal global growth projection for 10 more years to 2015 (baseline simulation) Scenarios 1­8 All assume cuts in agricultural domestic support in four developed country markets and abolition of agricultural export subsidies in all countries, plus: Scenario 1 Harmonizing formula for agricultural market access with smaller tariff cuts for developing countries and none for least developed countries Scenario 2 Scenario 1 plus exceptions for sensitive products (2 percent of agricultural tariff lines for developed countries and 4 percent for developing countries) Scenario 3 Scenario 1 plus exceptions for more sensitive products (5 percent for developed countries and 10 percent for developing countries) Scenario 4 Proportional cut in agricultural tariffs of developed countries (with smaller cuts for developing countries and none for least developed countries) to achieve the same cut in the average tariff as in scenario 1 Scenario 5 Proportional cut as in scenario 4 plus exceptions for sensitive products (2 percent for developed countries and 4 percent for developing countries) Scenario 6 Scenario 5 plus a cap on tariffs, limiting boundrates to no more than 200 percent Scenario 7 Scenario 1 plus 50 percent cut in all tariffs on nonagricultural products for developed countries, 33 percent for developing countries, and none for least developed countries Scenario 8 Developed countries' harmonizing formula cuts for agriculture, plus developed countries' 50 percent cut in all nonagricultural tariffs, are also each applied in developing and least developed countries Source: Authors' assumptions (see text). because their bound tariffs are so high as to lead to almost no reform by them.11 Were the high-income countries allowed to exclude from cuts even just 2 percent of their sensitive farm products (and developing countries 4 percent), those global gains would shrink to just $18 billion. If that tolerance is raised to 5 percent (10 percent for developing countries), the gain would drop to $13 billion. In both cases, developing countries as a group would lose (scenarios 2 and 3). Should the tiered formula be replaced by a straightforward proportional cut that brings about the same average agricultural tariff reduction as the tiered for- mulas used in scenario 1, the global gains are lower, but not by much ($66 billion, Market and Welfare Implications of Doha Reform Scenarios 361 compared with scenario 1's $75 billion). And the developing countries' share of that is larger than in scenario 1. Even if sensitive and special farm products are allowed with the harmonized formula, as in scenario 5, the global gains would be no lower than under the tiered formula, and they could be raised substantially, as in scenario 6, simply by putting a cap of 200 percent on bound tariffs. Together these six scenarios suggest that the complexity of negotiating a tiered formula may simply not be worth the effort, especially if it leads high-income countries to insist on exceptional treatment for their sensitive farm products. The final two scenarios add nonagricultural tariff cuts to the agricultural reforms in the preceding scenarios. In scenario 7, special and differential treatment is pro- vided for developing countries' nonagricultural cuts, as is the case for all the preced- ing agricultural cut scenarios. Even so, the gain to developing countries by adding these nonfarm reforms doubles relative to scenario 1, where only agriculture tariffs are cut, contributing one-third of the extra boost to global welfare ($7 billion out of the $22 billion difference in global gains between scenarios 1 and 7). In scenario 8, the developing countries (including least developed) fully engage in the reform process, forgoing the special and differential treatment provided under in scenarios 1 and 7. That approach substantially boosts their welfare as well as global welfare, because it ensures that their cuts in bound tariffs lead to considerably larger cuts in applied tariffs (shown in table 12.13). Nonetheless, agricultural reform alone hardly changes the global average tariff for goods, whereas that average falls by almost one- third, or 1.5 percentage point, when manufacturing is included (see table 12.13d). Retaining special and differential treatment as in scenario 7 would yield a global gain of $96 billion from Doha merchandise liberalization, which is one-third of the potential welfare gain from full liberalization of $287 billion. But for developing countries the gain would be only $16 billion, which is less than one-fifth of that group's potential gain shown in table 12.2 of $86 billion. Forgoing special and dif- ferential treatment (scenario 8) raises their gain by 42 percent, or an extra $7 billion. Much of those gains go to the largest developing economies, but note that in per- centage terms Sub-Saharan Africa also gains substantially if it liberalizes more, contrary to the presumptions of many commentators. By contrast, under scenario 7 those Sub-Saharan African countries simply are not liberalizing enough to get suf- ficient efficiency gains to offset the terms-of-trade losses they suffer as net food importers, as recipients of tariff preferences that have eroded with the decline in high-income countries' MFN tariffs, or as a result of the combined export growth from reforming economies with similar export compositions. The aggregate global welfare consequences of scenario 7 are hardly altered if agri- cultural domestic and export subsidies are not reduced at the same time. The welfare effects on reforming countries and their significant trading partners are altered, how- ever, table 12.15 shows the changes to the national welfare effects for scenario 7, first 362 Agricultural Trade Reform and the Doha Development Agenda TABLE 12.13 Average Applied Tariffs for All Goods by Country/Region, for 2001 and 2015 Baselines, and for Doha Scenarios by 2015 (percent) a. Agricultural and food tariffs Baseline Scen. 1 Country/region 2001 2015 2015 Australia and New Zealand 2.6 2.6 1.7 EU25 and EFTA 13.9 13.9 7.2 United States 2.4 2.4 1.7 Canada 9.0 9.0 4.9 Japan 29.4 29.3 15.2 Korea, Rep. of, and Taiwan (China) 55.0 53.0 28.4 Hong Kong (China) and Singapore 0.1 0.1 0.1 Argentina 7.1 7.1 6.9 Bangladesh 12.7 12.7 12.7 Brazil 5.0 5.0 4.9 China 37.6 10.3 8.2 India 50.3 49.9 45.5 Indonesia 5.0 5.0 4.9 Mexico 11.6 10.3 8.6 Russian Federation 13.5 13.5 8.8 South Africa 8.8 8.6 8.1 Thailand 29.7 16.7 13.9 Turkey 16.7 16.6 13.8 Vietnam 37.1 37.1 37.1 Rest of South Asia 21.3 21.1 20.9 Rest of East Asia and the Pacific 13.7 13.4 12.7 Rest of Latin America and the Caribbean 11.0 10.8 9.8 Rest of Europe and Central Asia 16.0 15.7 14.3 Middle East and North Africa 14.1 13.1 11.6 Selected Sub-Saharan Africa 11.9 11.8 11.6 Rest of Sub-Saharan Africa 21.4 21.2 19.6 Rest of world 12.1 11.8 11.5 High-income countries 16.0 15.9 8.4 Developing countries 17.7 14.2 12.5 Developing countries (WTO definition) 20.0 16.9 13.1 Middle-income 16.5 12.1 10.4 Low-income countries 22.2 22.0 20.7 World total 16.7 15.2 10.0 Market and Welfare Implications of Doha Reform Scenarios 363 TABLE 12.13 (Continued) Scen. 2 Scen. 3 Scen. 4 Scen. 5 Scen. 6 Scen. 7 Scen. 8 2015 2.3 2.3 1.3 2.1 2.3 1.7 1.7 11.2 12.0 7.0 10.8 11.1 7.0 7.0 2.2 2.3 1.4 2.1 2.2 1.7 1.7 8.1 8.8 5.2 8.1 8.1 4.9 4.9 25.5 26.6 16.7 25.4 21.7 14.7 14.7 45.3 45.8 32.4 45.1 29.8 27.9 18.7 0.1 0.1 0.1 0.1 0.1 0.1 0.1 7.1 7.1 6.7 7.0 7.1 6.9 6.1 12.7 12.7 12.7 12.7 12.7 12.7 11.9 5.0 5.0 4.9 5.0 5.0 4.9 4.4 9.1 9.3 7.9 9.0 9.1 7.9 6.9 47.9 48.3 45.0 47.9 47.9 45.5 37.4 5.0 5.0 4.8 5.0 5.0 4.9 4.5 10.0 10.0 8.3 9.9 10.0 8.6 6.5 10.9 11.2 7.8 10.6 10.9 8.7 6.5 8.5 8.5 7.9 8.4 8.5 8.1 6.6 15.1 15.4 13.2 14.8 15.1 13.5 11.0 15.8 16.0 13.8 15.7 15.8 13.8 10.6 37.1 37.1 37.1 37.1 37.1 37.1 37.1 21.1 21.1 20.7 21.1 21.1 20.9 16.5 13.2 13.3 12.8 13.2 10.3 12.7 11.2 10.3 10.4 9.5 10.3 10.3 9.8 8.9 14.9 15.1 14.0 14.8 14.9 14.3 12.9 12.6 12.7 11.6 12.6 12.6 11.5 10.4 11.8 11.8 11.6 11.7 11.8 11.5 11.0 20.8 20.8 19.7 20.8 20.8 19.6 16.1 11.7 11.8 11.6 11.7 11.5 11.5 9.4 13.5 14.1 8.9 13.3 11.5 8.2 7.5 13.4 13.5 12.3 13.4 13.3 12.4 10.6 15.5 15.7 13.3 15.4 13.9 13.0 10.7 11.4 11.5 10.1 11.3 11.2 10.3 8.9 21.5 21.6 20.7 21.5 21.5 20.7 17.5 13.5 13.9 10.3 13.3 12.2 9.9 8.8 364 Agricultural Trade Reform and the Doha Development Agenda TABLE 12.13 Average Applied Tariffs for All Goods by Country/ Region, for 2001 and 2015 Baselines, and for Doha scenarios by 2015 (percent) (Continued) b. Textile and clothing tariffs Baseline Scen. 1 Country/region 2001 2015 2015 Australia and New Zealand 13.9 13.9 13.9 EU25 and EFTA 5.2 5.1 5.1 United States 9.8 9.6 9.6 Canada 9.0 8.7 8.7 Japan 9.7 9.0 9.0 Korea, Rep. of, and Taiwan (China) 9.2 9.2 9.2 Hong Kong (China) and Singapore 0.0 0.0 0.0 Argentina 11.1 11.1 11.1 Bangladesh 29.9 29.9 29.9 Brazil 14.7 14.7 14.7 China 19.4 9.6 9.6 India 26.6 26.5 26.5 Indonesia 8.0 8.0 8.0 Mexico 7.8 7.8 7.8 Russian Federation 15.8 15.8 15.8 South Africa 22.3 21.9 21.9 Thailand 17.4 16.4 16.3 Turkey 3.8 3.8 3.8 Vietnam 29.1 29.1 29.1 Rest of South Asia 6.9 6.6 6.6 Rest of East Asia and the Pacific 8.7 8.7 8.7 Rest of Latin America and the Caribbean 12.9 12.9 12.9 Rest of Europe and Central Asia 9.3 9.3 9.3 Middle East and North Africa 27.1 23.9 23.9 Selected Sub-Saharan Africa 12.6 12.5 12.5 Rest of Sub-Saharan Africa 26.4 26.2 26.2 Rest of world 5.6 5.6 5.6 High-income countries 7.5 7.3 7.3 Developing countries 17.0 14.3 14.3 Developing countries (WTO definition) 13.4 11.4 11.4 Middle-income 16.8 13.6 13.6 Low-income countries 17.9 17.9 17.9 World total 10.2 9.3 9.3 Market and Welfare Implications of Doha Reform Scenarios 365 TABLE 12.13 (Continued) Scen. 2 Scen. 3 Scen. 4 Scen. 5 Scen. 6 Scen. 7 Scen. 8 2015 13.9 13.9 13.9 13.9 13.9 12.9 12.9 5.1 5.1 5.1 5.1 5.1 3.0 3.0 9.6 9.6 9.6 9.6 9.6 4.9 4.9 8.7 8.7 8.7 8.7 8.7 4.9 4.9 9.0 9.0 9.0 9.0 9.0 5.2 5.2 9.2 9.2 9.2 9.2 9.2 8.1 7.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 11.1 11.1 11.1 11.1 11.1 11.1 9.7 29.9 29.9 29.9 29.9 29.9 29.9 29.9 14.7 14.7 14.7 14.7 14.7 14.7 13.3 9.6 9.6 9.6 9.6 9.6 6.5 4.9 26.5 26.5 26.5 26.5 26.5 20.4 17.0 8.0 8.0 8.0 8.0 8.0 8.0 8.0 7.8 7.8 7.8 7.8 7.8 6.4 5.2 15.8 15.8 15.8 15.8 15.8 10.6 8.0 21.9 21.9 21.9 21.9 21.9 17.4 13.2 16.3 16.3 16.3 16.3 16.3 15.2 12.3 3.8 3.8 3.8 3.8 3.8 3.8 3.8 29.1 29.1 29.1 29.1 29.1 29.1 29.1 6.6 6.6 6.6 6.6 6.6 6.2 5.5 8.7 8.7 8.7 8.7 8.7 7.9 7.0 12.9 12.9 12.9 12.9 12.9 12.5 12.0 9.3 9.3 9.3 9.3 9.3 8.8 8.3 23.9 23.9 23.9 23.9 23.9 22.2 20.0 12.5 12.5 12.5 12.5 12.5 12.4 12.2 26.2 26.2 26.2 26.2 26.2 25.9 24.6 5.6 5.6 5.6 5.6 5.6 5.2 4.7 7.3 7.3 7.3 7.3 7.3 4.1 4.1 14.3 14.3 14.3 14.3 14.3 12.7 11.3 11.4 11.4 11.4 11.4 11.4 10.1 9.0 13.6 13.6 13.6 13.6 13.6 11.7 10.3 17.9 17.9 17.9 17.9 17.9 17.2 16.5 9.3 9.3 9.3 9.3 9.3 6.6 6.2 366 Agricultural Trade Reform and the Doha Development Agenda TABLE 12.13 Average Applied Tariffs for All Goods by Country/ Region, for 2001 and 2015 Baselines, and for Doha Scenarios by 2015 (percent) (Continued) c. Other merchandise tariffs Baseline Scen. 1 Country/region 2001 2015 2015 Australia and New Zealand 4.2 4.2 4.2 EU25 and EFTA 1.8 1.7 1.7 United States 0.9 0.9 0.9 Canada 0.5 0.5 0.5 Japan 0.4 0.4 0.3 Korea, Rep. of, and Taiwan (China) 3.8 3.6 3.6 Hong Kong (China) and Singapore 0.0 0.0 0.0 Argentina 10.2 10.1 10.1 Bangladesh 16.2 16.2 16.2 Brazil 9.7 9.7 9.7 China 11.3 5.5 5.5 India 25.6 24.2 24.2 Indonesia 4.4 4.3 4.3 Mexico 4.3 4.3 4.3 Russian Federation 7.8 7.8 7.7 South Africa 5.4 5.4 5.4 Thailand 8.3 7.6 7.6 Turkey 1.2 1.2 1.2 Vietnam 12.3 12.3 12.3 Rest of South Asia 14.3 14.3 14.3 Rest of East Asia and the Pacific 3.6 3.5 3.5 Rest of Latin America and the Caribbean 8.4 8.4 8.4 Rest of Europe and Central Asia 3.2 3.2 3.2 Middle East and North Africa 7.2 7.1 7.1 Selected Sub-Saharan Africa 7.7 7.7 7.7 Rest of Sub-Saharan Africa 13.9 13.9 13.9 Rest of world 9.1 8.8 8.8 High-income countries 1.3 1.2 1.2 Developing countries 8.3 7.1 7.1 Developing countries (WTO definition) 6.7 5.8 5.8 Middle-income countries 7.3 6.0 6.0 Low-income countries 14.5 14.1 14.1 World total 3.5 3.1 3.1 Market and Welfare Implications of Doha Reform Scenarios 367 TABLE 12.13 (Continued) Scen. 2 Scen. 3 Scen. 4 Scen. 5 Scen. 6 Scen. 7 Scen. 8 2015 4.2 4.2 4.2 4.2 4.2 3.4 3.4 1.7 1.7 1.7 1.7 1.7 0.9 0.9 0.9 0.9 0.9 0.9 0.9 0.4 0.4 0.5 0.5 0.5 0.5 0.5 0.3 0.3 0.3 0.3 0.3 0.3 0.3 0.2 0.2 3.6 3.6 3.6 3.6 3.6 3.0 2.6 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 10.1 10.1 10.1 10.1 10.1 10.0 9.4 16.2 16.2 16.2 16.2 16.2 16.2 16.1 9.7 9.7 9.7 9.7 9.7 9.4 8.6 5.5 5.5 5.5 5.5 5.5 3.8 2.9 24.2 24.2 24.2 24.2 24.2 20.6 17.7 4.3 4.3 4.3 4.3 4.3 4.3 4.2 4.3 4.3 4.3 4.3 4.3 4.2 4.0 7.7 7.7 7.7 7.7 7.7 5.2 3.9 5.4 5.4 5.4 5.4 5.4 5.1 4.2 7.6 7.6 7.6 7.6 7.6 7.3 6.8 1.2 1.2 1.2 1.2 1.2 1.2 1.1 12.3 12.3 12.3 12.3 12.3 12.3 12.3 14.3 14.3 14.3 14.3 14.3 14.3 13.9 3.5 3.5 3.5 3.5 3.5 3.2 3.0 8.4 8.4 8.4 8.4 8.4 7.5 6.9 3.2 3.2 3.2 3.2 3.2 3.1 3.0 7.1 7.1 7.1 7.1 7.1 6.9 6.7 7.7 7.7 7.7 7.7 7.7 7.5 7.2 13.9 13.9 13.9 13.9 13.9 13.8 13.7 8.8 8.8 8.8 8.8 8.8 8.8 8.7 1.2 1.2 1.2 1.2 1.2 0.8 0.8 7.1 7.1 7.1 7.1 7.1 6.4 5.9 5.8 5.8 5.8 5.8 5.8 5.2 4.7 6.0 6.0 6.0 6.0 6.0 5.3 4.8 14.1 14.1 14.1 14.1 14.1 13.1 12.3 3.1 3.1 3.1 3.1 3.1 2.6 2.4 368 Agricultural Trade Reform and the Doha Development Agenda TABLE 12.13 Average Applied Tariffs for All Goods by Country/Region, for 2001 and 2015 Baselines, and for Doha Scenarios by 2015 (percent) (Continued) d. All merchandise trade tariffs Baseline Scen. 1 Country/region 2001 2015 2015 Australia and New Zealand 4.8 4.8 4.7 EU25 and EFTA 3.2 3.1 2.5 United States 1.8 1.8 1.7 Canada 1.4 1.4 1.1 Japan 5.2 5.1 3.2 Korea, Rep. of, and Taiwan (China) 7.6 7.3 5.6 Hong Kong (China) and Singapore 0.0 0.0 0.0 Argentina 10.0 10.0 10.0 Bangladesh 18.4 18.4 18.4 Brazil 9.5 9.5 9.5 China 13.6 6.2 6.0 India 28.1 26.8 26.4 Indonesia 4.8 4.7 4.6 Mexico 5.1 5.0 4.8 Russian Federation 9.7 9.7 8.8 South Africa 6.6 6.6 6.5 Thailand 10.2 8.6 8.4 Turkey 2.5 2.4 2.2 Vietnam 16.7 16.7 16.7 Rest of South Asia 14.6 14.5 14.4 Rest of East Asia and the Pacific 4.6 4.5 4.4 Rest of Latin America and the Caribbean 9.1 9.1 9.0 Rest of Europe and Central Asia 5.0 4.9 4.8 Middle East and North Africa 9.8 9.3 9.1 Selected Sub-Saharan Africa 8.7 8.7 8.6 Rest of Sub-Saharan Africa 16.2 16.1 15.8 Rest of world 9.1 8.9 8.8 High-income countries 2.9 2.9 2.3 Developing countries 9.9 8.4 8.2 Developing countries (WTO definition) 8.5 7.3 6.9 Middle-income countries 8.9 7.2 7.0 Low-income countries 15.9 15.5 15.3 World total 5.2 4.7 4.2 Market and Welfare Implications of Doha Reform Scenarios 369 TABLE 12.13 (Continued) Scen. 2 Scen. 3 Scen. 4 Scen. 5 Scen. 6 Scen. 7 Scen. 8 2015 4.7 4.8 4.7 4.7 4.7 4.0 4.0 2.9 3.0 2.5 2.9 2.9 1.7 1.7 1.7 1.8 1.7 1.7 1.7 0.9 0.9 1.3 1.4 1.2 1.3 1.3 0.8 0.8 4.6 4.8 3.4 4.6 4.1 2.7 2.7 6.8 6.8 5.9 6.7 5.7 5.0 3.9 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 10.0 10.0 10.0 10.0 10.0 9.9 9.2 18.4 18.4 18.4 18.4 18.4 18.4 18.3 9.5 9.5 9.5 9.5 9.5 9.2 8.5 6.1 6.1 6.0 6.1 6.1 4.3 3.3 26.6 26.6 26.3 26.6 26.6 23.1 19.6 4.7 4.7 4.6 4.7 4.7 4.6 4.5 4.9 4.9 4.8 4.9 4.9 4.7 4.3 9.2 9.3 8.6 9.1 9.2 6.5 4.8 6.6 6.6 6.5 6.5 6.6 6.0 4.9 8.5 8.5 8.3 8.4 8.5 8.0 7.3 2.4 2.4 2.2 2.4 2.4 2.2 2.0 16.7 16.7 16.7 16.7 16.7 16.7 16.7 14.5 14.5 14.4 14.5 14.5 14.4 13.3 4.5 4.5 4.4 4.5 4.2 4.1 3.7 9.0 9.1 9.0 9.0 9.0 8.3 7.7 4.9 4.9 4.8 4.8 4.9 4.7 4.4 9.3 9.3 9.1 9.3 9.3 8.8 8.3 8.6 8.6 8.6 8.6 8.6 8.5 8.2 16.0 16.0 15.8 16.0 16.0 15.7 15.0 8.9 8.9 8.8 8.9 8.8 8.8 8.3 2.7 2.7 2.4 2.7 2.5 1.6 1.6 8.3 8.3 8.2 8.3 8.3 7.5 6.8 7.2 7.2 7.0 7.2 7.0 6.3 5.6 7.1 7.1 7.0 7.1 7.1 6.3 5.6 15.5 15.5 15.3 15.5 15.4 14.6 13.4 4.5 4.5 4.2 4.5 4.4 3.5 3.2 Source: World Bank LINKAGE model aggregations of HS6 tariff changes provided by CEPII. 370 Agricultural Trade Reform and the Doha Development Agenda TABLE 12.14 Change from Baseline in Real Income under Alternative Doha Scenarios, 2015 a. Dollar change (in 2001 US$ billions) Country/region Scen. 1 Scen. 2 Australia and New Zealand 2.0 1.1 EU25 and EFTA 29.5 10.7 United States 3.0 2.3 Canada 1.4 0.5 Japan 18.9 1.8 Korea, Rep. of, and Taiwan (China) 10.9 1.7 Hong Kong (China) and Singapore -0.1 -0.1 Argentina 1.3 1.0 Bangladesh 0.0 0.0 Brazil 3.3 1.1 China -0.5 -1.5 India 0.2 0.2 Indonesia 0.1 0.2 Mexico -0.2 -0.3 Russian Federation -0.3 -0.7 South Africa 0.1 0.3 Thailand 0.9 0.6 Turkey 0.6 0.0 Vietnam -0.1 0.0 Rest of South Asia 0.2 0.1 Rest of East Asia and the Pacific 0.1 0.0 Rest of Latin America and the Caribbean 3.7 0.5 Rest of Europe and Central Asia -0.2 -0.3 Middle East and North Africa -0.8 -1.2 Selected Sub-Saharan Africa 0.1 0.0 Rest of Sub-Saharan Africa 0.0 -0.3 Rest of world 0.4 0.0 High-income countries 65.6 18.1 Developing countries (WTO definition) 19.7 1.2 Developing countries 9.0 -0.4 Middle-income 8.0 -0.5 Low-income countries 1.0 0.1 East Asia and the Pacific 0.5 -0.8 South Asia 0.4 0.3 Europe and Central Asia 0.1 -0.9 Middle East and North Africa -0.8 -1.2 Sub-Saharan Africa 0.3 0.0 Latin America and the Caribbean 8.1 2.3 World total 74.5 17.7 Market and Welfare Implications of Doha Reform Scenarios 371 TABLE 12.14 (Continued) Scen. 3 Scen. 4 Scen. 5 Scen. 6 Scen. 7 Scen. 8 1.1 2.2 1.2 1.2 2.4 2.8 9.1 28.2 10.7 10.9 31.4 35.7 2.0 3.4 2.5 2.1 4.9 6.6 0.3 1.2 0.4 0.4 0.9 1.0 1.3 15.1 1.4 12.9 23.7 25.4 1.6 7.3 1.7 15.9 15.0 22.6 -0.1 -0.1 -0.2 -0.2 1.5 2.2 1.0 1.4 1.1 1.0 1.3 1.6 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 -0.1 -0.1 0.9 3.2 1.1 1.1 3.6 3.9 -1.6 -0.4 -1.4 -1.1 1.7 1.6 0.2 0.1 0.2 0.2 2.2 3.5 0.2 0.2 0.2 0.0 1.0 1.2 -0.3 -0.2 -0.3 -0.3 -0.9 -0.2 -0.8 -0.1 -0.7 -0.7 0.8 1.5 0.1 0.1 0.2 0.3 0.4 0.7 0.3 1.0 0.8 0.8 2.0 2.7 0.0 0.5 0.1 0.0 0.7 1.4 0.0 -0.1 -0.1 -0.1 -0.5 -0.6 0.1 0.2 0.1 0.2 0.3 0.7 0.0 0.1 0.1 1.0 0.3 0.6 0.5 3.7 0.5 0.4 3.9 4.0 -0.3 -0.2 -0.2 -0.2 -0.6 -0.7 -1.5 -0.9 -1.2 -1.2 -0.6 0.1 0.0 0.1 0.0 0.0 0.1 0.2 -0.3 0.0 -0.3 -0.3 -0.1 0.3 0.0 0.3 0.0 0.0 0.6 0.6 15.2 57.2 17.8 43.2 79.2 96.4 -0.3 16.3 1.7 16.8 32.6 47.7 -1.7 9.1 0.1 1.1 16.1 22.9 -1.9 8.3 0.0 1.0 12.5 17.1 0.1 0.8 0.2 0.0 3.6 5.9 -1.2 0.9 -0.4 0.6 4.5 5.5 0.3 0.3 0.3 0.4 2.5 4.2 -1.1 0.2 -0.9 -0.9 0.8 2.1 -1.5 -0.9 -1.2 -1.2 -0.6 0.1 -0.2 0.3 -0.2 -0.1 0.4 1.2 2.0 8.0 2.5 2.1 7.9 9.2 13.4 66.3 17.9 44.3 96.1 119.3 372 Agricultural Trade Reform and the Doha Development Agenda TABLE 12.14 Change from Baseline in Real Income under Alternative Doha Scenarios, 2015 (Continued) b. Percentage change Country/region Scen. 1 Scen. 2 Australia and New Zealand 0.35 0.20 EU25 and EFTA 0.29 0.11 United States 0.02 0.02 Canada 0.15 0.05 Japan 0.38 0.04 Korea, Rep. of, and Taiwan (China) 0.86 0.13 Hong Kong (China) and Singapore -0.02 -0.03 Argentina 0.32 0.26 Bangladesh -0.06 -0.03 Brazil 0.50 0.16 China -0.02 -0.06 India 0.02 0.03 Indonesia 0.05 0.07 Mexico -0.02 -0.04 Russian Federation -0.06 -0.16 South Africa 0.06 0.17 Thailand 0.43 0.29 Turkey 0.25 0.02 Vietnam -0.20 -0.09 Rest of South Asia 0.13 0.05 Rest of East Asia and the Pacific 0.02 0.01 Rest of Latin America and the Caribbean 0.44 0.06 Rest of Europe and Central Asia -0.06 -0.09 Middle East and North Africa -0.07 -0.10 Selected Sub-Saharan Africa 0.21 -0.02 Rest of Sub-Saharan Africa 0.02 -0.13 Rest of world 0.19 0.00 High-income countries 0.20 0.06 Developing countries (WTO definition) 0.17 0.01 Developing countries 0.09 0.00 Middle-income 0.10 -0.01 Low-income countries 0.05 0.01 East Asia and the Pacific 0.01 -0.02 South Asia 0.03 0.03 Europe and Central Asia 0.01 -0.09 Middle East and North Africa -0.07 -0.10 Sub-Saharan Africa 0.06 -0.01 Latin America and the Caribbean 0.29 0.08 World total 0.18 0.04 Market and Welfare Implications of Doha Reform Scenarios 373 TABLE 12.14 (Continued) Scen. 3 Scen. 4 Scen. 5 Scen. 6 Scen. 7 Scen. 8 0.18 0.38 0.22 0.20 0.42 0.48 0.09 0.28 0.11 0.11 0.31 0.36 0.01 0.02 0.02 0.01 0.03 0.05 0.03 0.13 0.05 0.05 0.10 0.11 0.03 0.30 0.03 0.26 0.48 0.51 0.13 0.58 0.14 1.26 1.19 1.79 -0.03 -0.02 -0.04 -0.04 0.35 0.52 0.25 0.34 0.27 0.26 0.34 0.39 -0.02 -0.06 -0.03 -0.04 -0.10 -0.09 0.13 0.49 0.17 0.17 0.55 0.59 -0.06 -0.01 -0.05 -0.04 0.07 0.06 0.02 0.02 0.03 0.02 0.25 0.40 0.07 0.08 0.09 0.01 0.37 0.44 -0.04 -0.02 -0.04 -0.04 -0.11 -0.02 -0.17 -0.03 -0.15 -0.15 0.16 0.31 0.05 0.09 0.11 0.17 0.25 0.49 0.15 0.49 0.38 0.38 0.99 1.33 -0.01 0.22 0.02 0.02 0.26 0.55 -0.06 -0.22 -0.11 -0.16 -0.83 -0.97 0.05 0.11 0.06 0.14 0.17 0.39 0.01 0.05 0.04 0.36 0.09 0.22 0.06 0.43 0.06 0.04 0.46 0.47 -0.09 -0.06 -0.09 -0.08 -0.22 -0.26 -0.13 -0.07 -0.10 -0.10 -0.05 0.01 0.00 0.19 -0.03 -0.05 0.19 0.26 -0.13 0.01 -0.14 -0.14 -0.02 0.13 0.00 0.14 0.00 0.02 0.26 0.28 0.05 0.18 0.05 0.13 0.25 0.30 0.00 0.14 0.01 0.14 0.27 0.40 -0.02 0.09 0.00 0.01 0.16 0.22 -0.02 0.10 0.00 0.01 0.15 0.21 0.01 0.04 0.01 0.00 0.18 0.30 -0.03 0.03 -0.01 0.02 0.13 0.16 0.02 0.02 0.03 0.03 0.21 0.36 -0.11 0.02 -0.09 -0.09 0.08 0.21 -0.13 -0.07 -0.10 -0.10 -0.05 0.01 -0.05 0.06 -0.04 -0.02 0.10 0.27 0.07 0.29 0.09 0.08 0.29 0.33 0.03 0.16 0.04 0.10 0.23 0.28 Source: Authors' World Bank LINKAGE model simulations. 374 Agricultural Trade Reform and the Doha Development Agenda TABLE 12.15 Welfare Effect of Retaining Agricultural Export and Domestic Subsidies, 2015 (US$ billions) Scenario 7 Country/region Scenario 7 (MD) Australia and New Zealand 2.4 1.8 EU25 and EFTA 31.4 25.1 United States 4.9 5.3 Canada 0.9 1.0 Japan 23.7 24.8 Korea, Rep. of and Taiwan (China) 15.0 15.2 Hong Kong (China) and Singapore 1.5 1.7 Argentina 1.3 1.2 Bangladesh -0.1 -0.1 Brazil 3.6 3.5 China 1.7 2.6 India 2.2 2.2 Indonesia 1.0 0.9 Mexico -0.9 -0.8 Russian Federation 0.8 2.0 South Africa 0.4 0.3 Thailand 2.0 2.0 Turkey 0.7 0.7 Vietnam -0.5 -0.5 Rest of South Asia 0.3 0.3 Rest of East Asia and the Pacific 0.3 0.4 Rest of Latin America and the Caribbean 3.9 4.2 Rest of Europe and Central Asia -0.6 -0.3 Middle East and North Africa -0.6 1.0 Selected Sub-Saharan Africa 0.1 0.2 Rest of Sub-Saharan Africa -0.1 0.5 Rest of world 0.6 0.6 High-income countries 79.9 74.9 Developing countries (WTO definition) 32.6 38.0 Developing countries 16.1 21.1 Middle-income countries 12.5 16.9 Low-income countries 3.6 4.2 East Asia and the Pacific 4.5 5.5 South Asia 2.5 2.4 Europe and Central Asia 0.8 2.5 Middle East and North Africa -0.6 1.0 Sub-Saharan Africa 0.4 1.0 Latin America and the Caribbean 7.9 8.1 World total 96.1 96.0 Market and Welfare Implications of Doha Reform Scenarios 375 TABLE 12.15 (Continued) Percent Scenario 7 Scenario 7 Scenario 7 (M) Scenario 7 (MD) (M) 1.6 0.42 0.32 0.27 25.5 0.31 0.25 0.25 3.3 0.03 0.04 0.02 0.8 0.10 0.11 0.09 25.5 0.48 0.50 0.51 15.6 1.19 1.20 1.23 1.9 0.35 0.39 0.43 0.4 0.34 0.30 0.11 -0.1 -0.10 -0.09 -0.09 3.0 0.55 0.54 0.46 4.5 0.07 0.10 0.17 2.1 0.25 0.25 0.23 0.9 0.37 0.35 0.34 -0.5 -0.11 -0.09 -0.06 2.1 0.16 0.42 0.44 0.3 0.25 0.22 0.23 1.9 0.99 0.99 0.96 0.8 0.26 0.30 0.32 -0.5 -0.83 -0.81 -0.88 0.2 0.17 0.18 0.12 0.5 0.09 0.15 0.17 3.9 0.46 0.50 0.46 -0.3 -0.22 -0.09 -0.10 1.3 -0.05 0.08 0.10 0.1 0.19 0.28 0.19 0.3 -0.02 0.22 0.14 0.6 0.26 0.28 0.27 74.1 0.25 0.23 0.23 39.0 0.27 0.32 0.33 21.6 0.16 0.21 0.21 18.0 0.15 0.21 0.22 3.6 0.18 0.21 0.18 7.3 0.13 0.16 0.21 2.2 0.21 0.21 0.19 2.6 0.08 0.25 0.26 1.3 -0.05 0.08 0.10 0.8 0.10 0.23 0.18 6.8 0.29 0.29 0.25 95.7 0.23 0.23 0.22 Source: Authors' World Bank LINKAGE model simulations. Note: Scenario 7 (MD) is the same as scenario 7 except export subsidies are not eliminated. Scenario 7 (M) is the same as 7 (MD) except domestic support is not cut. In other words, scenario 7 (M) includes only cuts in import tariffs. See table 12.12 for description of scenario 7. 376 Agricultural Trade Reform and the Doha Development Agenda if export subsidies are not cut and then if domestic subsidies also remain uncut. Not surprisingly, continuation of export subsidies reduces the welfare gain most for the European Union, while for the United States it is the continuation of domestic sup- port programs. Recall that changes in a country's welfare effects result not only from efficiency of resource use but also from changes in its terms of trade, which are affected by reforms in other countries as well as the county itself. Unprotected Latin America, and Australia and New Zealand gain most from the progressive addition of subsidy cuts to the scenario (apart from the subsidy-cutting countries themselves). Trade negotiators often think more in terms of the boost to the value of trade than to the increase in economic welfare. Would freeing global merchandise trade lead to greater trade gain for developing countries than for high-income coun- tries, given the latter's high protection rates in agriculture and textiles? Table 12.16 suggests any imbalance of that sort is not likely to be a major problem, even with complete trade liberalization. Certainly in those two protected sectors, exports would increase more for developing than for high-income countries, but for other manufactures the trade growth for the two regions would have the opposite bias. Also, much of the developing countries' trade growth is with other developing countries. Hence for merchandise trade as a whole, developing countries would sell an additional $318 billion to high-income countries under free trade whereas high-income countries would sell an additional $290 billion to developing coun- tries. A small amount of services trade liberalization by developing countries would be sufficient to close that gap, if full reciprocity was sought. The trade consequences of scenario 7 also are summarized in table 12.16. The fourth column shows that by 2015, annual exports from developing countries would increase by $41 billion for agricultural products, $25 billion for textiles and clothing, and $12 billion for other manufactures. The total increase of $78 billion is somewhat smaller than that for high-income countries ($135 billion), but that difference is less when expressed in percentage terms (2.6 percent, compared with 3.1 percent for high-income countries). This takes the world economy one-fifth of the way toward where it would be if the world moved to completely free trade in merchandise (compare the first and fourth columns of table 12.16). Of more interest to trade negotiators are the changes in bilateral trade: they want to see how balanced any exchange of market access would be. Not surprisingly, develop- ing countries expand their exports of agricultural and textile products to high- income countries more than they expand their imports of those products from high-income countries. But the opposite is true of other manufactures, so for merchandise trade in total the difference is not great: developing countries in 2015 would sell $62 billion more to high-income countries and would buy $55 billion in return under scenario 7 (see fifth and sixth columns of table 12.16). This small gap might be tolerated by high-income countries as a concession to development, Market and Welfare Implications of Doha Reform Scenarios 377 TABLE 12.16 Changes from Baseline in Bilateral Trade Flows from Full Global Liberalization and from Doha Scenario 7, 2015 (US$ billions) Importer, full liberalization Importer, Doha Scenario 7 High- High income Developing income Developing Exporter World countries countries World countries countries Agriculture and food World 314 186 128 56 46 9 High-income 104 54 50 15 15 -0 Developing 210 133 77 41 31 10 Textiles and clothing World 164 79 85 41 28 12 High-income 47 8 40 16 5 11 Developing 117 71 46 25 23 2 Other manufacturing World 595 227 368 117 68 49 High-income 312 112 200 105 60 44 Developing 284 114 168 12 8 5 All merchandise trade World 1,073 492 581 213 142 71 High-income 463 174 290 135 80 55 Developing 610 318 291 78 62 16 Source: Authors' World Bank LINKAGE model simulations. Note: Aggregations exclude intra-EU trade. but otherwise it could be narrowed if developing countries demanded less special and differential treatment or gave more than they got from high-income countries in terms of opening up services trade. How big would be the consequences of reform for farm output and employ- ment growth over the implementation period post-2004? Table 12.17 shows what that annual growth would be in the baseline (no policy changes after 2004), what it would be if all distortions to merchandise trade were removed, and what it would be under scenario 7. If trade was completely freed, farm output would decline (instead of growing slightly) only in the EU and Japan while growing slower in a few other highly protective countries. But for most of the world, farming activities 378 Agricultural Trade Reform and the Doha Development Agenda TABLE 12.17 Average Annual Agricultural Output and Employment Growth under Alternative Scenarios, 2005­15 (percent) Output growth Employment growth Full Full Country/region Baseline liberalization Scen. 7 Baseline liberalization Scen. 7 Australia and 3.5 5.2 4.3 0.4 1.9 1.0 New Zealand EU25 and EFTA 1.0 -1.5 -0.3 -1.8 -3.9 -2.8 United States 2.2 1.3 1.9 -0.8 -2.1 -1.2 Canada 3.5 5.2 4.0 0.2 1.9 0.6 Japan 0.5 -4.3 -1.4 -2.7 -6.5 -4.1 Korea, Rep. of, 2.2 0.1 1.5 -1.3 -3.9 -2.1 and Taiwan (China) Hong Kong (China) 2.8 3.3 2.9 0.0 0.2 0.0 and Singapore Argentina 2.9 5.1 3.5 0.9 3.3 1.5 Bangladesh 4.2 4.4 4.2 1.1 1.2 1.2 Brazil 3.3 6.1 4.4 1.1 4.0 2.2 China 4.3 4.3 4.3 0.8 0.7 0.8 India 4.3 4.1 4.4 1.0 0.6 1.0 Indonesia 3.0 2.9 3.0 -0.7 -0.7 -0.6 Mexico 3.9 4.1 4.0 2.0 2.3 2.3 Russian Federation 1.5 1.0 1.4 -2.3 -2.7 -2.4 South Africa 2.5 3.3 2.6 0.0 0.8 0.1 Thailand -0.1 1.3 0.4 -4.6 -3.7 -4.3 Turkey 3.0 2.6 3.0 -0.5 -1.2 -0.5 Vietnam 5.8 6.1 5.9 3.9 3.5 4.0 Rest of South Asia 4.8 4.8 4.9 2.0 1.9 2.1 Rest of East Asia 3.7 3.5 3.8 0.2 -0.1 0.3 and the Pacific Rest of Latin America 4.4 6.6 5.3 1.9 3.8 2.6 and the Caribbean Rest of Europe 3.3 3.3 3.3 0.0 -0.1 0.0 and Central Asia Middle East 4.0 4.0 4.0 1.5 1.4 1.5 and North Africa Selected Sub- 5.3 5.7 5.4 3.0 3.3 3.0 Saharan Africa Rest of Sub- 4.6 4.8 4.8 2.2 2.5 2.3 Saharan Africa Rest of world 5.0 6.4 5.5 2.4 3.5 2.7 Market and Welfare Implications of Doha Reform Scenarios 379 TABLE 12.17 (Continued) Output growth Employment growth Full Full Country/region Baseline liberalization Scen. 7 Baseline liberalization Scen. 7 High-income countries 1.6 -0.1 0.8 -1.5 -3.1 -2.2 Developing countries 3.9 4.2 4.1 1.0 1.2 1.1 Middle-income 3.7 4.1 3.9 0.4 0.3 0.4 countries Low-income 4.4 4.5 4.5 1.2 0.9 1.2 countries East Asia 4.0 4.0 4.0 -0.5 -0.8 -0.5 and the Pacific South Asia 4.4 4.2 4.4 1.5 1.4 1.5 Europe 3.0 2.9 3.1 2.3 2.6 2.4 and Central Asia Middle East 4.0 4.0 4.0 1.7 3.4 2.4 and North Africa Sub-Saharan Africa 4.5 4.9 4.7 0.2 0.0 0.2 Latin America 3.8 5.8 4.6 0.4 1.9 1.0 and the Caribbean World total 3.2 2.9 3.0 -1.8 -3.9 -2.8 Source: Authors' World Bank LINKAGE model simulations. would expand. Scenario 7 would involve much less reform than a move to free trade, and so would involve a much slower loss of farm output for the EU and Japan and less output growth for the vast majority of countries that would gain. A comparison of the first and third columns of table 12.17 reveals that for most of the protective economies, scenario 7 would simply slow the growth of farm output a little over the coming decade. This contrasts with the rhetoric suggesting that cuts in farm protection would cause a major collapse of protected sectors. The farm employment picture is somewhat different. Typically, economic growth leads to declines not only in the relative importance of agriculture (for reasons explained in Anderson 1987 and Martin and Warr 1993) but also in absolute numbers employed in farming once a country reaches middle-income status. Thus it is not surprising that numerous middle- and high-income countries are projected to lose farm jobs over the next decade, as the baseline scenario of table 12.17 shows. For the most protected farm sectors, that rate of farm employ- ment decline would more than double if the world were to move to completely free trade; but it would decline only slightly under scenario 7. For other economies, 380 Agricultural Trade Reform and the Doha Development Agenda TABLE 12.18 Share of Agricultural and Food Production Exported, by Country or Region under Alternative Scenarios, 2001 and 2015 (percent) 2001 2015 Full global Country/region baseline baseline liberalization Scen. 7 Australia and New Zealand 33.3 37.2 42.7 39.5 EU25 and EFTA 16.7 17.3 17.6 16.6 EU25 and EFTA 4.0 5.1 7.7 5.0 (excluding intra-EU25) United States 6.3 7.9 9.2 8.1 Canada 24.5 29.5 40.0 32.5 Japan 0.9 1.2 2.3 1.5 Korea, Rep. of, 4.4 4.8 26.5 8.6 and Taiwan (China) Hong Kong (China) 26.0 30.0 47.8 30.8 and Singapore Argentina 21.6 25.2 32.5 26.9 Bangladesh 1.7 3.6 5.7 3.5 Brazil 15.3 17.3 28.9 21.7 China 3.3 0.9 2.2 1.0 India 3.5 3.0 4.7 3.3 Indonesia 11.9 10.0 12.9 9.9 Mexico 5.6 7.8 13.2 8.5 Russian Federation 6.1 5.5 6.7 6.0 South Africa 16.0 12.7 18.8 13.5 Thailand 30.2 28.2 34.6 30.1 Turkey 9.6 6.0 12.4 7.0 Vietnam 23.9 26.9 35.3 26.7 Rest of South Asia 6.0 6.2 9.9 6.6 Rest of East Asia 16.1 14.6 22.1 14.9 and the Pacific Rest of Latin America 13.9 18.1 27.1 20.7 and the Caribbean Rest of Europe and Central Asia 2.4 1.7 3.7 1.9 Middle East and North Africa 5.2 6.7 11.2 7.2 Selected Sub-Saharan Africa 13.2 18.1 25.4 19.2 Rest of Sub-Saharan Africa 11.2 15.8 23.3 16.5 Rest of world 6.6 7.0 17.7 8.7 Market and Welfare Implications of Doha Reform Scenarios 381 TABLE 12.18 (Continued) 2001 2015 Full global Country/region Baseline Baseline liberalization Scen. 7 High-income countries 5.8 7.5 11.6 8.2 Developing countries 7.5 6.9 11.6 7.8 Middle-income countries 7.6 6.6 11.4 7.6 Low-income countries 7.3 7.9 12.4 8.4 East Asia and the Pacific 7.2 4.1 6.5 4.3 South Asia 3.8 3.6 5.7 3.9 Europe and Central Asia 3.7 2.7 5.0 3.0 Middle East and North Africa 5.2 6.7 11.2 7.2 Sub-Saharan Africa 12.5 15.8 23.1 16.6 Latin America 12.7 15.9 24.8 18.5 and the Caribbean World total 9.5 9.5 13.2 10.0 World total (excl. intra-EU25) 6.6 7.2 11.6 8.0 Source: Authors' World Bank LINKAGE model simulations. though, farm employment would grow a little faster under that scenario, allowing developing countries to absorb more workers on their farms.12 Scenario 7 also raises the share of agricultural and food production that is exported globally, from 9.5 to 10.0 percent, which is one-seventh the 13.2 percent share farm and food exports hold under the free merchandise trade scenario. Table 12.18 shows that even in the protected countries this ratio rises a little or, in the case of Europe, falls only very slightly. That change is small because farm resources would move within the sector from import-competing to more-competitive farming activities. What about poverty alleviation? In a separate paper (Anderson, Martin, and van der Mensbrugghe 2006), we estimate that under the full merchandise trade liberalization scenario, the number of people in extreme poverty in developing countries (those earning no more than $1 a day) would drop by 32 million in 2015 relative to the baseline level of 622 million, a reduction of 5 percent. By 2015 a majority of the poor are projected to be in Sub-Saharan Africa, where the reduction would be 6 percent. 13 Under the Doha scenarios shown in table 12.19, the poverty impacts are far more modest. The number of poor living on $1 a day or less is estimated to fall by 2.5 million under scenario 7, (of which 0.5 million are in Sub-Saharan Africa) and by 6.3 million under scenario 8 (of which 2.2 million are in Sub-Saharan Africa). These estimates correspond to the relatively modest ambi- tions of the merchandise trade reforms as captured in these two scenarios. If only 382 Agricultural Trade Reform and the Doha Development Agenda TABLE 12.19 Changes in Poverty under Alternative Scenarios, 2015 (millions) Doha alternatives Full Doha Doha Doha Region Baseline liberalization Scenario 1 Scenario 7 Scenario 8 a. 2015 headcount (%) East Asia 0.9 0.8 0.9 0.9 0.9 and the Pacific Latin America 6.9 6.6 6.9 6.9 6.8 and the Caribbean South Asia 12.8 12.5 12.8 12.7 12.6 Sub-Saharan Africa 38.4 36.0 38.4 38.3 38.1 All developing 10.2 9.7 10.2 10.2 10.1 countries Decrease 2015 from level baseline Decrease from baseline b. 2015 headcount East Asia 19 2.2 0.1 0.3 0.5 and the Pacific Latin America 43 2.1 0.3 0.4 0.5 and the Caribbean South Asia 216 5.6 0.2 1.4 3.0 Sub-Saharan Africa 340 21.1 -0.1 0.5 2.2 All developing 622 31.9 0.5 2.5 6.3 countries Source: Authors' World Bank LINKAGE model simulations as reported in Anderson, Martin, and van der Mensbrugghe (2006). Note: Poverty is defined as earnings of $1 a day or less. Hong Kong (China), Republic of Korea, Singapore, and Taiwan (China) are not included in these estimates. agriculture was reformed (scenario 1), there would be much less poverty alleviation globally and none at all in Sub-Saharan Africa. That result underscores the impor- tance for poverty of including manufactured products in the Doha negotiations. Caveats Results such as those presented here are always dependent on the assumptions, data, and parameters underlying them and so are subject to numerous qualifications. A particularly important caveat has to do with the way preferences are treated in the Market and Welfare Implications of Doha Reform Scenarios 383 GTAPVersion 6.05 database. In previous versions of that database, only key reciprocal preferences were included (notably between members within the EU, NAFTA, ASEAN, and Australia-New Zealand Closer Economic Relationship), whereas the new version added nonreciprocal tariff preferences provided by developed countries for their imports from developing countries under numerous arrangements such as the Generalized System of Preferences, the EU's provisions for former colonies under the Africa, Caribbean, and Pacific program and more recently for least devel- oped countries under the Everything But Arms agreement, and the U.S. Africa Growth and Opportunity Act and the Caribbean Basin Initiative. We assume that there are no rules of origin or similar restrictions that discourage developing coun- tries from taking full advantage of those preferences (even though we know rules of origin often lead to underutilization). We further assume perfect competition between traders in the two sets of countries, which determines how rents from those preferences are shared between the exporting and importing countries (even though we know the developed-country importers often have more market power than the developing-country exporters of standard commodities so that the latter receives a smaller share of the rents than our analysis generates).14 We therefore overstate the extent of preference erosion that would occur, especially for least devel- oped countries, and so understate their gains from trade reform. If instead those nonreciprocal preferences were excluded from the database, we would overestimate the preference-receiving countries' gains from developed-country trade reform. So until we have a better way to incorporate these real-world aspects of preference schemes, the reader should simply be aware that the welfare gains would be higher (or losses less) for least developed countries than indicated above.15 The difference would not be great for Rest of Sub-Saharan Africa, however, according to the results presented in Bouët, Fontagné, and Jean (2006, table 6.9). Imports of agricultural products subject to tariff rate quotas are handled less than perfectly in the World Bank's LINKAGE model and the GTAP database, in two respects. First, in the GTAP Version 6.05 database, the treatment of tariffs applied on TRQ commodities depends on the extent to which the quota is filled: if the quota is less than 90 percent filled, the in-quota tariff is assumed to apply on these commodi- ties; if the quota is between 90 and 99 percent filled, the effective tariff is assumed to be the average of the in- and the out-of-quota tariffs; and if the quota is more than 99 percent filled, then the out-of-quota tariff is applied. Second, where TRQs are nonbinding and hence the in-quota tariff is used, and preferences are provided to developing countries, such a preference may well be illusory. If imports increased, for example, the out-of-quota tariff might kick in. Furthermore, de Gorter and Kliauga (2006) identify cases where the out-of-quota tariff has been applied at the margin even though the quota was not filled. This provides additional reasons to expect that we have overstated the benefits of preferences or the costs of preference erosion. 384 Agricultural Trade Reform and the Doha Development Agenda TABLE 12.20 Impacts on Real Income from Full Liberalization of Global Merchandise Trade with and without Endogenous Productivity Growth, 2015 Productivity fixed Endogenous productivity Region US$ billions Percent US$ billions Percent High-income countries 202 0.6 261 0.8 Developing countries 86 0.8 200 1.4 Middle income 70 0.8 145 1.2 Low income 16 0.8 55 2.1 World total 287 0.7 461 0.9 Source: Authors' World Bank LINKAGE model simulations, as reported in more detail in Anderson, Martin, and van der Mensbrugghe (2006). Note: Effects are given relative to the 2015 baseline. Another important caveat is that our results do not incorporate the fact that trade reform typically boosts factor productivity.16 If instead we were to assume productivity is positively related to changes in sectoral openness, as specified in World Bank (2002) and Anderson, Martin, and van der Mensbrugghe (2005a), then the estimated global gains from freeing merchandise trade increase by 60 percent.17 More important, they increase by 130 percent for developing coun- tries, because the initial protection rates are so much higher there (table 12.20). For this reason even more than because of our treatment of preferences, the welfare effects presented in this paper should be taken as very much lower-bound estimates. The above analysis does not include costs of adjustment to reform, but these are typically far less than is commonly assumed.18 Indeed, the structural changes that take place over time in the normal course of economic growth are shown above to be typically very much larger than the small changes that would accom- pany gradual and partial trade liberalization. Furthermore, adjustment assistance schemes (financed by foreign aid in the case of low-income countries) are a way to help fund adjustment to tariff and subsidy cuts, and they are just one-time payments, whereas the benefits of reform continue into the future. Lessons and Implications In summary, we provide the following as the key messages that emerge from our analysis: · The potential gains from further global trade reform are large · Developing countries could gain disproportionately from further global trade reform Market and Welfare Implications of Doha Reform Scenarios 385 · Benefits could be as much from South-South as from South-North trade reform · Agriculture is where reform is needed most · Large cuts in both agricultural tariffs and domestic support commitments are needed to erase binding overhang · A complex, tiered formula may offer only a slightly greater gain than a propor- tional cut with a cap on farm tariffs · Even large cuts in agricultural tariffs do little if exceptions are made for sensi- tive products, again unless a cap applies · Cuts in cotton subsidies would help cotton-exporting developing countries · Expanding nonagricultural market access would add substantially to the gains from agricultural reform and help balance the exchange of concessions · Some poor countries may lose slightly, although that is less likely the more they reform themselves · Farm output and employment would not decline in developing countries under Doha The good news is that a great deal can be gained from liberalizing merchandise-- especially agricultural--trade under Doha, with a disproportionately high share of that potential gain available for developing countries (relative to their share of the global economy). Moreover, it is the poorest people, namely, farmers and unskilled nonfarm laborers, who appear to be most likely to gain from global trade liberalization in developing countries. To realize that potential gain, it is in agriculture that by far the greatest cuts in bound tariffs and subsidies are required. However, the political sensitivity of farm support programs, coupled with the complexities of the measures introduced in the Uruguay Round Agreement on Agriculture and of the modalities set out in the Doha framework agreement of July 2004, ensure that the devil will be in the details of the final Doha agreement. It is for that reason that ex ante empirical analysis of the sort provided here is a prerequisite for countries engaged in the Doha round of negotiations. Among the numerous policy implications that can be drawn from our analysis, several are worth highlighting. First, with gains on the order of $300 billion a year at stake from implementing the July Framework Agreement, even if no reforms are forthcoming in services, and even if the counterfactual would be the status quo rather than protectionist backsliding, the political will needs to be found to bring the round to a successful conclusion, and the sooner the better. Multilateral cuts in MFN bindings are also helpful because they can lock in previous unilateral trade liberalizations that otherwise would remain unbound and hence vulnerable to backsliding; they can also be used as an opportunity to multilateralize previ- ously agreed preferential trade agreements and thereby reduce the risk of trade diversion from those bilateral or regional arrangements. 386 Agricultural Trade Reform and the Doha Development Agenda Second, agricultural reforms need to be significant if the Doha agreement is to be pro-development and pro-poor. Outlawing agricultural export subsidies is the obvious first step. That will bring agriculture into line with the basic GATT rule against such measures, and in the process help to limit the extent to which gov- ernments encourage agricultural production by other means (since the cost of surplus disposal will be higher without access to export subsidies). Concurrently, domestic support bindings must be cut very substantially to reduce binding over- hang. In so doing, the highest-subsidizing countries, namely the European Union, Norway, and the United States, need to reduce their support, not just for the sake of their own economies but also to encourage developing countries to reciprocate by opening their markets as a quid pro quo. An initial installment of a 20 percent cut is nothing more than a start toward getting rid of that overhang. Even more important, agricultural tariff bindings must be cut deeply so that some genuine market opening can occur. Exempting even just a few sensitive and special farm products is undesirable because such exemptions would drastically reduce the gains from reform. If such exemptions prove politically impossible to avoid, then a cap should be imposed so that no bound tariff for any product could exceed, say, 200 percent. Should it prove to be too difficult or time-consuming to negotiate a complex, tiered formula for cutting farm tariffs, our results suggest a proportional cut of the same average magnitude plus a cap to bring down the very highest bound tariffs could be nearly as effective in raising welfare. Third, expanding nonagricultural market access at the same time as reforming agricultural trade is essential. A balanced exchange of concessions is impossible without adding other sectors, and the sectors cannot be limited to textiles and clothing (which also benefit developing countries disproportionately) even though they make up the other highly distorted sector. With other merchandise included, the trade expansion would be many times greater for both rich and poor countries. Fourth, South-South concessions also are needed, which means reconsidering the extent to which developing countries liberalize. Because developing countries are trading so much more with each other now, they are the major beneficiaries of reforms within their own regions. Even least developed countries should consider reducing their tariff binding overhang, since doing so in the context of Doha gives them more scope to demand concessions (or compensation for preference erosion or other contributors to terms-of-trade deterioration) from richer countries than if they hang on to their opportunity not to engage in reform. What emerges from our analysis is that developing countries would not have to reform very much under Doha because of the large gaps between their tariff bindings and applied rates. But to realize more of their potential gains from trade, they would need to forgo some of the special and differential treatment they have previously demanded, and perhaps also commit to additional unilateral Market and Welfare Implications of Doha Reform Scenarios 387 trade (and complementary domestic) reforms, and to invest more in trade facili- tation. High-income countries could encourage them to do so by being willing to open up their own markets more to developing-country exports and by provid- ing more targeted aid. To that end, a new proposal has been put forward to reward developing-country commitments to greater trade reform with an expan- sion of trade-facilitating aid, to be provided by a major expansion of the current Integrated Framework, which is operated by a consortium of international agen- cies for least developed countries (Hoekman and Prowse 2005). This proposal may well provide an attractive path for developing countries seeking to trade their way out of poverty, not least because it would help offset the tendency for an expanded aid flow to cause a real exchange rate appreciation (Commission for Africa 2005, 296­97). As well, it is potentially a far more efficient way for devel- oped countries to assist people in low-income countries than is the current sys- tem of tariff preferences. In conclusion, the July Framework Agreement does not guarantee major gains from the Doha Development Agenda. On the one hand, even if an agree- ment is ultimately reached, it may be very modest. How modest depends on, among other things, the nature of the agricultural tariff-cutting formula, the size of the cuts, the extent to which exceptions for sensitive and special farm products are allowed, whether a tariff cap is introduced, and the extent to which developing countries commit to participating in market access reforms. What is equally clear, on the other hand, is that major gains are possible, but only if the political will to reform protectionist policies--especially in agriculture--can be mustered. Appendix 12A: Comparison of Versions 5 and 6.05 of the GTAP Protection Database and of LINKAGE Model Results with Those from the GTAP-AGR Model The newest version of the LINKAGE model, Version 6.0, is based on the latest release of the GTAP database, Release 6.05.19 That version has a 2001 base year, updated national and trade data, and, importantly, a new source for the protection data. (The base year in the previous release, Version 5, was 1997.) The new protec- tion data set provides a tariff level detailed database on bilateral protection that integrates trade preferences, specific tariffs, and a partial evaluation of nontariff barriers such as tariff rate quotas.20 The tariffs are lower in GTAP Version 6.05 than they were in the previous database because of the inclusion of bilateral trade preferences and of major reforms between 1997 and 2001 (table A12.1). These reforms included the continued implementation of the Uruguay Round Agreement, 388 Agricultural Trade Reform and the Doha Development Agenda TABLE 12A.1 Applied Tariffs by Sector for Selected Importing Regions, GTAP 6.05 (2001) Compared with GTAP5 (1997) (percent) China India Trading sector GTAP6 GTAP5 GTAP6 GTAP5 Merchandise trade 13.6 15.6 28.1 22.0 Agriculture and food 37.6 38.8 50.3 25.9 Agriculture 49.1 42.6 25.7 18.9 Rice 1.0 109.0 0.0 0.0 Wheat 1.0 113.5 0.0 0.0 Other grains 88.6 91.1 0.0 0.0 Oilseeds 101.2 110.4 35.0 0.0 Sugar 18.8 29.8 52.3 20.0 Other crops 17.8 10.8 28.1 25.4 Livestock 5.9 12.3 14.3 19.0 Processed foods 18.7 36.1 76.6 35.1 Processed meats 14.7 17.2 59.3 18.2 Dairy products 20.4 16.9 37.0 27.1 Other foods 19.8 40.3 78.7 35.2 Fossil fuels 4.3 4.5 17.3 15.0 Other natural resources 0.6 1.0 12.4 4.0 Manufacturing 12.8 14.5 28.4 22.1 excluding food Textiles 20.3 25.1 26.2 33.0 Wearing apparel 22.4 31.7 32.9 30.8 Leather 10.0 12.1 26.6 8.9 Chemicals, rubber, plastics 13.4 13.4 30.9 25.9 Iron, steel 7.0 9.7 34.6 28.3 Motor vehicles, parts 38.2 34.4 40.4 35.0 Capital goods 11.1 12.5 21.6 20.7 Other manufacturing 10.2 12.8 32.4 24.2 especially the elimination of quotas on textile and clothing trade, and China's reforms leading up to accession to the World Trade Organization. The version of the LINKAGE model used for this study is made up of a 27-region, 25-sector aggregation of the GTAP data set. Using the GTAP Version 6.05 database for 2001 and the newest LINKAGE model, our analysis finds considerably larger welfare gains from full trade liberal- ization than the gains generated by Hertel and Keeney (2006) using a variant on Market and Welfare Implications of Doha Reform Scenarios 389 TABLE 12A.1 (Continued) Middle East Sub-Saharan Brazil and North Africa Africa GTAP6 GTAP5 GTAP6 GTAP5 GTAP6 GTAP5 9.5 14.3 9.8 18.2 12.6 14.7 5.0 12.0 14.1 61.0 18.2 27.5 2.4 8.3 9.9 40.4 15.2 18.1 0.1 14.1 2.6 8.7 24.3 8.6 0.1 6.5 9.4 47.3 10.8 14.0 0.5 6.6 16.5 29.8 8.7 24.3 0.0 5.9 6.1 42.9 4.5 18.2 15.2 18.5 9.9 16.3 16.8 27.4 6.0 9.0 11.0 66.8 10.3 18.5 4.5 7.5 5.0 58.8 7.8 5.5 9.0 16.6 18.6 81.9 20.5 33.7 4.2 12.2 9.5 105.0 17.8 38.3 5.8 19.5 10.7 102.3 14.1 25.7 10.0 16.5 22.9 71.8 21.9 34.3 0.1 4.9 2.9 5.3 7.8 6.5 3.0 2.0 5.8 6.0 3.7 11.4 11.3 15.7 9.6 11.3 12.0 13.7 14.7 15.8 17.3 19.4 20.7 19.1 20.1 20.0 55.1 21.8 33.0 30.9 10.8 23.2 13.7 20.4 26.6 32.8 8.5 9.2 6.8 8.9 9.4 10.4 11.6 12.4 6.6 9.6 12.7 13.3 20.1 38.6 11.9 15.2 17.5 22.2 10.8 14.0 6.7 9.5 8.8 9.6 11.8 12.1 7.7 10.9 12.8 17.5 Source: GTAP (www.gtap.org); van der Mensbrugghe (2004a). the standard GTAP model called GTAP-AGR. To understand the reasons behind this difference, we altered the LINKAGE model for this appendix exercise so that it mimics the comparative static GTAP-AGR model as of 2001, and we also altered assumptions about elasticities (see the differences in table A12.2) and factor mobility to make them similar to those used by Hertel and Keeney. Obtaining a comparative static version of the LINKAGE model involves only a few modifications to the recursive dynamic version used in our Doha scenarios. 390 Agricultural Trade Reform and the Doha Development Agenda TABLE 12A.1 Applied Tariffs by Sector for Selected Importing Regions, GTAP 6.05 (2001) Compared with GTAP5 (1997) (percent) (Continued) European Japan Trading sector GTAP6 GTAP5 GTAP6 GTAP5 Merchandise trade 3.2 6.0 5.2 9.2 Agriculture and food 13.9 22.4 29.4 50.3 Agriculture 13.2 14.2 48.0 65.6 Rice 92.6 76.0 862.4 409.0 Wheat 10.3 68.2 184.6 249.2 Other grains 21.3 43.1 39.0 20.2 Oilseeds 1.8 2.6 0.2 76.4 Sugar 112.9 77.5 246.5 115.0 Other crops 9.3 9.3 6.2 29.5 Livestock 1.9 10.7 4.3 27.7 Processed foods 14.7 33.4 20.9 43.0 Processed meats 39.9 76.2 47.4 48.8 Dairy products 42.1 89.7 53.7 287.0 Other foods 9.0 23.4 9.8 30.0 Fossil fuels 0.3 0.7 0.3 -0.9 Other natural resources 0.0 0.2 0.1 0.1 Manufacturing 2.5 4.8 1.7 2.4 excluding food Textiles 4.6 9.5 7.1 8.5 Wearing apparel 5.5 11.9 10.2 12.5 Leather 5.7 8.1 12.6 15.3 Chemicals, rubber, plastics 2.2 4.8 1.0 2.0 Iron, steel 3.6 3.1 1.0 2.5 Motor vehicles, parts 6.1 7.7 0.0 0.0 Capital goods 1.1 3.5 0.0 0.1 Other manufacturing 2.9 2.8 0.9 1.5 Specifically, the "new" elasticities of substitution in production are imposed to mimic the long-term properties of the dynamic model, capital is assumed to be perfectly mobile, and adjustment costs are ignored. But the big difference between the comparative static and dynamic version results is the change in the structure of the global economy by 2015. This change is attributable to growth in factor Market and Welfare Implications of Doha Reform Scenarios 391 TABLE 12A.1 (Continued) Korea, Rep. of Canada, Australia, United States and Taiwan (China) New Zealand GTAP6 GTAP5 GTAP6 GTAP5 GTAP6 GTAP5 1.8 2.9 7.6 8.8 2.3 3.0 2.4 10.8 55.0 49.4 7.4 15.9 2.3 13.8 88.3 64.9 1.1 3.4 4.4 5.3 874.8 4.4 0.0 0.7 0.2 2.6 3.4 3.8 0.4 43.1 0.0 0.6 258.0 180.3 0.0 8.7 3.4 17.7 223.1 66.3 0.0 0.2 25.5 53.1 30.5 7.4 0.5 4.4 1.4 13.9 21.4 36.6 0.3 2.0 0.1 0.8 3.6 6.5 7.1 10.9 2.5 8.9 22.7 33.5 11.0 22.1 2.1 4.6 31.8 22.5 23.3 38.8 18.3 42.5 23.0 39.2 64.3 107.1 2.0 7.9 20.6 35.1 6.1 16.1 0.1 0.4 4.7 4.7 1.4 0.4 0.1 0.3 1.1 1.3 0.0 0.0 1.9 2.6 4.0 5.9 2.0 2.3 7.9 8.9 8.7 7.5 7.1 9.2 9.9 11.6 12.2 9.4 16.4 20.5 12.2 13.0 6.2 5.7 9.3 12.7 1.7 2.7 5.2 5.5 1.2 1.8 0.9 2.5 3.2 5.6 0.9 2.2 1.3 1.3 20.4 16.7 3.2 2.1 0.6 1.4 2.4 5.6 0.8 1.4 1.1 1.6 4.9 4.7 1.3 1.7 Source: GTAP (www.gtap.org); van der Mensbrugghe (2004a). stocks and to changes in the relative weights of countries and sectors in the global economy over those 14 years. Table A12.3 reports the results from the LINKAGE model on the welfare cost of global trade barriers and agricultural subsidies in 2001 under various assumptions, compared with their cost in 2015. First, we scale the 2015 dynamic results back to 392 Agricultural Trade Reform and the Doha Development Agenda TABLE 12A.2 Global Average Top-Level Armington Elasticities in the GTAP-AGR and LINKAGE Models, by Product GTAP LINKAGE Percent Product elasticities elasticities difference (1) (2) ([2] ­ [1])/(1) Rice 3.20 4.45 39 Wheat 4.45 5.85 31 Other grains 1.30 4.93 279 Oilseeds 2.45 4.75 94 Sugar 2.70 5.91 119 Plant-based fibers 2.50 3.94 58 Vegetables and fruits 1.85 3.94 113 Other crops 3.25 3.94 21 Livestock 2.09 3.94 89 Other natural resources 1.21 2.80 131 Fossil fuels 5.70 4.93 -14 Processed meats 4.17 3.94 -6 Vegetable oils and fats 3.30 3.94 19 Dairy products 3.65 3.94 8 Other food, beverages, and 1.74 3.94 126 tobacco Textiles 3.75 3.94 5 Wearing apparel 3.70 3.94 6 Leather 4.05 4.93 22 Chemicals, rubber, and plastics 3.30 3.94 19 Iron and steel 2.95 3.94 34 Motor vehicles and parts 2.80 4.93 76 Capital goods 4.21 3.94 -6 Other manufacturing 3.52 3.94 12 Construction 1.90 1.50 -21 Utilities and services 1.92 2.09 9 Agriculture 2.64 4.63 75 Processed foods 3.22 3.94 23 Textile and wearing apparel 3.83 4.27 11 Other manufacturing 3.38 4.06 20 Merchandise trade 3.12 4.29 37 Total 3.03 4.09 35 Source: van der Mensbrugghe (2004b); Keeney and Hertel (2005). Note: For convergence, the Armington elasticity for rice in Japan has been set at 2 in all simulations. Market and Welfare Implications of Doha Reform Scenarios 393 TABLE 12A.3 Comparison of Base Case in 2015 Versus Comparative Static Cases in 2001 for the Effects on Real Incomes of Full Liberalization of Global Merchandise Trade, by Country or Region (2001 US$ billions) 2015 2001 GTAP elasticities Base Scaled Comparative GTAP plus fixed Country/region case dynamics static elasticities land Australia and 6.1 3.5 2.2 1.8 1.7 New Zealand EU25 and EFTA 65.2 45.3 44.0 32.9 30.2 United States 16.2 9.8 4.1 4.5 5.2 Canada 3.8 2.5 2.1 1.0 0.8 Japan 54.6 28.0 30.8 25.1 25.3 Korea, Rep. of, 44.6 14.3 16.1 8.9 9.1 and Taiwan (China) Hong Kong (China) 11.2 5.6 4.3 3.7 3.6 and Singapore Argentina 4.9 2.9 1.7 1.1 0.8 Bangladesh 0.1 0.1 -0.2 -0.3 -0.4 Brazil 9.9 6.1 4.7 5.0 2.2 China 5.6 1.9 0.6 -0.5 -2.5 India 3.4 1.7 -0.8 -1.5 -0.8 Indonesia 1.9 1.0 0.2 0.1 -0.1 Thailand 7.7 3.7 2.1 1.4 0.9 Vietnam 3.0 1.6 1.1 0.7 0.7 Russian 2.7 1.4 2.0 1.6 1.4 Federation Mexico 3.6 2.3 -0.4 -1.5 -1.5 South Africa 1.3 0.8 0.7 0.5 0.4 Turkey 3.3 1.7 1.3 0.9 0.9 Rest of South 1.0 0.5 -0.2 -0.3 -0.3 Asia Rest of East Asia 5.3 2.7 2.9 2.0 1.7 and the Pacific Rest of Latin America 10.3 6.6 2.0 -0.6 -2.1 and the Caribbean Rest of Europe and 1.0 0.3 0.6 -0.2 -0.4 Central Asia 394 Agricultural Trade Reform and the Doha Development Agenda TABLE 12A.3 (Continued) 2015 2001 GTAP elasticities Base Scaled Comparative GTAP plus fixed Country/region case dynamics static elasticities land Middle East 14.0 8.1 3.8 2.2 1.6 and North Africa Selected Sub- 1.0 0.6 0.3 0.4 0.3 Saharan Africa Rest of Sub- 2.5 1.4 -0.2 -0.6 -0.8 Saharan Africa Rest of world 3.4 1.6 1.4 0.4 0.0 High-income 201.6 109.8 103.7 77.9 75.8 countries Developing 85.7 43.9 23.7 10.6 2.0 countries East Asia 23.5 9.4 6.9 3.7 0.6 and the Pacific South Asia 4.5 2.2 -1.2 -2.1 -1.5 Europe 7.0 3.5 3.9 2.3 1.9 and Central Asia Middle East and 14.0 8.1 3.8 2.2 1.6 North Africa Sub-Saharan Africa 4.8 2.8 0.7 0.2 -0.1 Latin America 28.7 17.9 8.1 4.0 -0.5 and the Caribbean World total 287.3 156.4 127.4 88.5 77.8 Source: Authors' World Bank LINKAGE model simulations. Note: The scaled dynamic results refer to the impact of global merchandise trade reform with limited reductions in some key agricultural sectors in Japan (rice and sugar) and Republic of Korea and Taiwan (China) (rice, oilseeds and other grains). The percentage change in real income in each region in 2015 resulting from the dynamic simulation is scaled to the 2001 level of income for that region. Hong Kong (China), Korea, Singapore, and Taiwan (China) are considered high-income countries in this table and not developing countries. 2001 by assuming the percentage effect on income in each region is the same in 2001 as in 2015. This exercise reduces the real global cost from $287 billion to $156 billion simply because each regional economy is smaller. Second, when the dynamic effects themselves are removed, the global comparative static cost shrinks to $127 billion. Third, if the long-run Armington elasticities21 used in the LINKAGE model (which Market and Welfare Implications of Doha Reform Scenarios 395 we believe are more appropriate for the long-run analysis being undertaken in the current study) are replaced by the medium-term ones used in Hertel and Keeney's GTAP-AGR model,22 the real global cost shrinks further to $89 billion. One other dif- ference between the LINKAGE and GTAP models has to do with agricultural land: GTAP assumes a fixed supply of farm land and limited land mobility between farm sectors, whereas the LINKAGE model assumes farm land supply in the long run is somewhat responsive to farm product prices and that land is completely mobile among farming enterprises in the long run.23 The final column of table A12.3 shows that replacing those two assumptions with the ones adopted in the GTAP-AGR model further reduces the global cost of trade-distorting policies to $78 billion. In short, these differences between the two models fully explain the different aggregate results, since $78 billion is very close to Hertel and Keeney's $84 billion comparative static estimate of the gains from freeing merchandise trade globally. Notes 1. Centre d' Etudes Prospectives et d'Informations Internationales, at www.cepii.org. 2. This approach provides cuts in average tariffs without the discontinuities created by the propor- tional cuts involved in the Harbinson formula ­but that are more or less comparable with those generated by Harbinson's proportional reductions of 25, 30, and 60 percent, because the larger cuts on higher tariffs apply only on the portion of the tariff above 15 or 90 percent, respectively. 3. The least developed countries are a special classification of 50 developing countries defined by the U.N. (http://www.unctad.org/Templates/WebFlyer.asp?intItemID=2161&lang=1). 4. See Finger (1974, 1976) for results from the Dillon and Kennedy Rounds, and Finger and Schuknecht (2001) for Uruguay Round results. 5. In the appendix to this chapter the results are compared with those from a comparative static version similar to the GTAP model, to show how key model specifications can affect the results. 6. For the sake of simplicity, government fiscal balances are fixed in US$ at their base-year level, minimizing potential sustainability problems, but this approach implies they decrease as a percentage of GDP (gross domestic product) for expanding economies. 7. These are the key internationally agreed and bound policy changes. We do not include unilateral and unbound policy changes such as recent reforms in EU and U.S. farm programs. 8. To get a sense of the effect of preferences on developing country and global welfare, we reran the model for 2001, prior to the presimulation experiment, without those preferences in place. The esti- mated global welfare gains from reform are then $382 billion instead of $341 billion, and the developing country gains are $150 billion instead of $113 billion. That is, the inclusion of preferences in the data- base reduces the estimated gains to global, developing country, and high-income country welfare by 11, 25, and 2 percent, respectively. Much of the difference is attributable to Sub-Saharan Africa, whose estimated gains from further reform are cut almost in half when preferences are included. The reduc- tions for developing countries are overstated for two reasons, however. One is that we assume there are no rules of origin or other impediments that prevent developing countries from fully using their pref- erences. The second is that we also assume importers in the preference-providing rich countries do not use their power to gain a disproportionate share of the rent from that preferential access. In practice, neither of these assumptions holds, according to recent case studies (for example, Olarreaga and Özden 2005; Özden and Sharma 2004). 9. The technique for doing this using Gempack software was developed by Harrison, Horridge, and Pearson (2000). 396 Agricultural Trade Reform and the Doha Development Agenda 10. As described in Jean, Laborde, and Martin (2006), each country presumably chooses its sensi- tive farm products by taking into account the importance of the product, the height of its existing tar- iff, and the gap between its bound and applied tariffs in that country. 11. In this and subsequent tables, Hong Kong (China), the Republic of Korea, Singapore, and Taiwan (China) are included in the high-income country category even though they are self-categorized in the WTO as developing countries (and so are assumed to cut their tariffs only to the same extent as other developing countries). In the tables where the WTO-define developing country group is also shown, the high-income country group results still include those four economies. 12. This finding of only small intersectoral labor movements in response to partial trade reform is consistent with econometric evidence of adjustments to past trade reforms (see, for example, Wacziarg and Wallack 2004). 13. The approach here has been to take the change in the average per capita consumption of the poor, apply an estimated income-to-poverty elasticity, and assess the impacts on the poverty head- count index. We have done this by calculating the change in the wage of unskilled workers, and deflating it by the food and clothing consumer price index change, which is more relevant for the poor than the total price index. That real wage grows, over all developing countries, by 3.6 percent, or more than four times the overall average income increase. We are assuming that the change in unskilled wages is fully passed through to households. Also, while the model closure has the loss in tariff revenues replaced by a change in direct household taxation, the poverty calculation assumes--realistically for many developing countries--that these tax increases only affect skilled workers and high-income households. While these simple calculations are not a substitute for more detailed individual country case study analysis using detailed household surveys as in, for example, Hertel and Winters (2006), they are able to give a broad regionwide indication of the poverty impact. 14. Evidence that the preference margin is often eroded by complex rules of origin, and that the rent is shared between importing and exporting countries with the latter getting less the more trade is concentrated on standard commodities, can be found in Olarreaga and Özden (2005) and Özden and Sharma (2004). A recent partial equilibrium study found that in practice export revenue losses from preference erosion are likely to be limited to a small subset of countries, primarily small island economies dependent on exports of sugar, bananas and, to a far lesser extent, textiles (Alexandraki and Lankes 2004). 15. A further complication is that the Africa, Caribbean, Pacific nonreciprocal preference scheme is to be replaced in 2008 with reciprocal Economic Partnership Agreements between the least developed countries in those regions and the EU. 16. For recent reviews of the literature on the links between trade liberalization, economic growth, and poverty alleviation, see, for example, Winters (2002, 2004), Winters, McCulloch and McKay (2004), and Dollar and Kraay (2004). 17. The trade-related productivity increase is limited to the manufacturing sectors in this simula- tion, unlike World Bank (2002) where agricultural productivity was also allowed to respond to changes in openness. 18. For a review of the empirical literature supporting this view, see Anderson (2004, 560­62). 19. The Global Trade Analysis Project, known as GTAP, is an international consortium of trade researchers from universities, research institutions, and national and international agencies. It is based at Purdue University. The GTAP Center provides four key resources to the trade community. First and foremost is an integrated and consistent international database for trade policy analysis. The current version is composed of 87 country and regional groupings and 57 economic sectors. The second resource is a publicly available global trade model, also known as the GTAP model. (The LINKAGE model is distinct from the GTAP model although it uses the same underlying database.) The third resource is an annual course in applied trade modeling. And finally, GTAP organizes and cohosts an annual Conference on Global Economic Analysis. More information on the GTAP Center and project can be found at http://www.gtap.agecon.purdue.edu. 20. More information on the MAcMaps database is available in Bouët and others (2004) and at http://www.cepii.fr/anglaisgraph/bdd/macmap.htm. Market and Welfare Implications of Doha Reform Scenarios 397 21. These elasticities represent the top-level Armington elasticity, that is, the elasticity between domestic demand and aggregate import demand. The second-level Armington elasticity, that is, across trading partners, is set at twice the top-level elasticity. 22. The new GTAP elasticities are the outcome of significant econometric work and are higher than the standard Armington elasticities used in previous releases of GTAP. While we recognize the extensive work behind the new elasticities, we also note that the controversy underlying these key parameters continues. The new GTAP elasticities reflect a move toward mid-range Armington elas- ticities, but are still much lower than those used by some, notably Tarr and Rutherford and their associates. The LINKAGE model elasticities are above those in GTAP but still in the mid-range; they are the outcome of literature surveys, best guesses, and adjustments that have been undertaken over a 15-year period since the inception of the LINKAGE model and its predecessors. The difference between the LINKAGE and the GTAP elasticities averages about one-third (table 12A.2). 23. In the standard LINKAGE model, an upward-sloping supply function is implemented for land, with supply elasticities higher for land-abundant countries than for land-scarce countries. There is also perfect land mobility across farm enterprises. In the final simulation the supply elasticity is set to 0, and the land transformation elasticity is set to 1. References Alexandraki, K., and H. P. 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WT/L/579 (July Frame- work Agreement), WTO, Geneva, August 2. Index ad valorem tariffs agriculture and food by country/region, 89t average import tariffs in developing Africa Growth and Opportunity Act (AGOA), countries, 45t 4, 164, 383 bilateral trade flows from liberalization, preferences and textiles and apparel, 187 377t ROOs, 185­186 Doha scenarios, 362t­363t Africa, Caribbean, and Pacific (ACP), 4 global losses, 12 Agenda 2000, 258, 261 import-weighted average applied tariffs, 5t aggregate measure of support (AMS) liberalization, 12t, 348 Amber Box, 246 liberalization impacts by country, bindings, 29 351t­352t calculations, 225­226, 230­231 merchandise trade liberalization, 58t ceilings, 225 production under Doha scenarios, current totals, 248t­249t 380t­381t de minimis, 224, 225 removing all tariffs and agricultural definition, 224 subsidies, 46t developing country reductions, 74 volume changes from removal of tariffs difference from PSE, 226 and subsidies, 48t estimations, 231 average applied tariffs by region, 43t levels, 229 average true preferential margin, 173t average, 225 community development, 313 by country (1999), 246 decline in lending, 318, 319 market price, 29 developing countries MPS, 234, 235, 338 change in output under liberalization, framework, 240 349t product-specific, 229 development role, 314­315 reductions, 230 distortionary protection, 324­325 total, 226 domestic support, 337­339 total bound, 13 disciplines, 29 totals without payments, 250t high-income countries, 42t URAA double coverage, 234­235 tiered formula effects by country, 339t 401 402 Agricultural Trade Reform and the Doha Development Agenda agriculture (continued) rates, 336 duties three pillars of, 47, 49 by exporting country, 168t reform exports, 170 and food output, 350 economic development, 312­313 and nonagricultural tariff cuts employment, 32n Doha scenarios, 361 Doha scenarios, 378t­379t, 379, 381 farm subsidy cuts, 334 exports global, 50 average duties, 170 market access gains, 60 preference simulation, 182t scenarios, 94­115 subsidies, 28, 339 alcohol and tobacco, 104 eliminating, 20 bound duties, 96t­97t welfare effect by country, 374t­375t descriptions, 93 tariffs, 104­105 market access, 106t­107t financial sector reforms, 319 subsidies functions to support industry, 312­313 avoiding, 324­325 global economy, 3 cuts, 12 historical trade policies, 311­312 elimination of, 11 import-weighted average applied tariffs impact on developing countries, 46t, 48t by sector/country, 343t, 345t welfare effects, 49t imports support GTAP and LINKAGE, 383 pillars, 221 tariffs, 6t, 44 policies, 195, 201 liberalization programs, 28 gains, 349t, 385 surpluses, 319 merchandise liberalization, 56t tariff bindings, 20 policy instruments, 296 tariff protection, 318 regional losses, 50 tariff protection by economy/region, welfare effects by region, 49t 320t­321t market access, 106t­107t, 335­336 tariff-cutting scenarios binding overhang, 386 simulated impact on prices, 183t gains, 60 tariffs impact of barriers, 348 applied by country/region, 89t negotiations, 112 key features, 88 output welfare effects from removal, 49t Doha scenarios by country, 378t­379t trade liberalization, 37­38 policies trade policies developed countries, 297­311 defensive and offensive approaches, developing countries, 311­325 321­323 evolution, 312 trade reform nondistortionary approach, 324­325 assessing effects, 341­342 price collapse, 295, 316 value added price incentives, 316 liberalization impacts by country, producer subsidy, 38 358t­359t producer support, 7f, 8f alcohol and tobacco producers, 7 agricultural reform scenarios products trade volume, 104 impact of liberalization on self-sufficiency, sensitive products, 94, 109 354t tariffs, 95 protection, 90 Amber Box, 224, 227t, 228t, 245 by reform scenarios, 110t­111t AMS, 246 levels, 7­8 Brazil, 228t Index 403 CAP, 260 base case definitions, 222 incomes and trade liberalization by country, EU, 227 393t­394t low support, 262 baseline policies, 224 trade distortions, 40 U.S. expansion, 227 basic-needs approach, 327n U.S. totals, 226t to poverty, 315 AMS. See aggregate measure of support Benin analysis Cotton Initiative, 272 role in negotiations, 83 bilateral agreements, 164 applied and bound agricultural tariff rates bilateral differences by country/region, 91t import-weighted average agricultural tariff, applied duties, 101 343t applied rates bilateral trade flows reduction, 338 baseline changes from liberalization applied tariffs Doha scenario, 377t actual, by region, 6 nonagricultural tariff cuts and agricultural additional regulations, 157 reform, 16t administration changes, 153t­154t binding overhang, 13, 91, 158n administration method and additional after the Uruguay Round, 90 regulations, 142t­143t developing countries, 15, 103 average in-quota and out-of-quota tariffs, 136 for all goods by country, 362t­369t reduction, 31, 386 import-weighted by sector/region, 343t tariff reform, 83 total TRQ value, 157 bioenergy crops, 311, 327n base tariff reductions by reform scenario, Blue Box, 245 98t­99t Brazil, 228t bound tariff relationship, 90 cap, 240, 241n GTAP 6.05 vs. 5 definition, 222, 337 by sector, 388t­391t direct payment schemes, 229 import-weighted average, 345t Doha outcome, 308 imports by sector/region, 43t European Union, 227, 227t, 261 in-quota tariff binding, 140 exemptions, 246 in-quota trade and fill rates, 138t­139t Japan, 228t key features by country/region, 89t July Framework Agreement, 229 protection rates policies, 222 world average, 171t reductions, 241 quota administration, 136 separate rules, 225 quota regime, 129t support limits, 247 quota restrictions, 147 United States, 226t, 227, 298 Argentina, 238, 267t bond schemes, 306­307 Armington elasticities, 341, 397n border barriers, 342 global average in GTAP-AGR and LINKAGE borrowing by product, 392t importers, 216 Asian tiger economies, 32n bound and applied agricultural tariff rates by asymmetric preferences. See nonreciprocal country/region, 91t preferences bound duties auctions, 143t base level and reductions by reform scenario, in-quota trade and fill rates 138t­139t 96t­97t quota administration, 137 cap, 102 Australia, 265t, 391t freeing of, 101 average-cut approach, 81, 84 world average, 95 404 Agricultural Trade Reform and the Doha Development Agenda bound tariffs GTAP software, 88 applied tariffs and market access, 90 MAcMAP, 162 by region, 6t cereals. See commodities cuts, 12 CGE. See computable general equilibrium Brazil CGIAR. See Consultative Group on agricultural credit, 327 International Agricultural Research agricultural development, 239 Chad, 272 applied tariffs, 389t China domestic support programs, 228t applied tariffs, 388t MPS, 231t cotton subsidies, 276­277 transportation improvements, 239 tiered formula, 26 Brazil-U.S. cotton dispute, 287­288 cigarettes. See tobacco agricultural support via litigation, 237 commitments. See WTO commitments Green Box inclusion, 230 Committee on Agriculture URAA framing, 234 Special Session Burkina Faso cotton, 275 Cotton Initiative, 272, 274 commodities, 110t­111t buyout, 299, 299t AMS totals without payments by country, Australia, 326n 250t bond schemes, 306­307 average true preferential margins 173t conducive conditions, 305 barriers, 90 large-sized, 306­310 Cotton Initiative stimulating reform, 290 steps for adherence, 309 differing tariff rates, 109 tobacco, 301­302, 302, 305, 326n EAGGF subsidies, 210t­211t, 213t U.S. farm subsidy payments, 309 EU subsidization rates, 214t­215t U.S. farm support programs, 307­310, 308t export credits, 217 U.S. peanut and tobacco, 303t export subsidy rates, 206t U.S. peanut reform, 299­301 protection, 109­110 reform scenarios, 110t­111t Cairns Group rents, 150 agricultural trade policies, 322 subsidy cuts stimulated by cotton reform, 286 members, 218n total AMS by country, 248t­249t Canada, 265t, 391t TRQ, 112, 143­144 Cancun Ministerial (September 2003) versus non-TRQ Derbez text, 73 production value by OECD countries, failure of, 274, 335 120t­121t CAP. See Common Agricultural Policy trade value by OECD countries, cap. See tariff cap 122t­123t capital user cost, 356t volume changes, 47 Caribbean Basin Initiative (CBI), 4, 164, 383 water in tariff estimates for TRQs, 132t­135t cash-out commodity-specific compensatory payments, alternatives, 298­299, 299t 227 sugar producers, 304 Common Agricultural Policy (CAP), 227, 258, U.S. farm policy, 297 260 U.S. peanut reform, 300 1992 MacSharry reform, 205 CBI. See Caribbean Basin Initiative Common Market, 164 ceilings community development, 313 AMS, 225 criticisms, 327n bindings, 6, 90 Cotton Initiative, 274 Centre d'Etudes Prospectives et d'Informations competition, imperfect, 151 Internationales (CEPII), 43 composition effects, 171, 172 Index 405 agricultural duties, 168t­169t, 170 benefits to LDC producers, 282­289, 286, computable general equilibrium (CGE) 289 preferences, 178­179, 187 compensation, 275, 282­285, 288 concessions basis, calculations, and criteria, 283, 284 SDT, 70, 77 investments in public goods, 285 tariff schedules, 71t proposal, 274 conservation reserve program (CRP) DDA, 272 idled crop land, 310 farm commodities United States, 297 reform stimulation, 290 Consultative Group on International pressuring EU and United States, 289 Agricultural Research (CGIAR), 314 price and welfare impacts, 281 consumer demand systems, 39 trade benefits, 285­289 Cotonou Agreement, 164, 165, 186 West African countries, 272 preference erosion, 188 countercyclical payment textiles and clothing, 187 cotton, 278 cotton U.S. 2002 Farm Bill, 309­310 countercyclical program reform, 287 U.S. farm support program buyout, domestic support, 277 307­308 elasticities, 280­281 United States, 298 exporters, 275 credit conditions, 318­319 import tariffs, 276 crop insurance program, 278 prices, 280 crop insurance subsidies, 287 producers and production, 277, 284 cross-product coefficient subsidies, 15 MFN tariffs by reform scenario, 100t­101t China, 276­277 CRP. See conservation reserve program coverage of studies, 279 current access quotas, 117, 122, 130 cuts, 338 cutout, 299, 299t elimination, 30, 272 EU, 277 dairy, U.S., 131 future price effects, 279 DDA. See Doha Development Agenda global, 276­278 de minimis lack of benefits for poor countries, 273 AMS rules and values, 224, 225 loss from continuance, 283 July Framework Agreement, 229, 337 market effects, 279­282 levels, 229 marketing loans, 287 notified data for support, 246 policy, 272 total AMS without payments (1999) price effects, 350 by country, 250t­251t programs U.S., 225 determining degree of harm, 286 debt crisis (1980s), 316 reduction negotiations, 275 deceptions, 83 reform negotiations, 286 Decision, The, 70 simulation models, 279 decoupled income support U.S. programs, 278 EU, 227 West African countries, 328n Green Box, 240 supply response, 281­282, 282 guidelines, 223 textile manufacturing, 276 Single Farm Payment, 238 trade background, 275 decoupling, 326n­327n United States, 282 dirty, 296 cotton dispute. See Brazil-U.S. cotton dispute defensive approach Cotton Initiative, 29­30, 273 agricultural trade policies, 321­322 becoming a global issue, 273 Derbez text, 73 406 Agricultural Trade Reform and the Doha Development Agenda developed countries trade distortions, 40, 54t agricultural policy reform, 297­311 trade liberalization, 45 AMS (1999), 248t­249t impacts on real income, 384t AMS totals without payments (1999) by trade reform gains, 11 commodity, 250t TRQ rents received, 177t average tariffs, 90 URAA implementation, 224 reciprocal tariff concessions, 63 URAA SDT provisions, 69t URAA implementation, 2224 welfare gains WTO notifications, commitments, and base removal of tariffs and subsidies, 52t levels of support, 254t­255t services trade liberalization, 55f developing countries, 41t WTO notifications, commitments, and base agricultural assistance, 54t levels of support, 256t­259t agricultural export average tariff, 104­105 WTO usage, 357 agriculture employment, 32n developing economies agriculture policies, 311­325 applied import tariffs, average, 43t AMS totals (1999), 248t­249t bilateral trade flows, 16t AMS totals without payments (1999) by trade liberalization, 56t, 57t commodity, 250t welfare effects from removal of tariffs and AMS, lower reductions, 74 subsidies, 49t bilateral trade flows from liberalization by development sector, 377t export-oriented strategies, 316 binding overhang, 91, 103 poverty alleviation, 315 change in output under liberalization, 349t role of agriculture, 314­315 definition, 32n SDT, 68 Doha Round, view of, 321 Development Box, 75, 328n export volume changes, 48t DFID. See United Kingdom's Department for GATT and SDT, 63 International Development Green Box use, 322 Differential and More Favorable Treatment, import-weighted average tariffs by sector, Reciprocity, Fuller Participation of 345t Developing Countries, 64, 165, 190n liberalization gains by sector, 349t differential treatment. See Special and liberalization impact on self-sufficiency in Differential Treatment food and agriculture, 354t­355t direct payment program market access from agricultural Blue Box, 229 liberalization, 53t cotton, 278 nonagricultural tariffs, 54 dirty decoupling, 296 pattern of trade disaster relief, 223 subsidies, 201 discontinuities, 85 poverty issues, 296 distortion preferences on welfare, effect of, 395 degree of, 237 raising standards, 67 domestic support pillar, 236 rapid liberalization risks, 76 elimination, 37 reform participation, 31 welfare impact, 50 cost of, 103 July Framework Agreement, 229 Doha scenarios, 353 reduction scenarios, 247­253 safeguards and special rules, 66 SDT, 76 SDT, 324, 386­387 tariffs, 33n self-designation, 67, 334 distortionary protection, 324 tariff cap, 72 diversification, 172 tariff-cutting formulas, 71 Doha Development Agenda (DDA), 3. See also tariffs and agricultural subsidies, 46t Doha Round tariffs, higher average, 90 Cotton Initiative, 29­30, 272 Index 407 pressuring EU and United States, 289 domestic purchase requirements, 152 inclusion of SDT, 68 domestic support, 74­75 split between developed and developing base levels, commitments, and notifications, countries, 271 254t­258t tightening classification of subsidy programs, binding overhang, 20, 386 288 cuts to reduce applied rates, 338 Doha reform scenarios, 14 developing countries, 24 agricultural and food production global impact, 13t exported, 380t­381t guidelines agricultural value added improving, 240 liberalization impacts, 358t­359t new, 221­222 and consequences, 353­382, 384­384 high-income countries, 42t applied tariffs levels, 246­247 average for all goods, 362t­369t liberalization gains, 52t bilateral trade flows from liberalization, 377t pillar, importance of, 236­239 change from baseline in real income policy reforms, 253, 258, 261­264 by country/region, 370t­373t programs, 225 cuts in nonagricultural tariff bindings, 357 reductions, 247­253 developing countries' gain, 17 for selected countries, 265t­268t farm output and employment growth, 377 reductions needed in the United States Harbinson, 357 and EU, 260t modifications from LINKAGE model, SDT, 70 389­390 types, 222 poverty and poor reduction, 19t, 382t United States, 226t proportional cut, 357 WTO, 236 sensitive products, 357 double coverage summary of partial liberalization, 360t AMS, 234­235 tariff cap, 357 dual economies, 314 trade consequences, 376 Dutch agricultural economics institute (LEI), welfare and trade effects, 359­361 xiii Doha Round, 3. See also Doha Development duty by exporting country, 168t­169t Agenda agreement, 334, 335 EBA. See Everything But Arms banning export subsidies, 195 economic development cotton negotiations, 277 impact on agriculture, 312­313 cotton subsidy reductions, 275 economic growth developing country perspective, 321 structural changes, 384 export competition pillar, 75 Economic Partnership Agreements (EPAs), export subsidy discussions, 212 165, 188 framework, 8 access compared with EBA, 190n future policy changes, 263­264 economic viewpoint impact analysis, 31­32 SDT, 75 market access commitments, 5 economic welfare negotiations, 221 liberalization gains, 12t position of countries, 264 economies, 41t nonagricultural bound tariff cuts, 340 EFTA. See European Free Trade Agreement outcomes, 20, 295, 323 elasticities participation, 31 cotton, 280­281 preferences, 161 trade, 39­40 pro-poor, pro-development, 386 employment growth, 17 purpose, 245 Doha compared with baseline by country, 18t domestic policy price supports, 154 Doha scenarios, 377, 378t­379t 408 Agricultural Trade Reform and the Doha Development Agenda Enabling Clause, 64, 190n sugar program, 232­233, 261 preferences, 165 trade policy, 165, 166f environmental program, 224 utilization rates by category, 204t­205t environmentalism, dirty, 310 Everything But Arms (EBA), 4, 164, 165, EU. See European Union 185­186, 190n, 383 Euromed Initiative access compared with EPAs, 190n preferences, 165 preferences and textiles and apparel, 187 European Agriculture Guarantee and Guidance exchange rate Fund (EAGGF) 1960s­1980s, 318 cereals and dairy, 218n real, 327n EU farm subsidies, 206­207 export competition pillar, 75 exports subsidies, 213t export credits, 43, 212 refunds, 208t, 216t cereals, 217 subsidies by commodity, 210t­211t cotton guarantees, 278, 287­288 subsidies by product category, 208­209 distortion, 218 European Commission, xiii July 2004 Framework Agreement, 195 sugar reform plan, 261 poor countries, 216 European Free Trade Agreement (EFTA), 165 United States, 217 European Generalized System of Preferences, 165 export subsidies European Union (EU) agricultural, 28, 339 Agenda 2000, 178 agricultural liberalization gains, 52t agricultural support changes, 229 by product, 203­206 AMS, total, 246 comparisons, 206 applied tariffs, 390t Doha Agreement, phasing out, 70 CAP, 227 EAGGF, 210t­211t, 213t bond schemes, 306 elimination of, 12, 13, 23, 75, 195, 208 reform, 235 equivalent forms, 212 cash-out price support interventions, 298 EU farm trade policy, 206­209 cash-out reforms, 306­307 EU ratio to production, 209 cotton policy (2005), 287 EU reductions, 298 cotton subsidies, 277 global impact, 13t budget outlays, 284 magnitude, 196, 207 cotton supply responses, 281 middle-income country use, 200­201 domestic support, 227 notification, 28 Blue, Green, and Amber Boxes, 227t policy recommendations, 218 reductions needed, 260t price gaps, 196 domestic support reduction, 252­253 product classification, 218 EAGGF refunds, 216 rates by commodity, 206t export subsidies restricting use of, 201 and OECD PSEs, 208t share in PSE, 207 ratio to production, 209 subsidization component size, 212­213 reductions, 298 trend, 200 farm trade policy, 206­209 users, 43 joint U.S. framework (August 2003), 323 welfare effect of elimination by region, 49t MPS, 231t WTO member total commitments, 197 notifications by commodity, 252t export volume changes, 47 official administrative prices, 269n export-oriented strategy, 315 subsidies, use of, 208 development, 316 subsidization of farm production, 209 exports. See agricultural exports subsidization rates based on production, 209 FAO. See Food and Agriculture Organization by commodity, 214t­215t farm export subsidies Index 409 elimination of, 50 SDT, 63 farm output, 17 WTO negotiations comparison, 271 farm policy, 30, 31 Generalized System of Preferences (GSP), 164 farm support programs European, 165 dirty decoupling, 296 nonreciprocal tariff preferences, 383 fill rates, 137 textiles and clothing, 187 by administration method and additional global impact regulations, 142t­143t agricultural tariff and subsidy removal, 13t impact of regulations, 138 Global Trade Analysis Project (GTAP), 9, 341 reduction causes, 147 agricultural imports and TRQs, 383 TRQ, 141 background, 396n TRQ trade by economy, 144t, 146t comparison by sector, 388t­391t financial sector reforms, 319 elasticities financing real incomes and liberalization, 393t­394t importers, 216 market access geography, 88 first-come, first-served, 149­150 Version 5 and 6.05 comparison, 387­395 additional regulations, 139 Version 6.05, 10 administration changes, 153t­154t preferences, 382­383 by administration method, 143t PTAs, 162 in-quota trade and fill rates, 138t­139t Global Trade Analysis Project-Agriculture quota administration, 136­137 (GTAP), 38, 60n­61n TRQ commodities, 150 Armington elasticities, 392t food. See also agriculture and food global welfare gains, 16 aid, 212 Green Box, 75, 245 liberalization impact on self-sufficiency by areas of concern, 237­238 region, 354t Brazil, 228t liberalization impacts on output by countercyclical payments, 310 country/region, 351t­352t definition, 222 production exported under Doha scenarios, developing countries' use, 322 381 distortion, 237 by country/region, 380t­381t EU, 227, 227t, 261 role of, 39 guidelines, 223, 229 security, 87 Japan, 228t Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO), 32n payment cuts, 241 cotton compensation, 274­275 phaseout of Amber and Blue Boxes, cotton price review, 280 236­237 food security box, 328n policies, 222, 240 food, processed U.S. cotton programs, 288 import-weighted average applied tariffs by U.S. totals, 226t sector/country, 345t green payments, 310 output change under liberalization, 349t Green Revolution, 314, 315, 316 free trade, 22 poverty effects, 327n G-20, 323 Harbinson, 81 General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade agricultural reform scenarios, 94 (GATT) Doha scenarios, 357 Article XXIV, 164 formula, 395n balance of payments and Article XII, 77n proposal, 84, 85f, 336 Enabling Clause, 190n Harmonized System nonreciprocity and Part IV, 64, 77n agricultural market access, 335 preferences, 163, 164 high-income countries, 41t rules, 32n agricultural domestic support, 42t 410 Agricultural Trade Reform and the Doha Development Agenda high-income countries (continued) rationing, 117 agricultural support policies, 195 TRQ trade by economy, 144t­146t bilateral trade flows from liberalization by under tariff quotas, 119 sector, 377t with quota fill or underfilled, 125f definition, 32n in-quota imports liberalization by regime, 128t­129t gains by sector, 349t TRQ trade by economy, 145t, 147t impact on self-sufficiency in food and with and without quota fill, 124f agriculture, 354t­355t in-quota tariff, 27 impacts on real income, 384t applied tariffs and auctions, 138 trade distortions, 40 bound average and TRQ value, 157 high-income economies regime, 119­120, 155 agricultural assistance removal, 54 trade value effects, 130t average applied import tariffs, 43t TRQ administration, 136­137 bilateral trade flows, 16t TRQ trade by economy, 145t, 147t import-weighted average applied tariffs by in-quota trade and fill rates sector, 345t by TRQ additional regulation, 140t­141t nonagricultural tariff removal, 54t by TRQ administration method, 138t textiles and apparel, 57t income trade distortions removal, 54t global trade reform, 344 trade liberalization, 56t liberalization impacts by country/region, 346t welfare effects from removal of agricultural income insurance programs, 223 tariffs and subsidies, 49t income support, decoupled. See decoupled historical importers income support additional regulations, 139 income tax, 86 administration changes, 153t­154t income transfers by administration method and additional poverty alleviation, 320 regulations, 142t­143t India, 388t in-quota trade and fill rates, 138t­139t industry quota administration, 136­137 average true preferential margin, 173t decomposition of duties by exporting ICAC. See International Cotton Advisory country, 169t Committee infrastructure, 237, 238 Iceland, 266t insurance program ILEAP. See International Lawyers and cotton, 278 Economists Against Poverty Integrated Framework IMF. See International Monetary Fund expansion, 387 import market access, 13t market expansion rewards, 31­32 import quotas, 152 trade reform awards, 189 fill rate, 151 Integrated Rural Development, 315, 317­318 monopsony, 151 revision, 316 import substitution industrialization (ISI), 312, International Cotton Advisory Committee 313, 315 (ICAC), 274, 276 reevaluation, 316 International Lawyers and Economists Against import tariffs, average Poverty (ILEAP), 283 developing countries, 45t International Monetary Fund (IMF) import-weighted average applied tariffs, 5t financial reform in agricultural agencies, by sector/country, 345t 319 importer financing, 216 Trade Integration Mechanism imports payment shortfalls, 188 out-of-quota, 126f, 127f International Trade Commission (ITC), 162 overquota, 118, 127f ISI. See import substitution industrialization Index 411 Japan, 390t liberalization domestic support programs, 228, 228t agricultural policy instruments, 296 MPS, 231t agriculture rice imports, 155 high-income countries' output, 348­349 STEs, domestic policy response, and rice agriculture and food tariff quota, 156t­157t global gains, 348 July Framework Agreement, 3, 9, 10, 32 agriculture, food output, and trade, agricultural negotiations, 112 351t­352t agricultural reform, 335 assessment, 123 Blue Box, 238, 337 cotton, 350 Cotton Initiative, 274, 275 developing countries de minimis provision, 337 output, 349t development and agriculture, 335 versus industrial countries, 348 domestic support, 74 Doha scenarios, 353­382 base of reductions, 337 full and partial impact on agricultural value future agreements, 247 added, 358t­359t gains, 19, 385, 387 gains by region/sector, 349t implementation, 229 gains for the poor, 385 liberalization schedule, 195 global merchandise market access impact on self-sufficiency in food and features, 84­88 agriculture, 354t nonexport subsidies, 196 licenses on demand, 147­150 MPS, 337 merchandise trade, 60, 344 objectives missing from DDA, 81 poverty alleviation under Doha, 381­382 policy changes, 229­230 real factor price impacts, 356t reduction scenario basis, 264 real income impacts, 384t SDT, 23, 26, 196 nonagricultural, 51 and annex, 70 nonagricultural tariffs, 50 and paragraph 1, 69 of agricultural tariffs, 47, 49 categories, 71t of merchandise trade sensitive products, 25 global gains, 384 designation, 87 impacts on income, 346t STEs, 78n poverty impacts three pillars, 221­222 Doha scenarios, 382t tiered reductions in AMS, 337 preferences, 174 trade distorting policy, 237 rapid, 76 trade reform possibilities, 240 regional losses, 50 URAA and subsidies, 197 rents, 178 schedule Korea, Republic of, 268t, 391t July 2004 Framework Agreement, 195 services trade labor mobility, 353 developing country gains, 55f land idled, 310 simulation experiments, 92 land reform, 313­314 trade indicators by country/region, 347t land user cost, 356t welfare effects from removal of all least developed countries (LDCs) agricultural tariffs and subsidies, 49t binding overhang, 92 license allocation, 147 classification, 395n licenses on demand tariffs, 90 additional regulations, 139 LEI. See Dutch Agricultural Economics Institute administration changes, 153t­154t lending by administration method and additional decline in agricultural, 318 regulations, 143t 412 Agricultural Trade Reform and the Doha Development Agenda licenses on demand (continued) preferential, 117 in-quota trade and fill rates, 138t­139t SDT, 70 liberalization, 147­150 tariff caps reducing barriers, 108 quota administration, 136 tariff-cutting formulas, 104­109 LINKAGE, 31, 397n TRQs, 15, 26 agricultural imports and TRQs, 383 WTO members, 163 Armington elasticities by product, 392t market loss assistance payments, 263t closure rules, 341­342 market price support (MPS) future trade reform effects, 341­342 abolishment, 338 GTAP version comparison, 387­395 AMS, 240 projection of world economy, 344 calculations, 234 subsidization, 212 percentage by selected countries, 231t livestock, 39 trade-distorting support, 338 loss assistance payments, 224 July Framework Agreement, 337 loopholes, 235 MAcMAP, 43, 44 programs, 225­226 aggregating tariffs, 190n AMS calculations, 230­231 applied tariffs, 83 double coverage, 234­235 market access geography, 88 removal from AMS, 235 preferences, 167 marketing loan program PTAs, 162 cotton, 278 MacSharry Reform, 258, 260 marketing subsidies, 238 CAP, 205 marketing support, 240 cash-out, 298 meat. See commodities Mali, 272 merchandise manufactures average import tariffs for developing import-weighted average applied tariffs, 5t countries, 45t welfare effects of liberalization, 56t bilateral trade flows from liberalization, 377t manufacturing freeing, 11 bilateral trade flows from liberalization, 377t import-weighted average applied tariffs, 5t developing countries liberalization, 12t, 55, 60, 344 output change under liberalization, 349t developing countries, 45 import-weighted average applied tariffs efficiency and terms of trade, 59t by sector/country, 345t gains, 349t, 384, 385 margin. See true preferential margins income effects by country/region, 346t market access, 5 poverty alleviation under Doha, 381­382 agricultural, 335­336 real factor prices, 356t formulas, 24 welfare effects, 376 increases, 12­13 real income impacts from liberalization, 384t liberalization, 53 removal of all tariffs and agricultural reform, 60 subsidies, 46t analysis of approaches, 82 removal of cotton subsidies, 350 barriers trade distortions, 13 impacts on welfare, 348 trade facilitation, 52­53 preferences, 186 trade reform, 51, 53 expansion, 31 volume changes, 48t expansion through TRQ expansion, 88 welfare gains by region, 54t gains, 23, 26, 52t, 105 merchandise tariffs geography, 88­92 Doha scenarios, 366t­369t nonagricultural, 16, 31, 51, 339­340 merchandise trade liberalization, 384t expansion, 386 Mercosur, 164 welfare impact, 50 Middle East and North Africa, 389t Index 413 Midterm Review (MTR), 258, 261 Norway, 266t Millennium Development Goals notifications. See WTO notifications nonreciprocal preferential market access, 164 minimum access quotas, 117, 122, 130 offensive approach percentage of TRQ trade, 158 agricultural trade policies, 323 Ministerial Declaration Organisation for Economic Co-operation and SDT for developing countries, 68 Development (OECD), 39, 226 Mirage-Ag model, 179 out-of-quota imports, 128t­129t models TRQ trade by economy, 145t, 147t agricultural support policy, 201 with and without quota fill, 126f cotton subsidies simulations, 279 out-of-quota regime, 155 monopsony, 151 out-of-quota tariffs, 27 most-favored-nation (MFN) applied and auctions, 138 average duty, 190n effects on freeing trade, 131 bindings, 19, 385 TRQ trade by economy, 145t, 147t by region, 6 outward-oriented development strategies cross-product variabilities, 102 agricultural role, 314­316 preferences, 65, 162­163 overfill. See quota overfill tariffs, 97 overquota bound, 15, 20 by regime, 128t­129t bound and applied agricultural rates by import regime, 155 country/region, 91t imports, 118, 127f cross-product coefficient by reform scenario, 100t­101t participation protection rates, 171t in Doha reforms, 17 TRQ expansion, 87­88 in Doha Round, 31 MTR. See Midterm Review payment-in-kind (PIK) program, 304 multilateral liberalization Peace Clause, 75 policy implications, 187­188 peanuts, 325n buyouts, 303t NAFTA. See North American Free Trade production distribution, 325n­326n Agreement U.S. reform, 299­300 New Zealand, 391t PIK. See payment-in-kind newly industrialized economies (NIEs), 320t pillars, 221 nonagricultural market access, 21, 31, 339 agricultural protection, 47, 49 expanding, 386 agricultural support programs, 23 nonagricultural merchandise Doha framework, 8 trade liberalization, 51 domestic support, 236 nonagricultural tariff bindings export competition, 75 Doha scenarios, 357 policies. See agricultural policies nonagricultural tariff cuts, 16 policy recommendations Doha scenarios, 361 export subsidies, 218 nonagricultural tariff liberalization, 50 politics nondiscrimination, 68 influence on negotiations, 264 nondiscriminatory market access, 163 poor nonmonotonicity, 85 decrease under trade liberalization, 19t nonreciprocal preferences, 185, 383 location of, 17 access to markets, 161 poverty U.S. regimes, 186 alleviation, 296, 318­321 nonreciprocal trade agreements, 164 abandonment of sectoral interventions, 317 North American Free Trade Agreement Doha scenarios, 381­382 (NAFTA), 164, 184 income transfers, 320 414 Agricultural Trade Reform and the Doha Development Agenda poverty (continued) peanut reform, 300 armed conflicts, 319 U.S., 297 baseline, 382t tariff cut simulations, 183t definition, 17 volatility, 152, 154 development strategy, 315 producer decisions, 238 Doha scenarios, 382t producer group Green Revolution effects, 327n administration changes, 153t­154t liberalization gains, 385 producer retirement programs, 223 reduction, 17 producer support estimate (PSE), 7 trade reform, 353 difference from AMS, 226 preference erosion, 17, 92, 162­163, 174, 187 EU estimates, 208t developing countries, 27­28 export subsidies, 207 diversification, 172 high-income countries, 42t Doha scenarios, 383 product classification impacts, 178 export subsidies, 218 International Monetary Fund's Trade production flexibility contracts Integration Mechanism (TIM), 188 U.S. 1996 Farm Bill, 309 multilateral liberalization, 174 productivity poor countries, 188 liberalization impacts, 384t ROOs, 396n proportional cut, 113 preference simulations Doha scenarios, 357 geographical breakdown, 180t, 181t preferences and liberalization simulation by preferences. See also tariff preferences country, 175t CGE simulations, 178­179, 187 reform scenarios, 93, 94, 107, 108 compensation, 65 versus tiered formula, 14, 102­104 competing, 186 with cap, 21 depreciating assets, 65 protection policies GATT Article XXIV, 164 identifying implications, 201 GTAP Version 6.05 database, 382­383 welfare impact, 344 importance of, 179 provision for entry, 139 multilateral liberalization, 174, 179 PSE. See producer support estimate nonreciprocal, 383 Purdue University preserving, 73 GTAP database, 9 reciprocal agreements, 162 ROOs, 182 Quad, 201 tariff-cutting scenarios simulations, 185t export subsidy commitments, 203f textiles and apparel, 187 quota administration TRQs, 163 changes in methods, 152, 153t­154t utilization of, 181­187 inefficient methods, 137 welfare effect, 395n methods, 138t preferential agreements, 4 methods of and additional regulations, 136­141 preferential schemes, 163­164 trade effects, 147­152 compliance costs, 183 quota binding, 128t preferential trade agreements (PTAs), 161 regime, 155 prices trade value effects, 130t agricultural collapse, 316 quota expansion, 27 AMS calculations, 234 licenses on demand, 149 band systems, 74 versus tariff reduction, 118, 119 gap between world and domestic, 196, 200 quota fill, 124f, 138t­139t incentives against agriculture, 316 and underfill, 125f support, 154 quota fill rate EU cash-outs, 298 import, 151 Index 415 quota overfill, 119­120, 137 rules quota regimes, 120­121 equal participation, 108 value of trade by, 128t­129t rules of origin (ROOs) quota rents export subsidies, 183 by quota regime, 129t NAFTA, 184 dissipation, 137 preference erosion, 396n quota administration, 138 preferences, 182 quota underfill, 118, 125f, 137 textiles and apparel, 187, 189 by regime, 128t­129t rural development licenses on demand, 149 loan cuts, 319 total TRQ value, 157 rural growth, 296 TRQ trade by economy, 144t­146t quotas safeguards, 66 increases and impact on trade expansion, safety net programs, 223 128­129 scaled dynamics seasonal, 139 real incomes and liberalization by country, 393t­394t random-walk SDT. See special and differential treatment simulation experiments, 92 seasonal licenses, 152 real factor prices sectorwide initiatives, 273 of liberalization, 356t self-designation real income developing countries, 334 Doha scenarios by country/region, SDT, 23, 67 370t­373t sensitive and special products, 15. See also liberalization, 384t special and differential treatment liberalization by country/region, 393t­394t agricultural reform scenarios, 103 reciprocal agreements, 162 alcohol and tobacco inclusion, 104 reciprocal tariff concessions, 63 bound tariff rates, 15 Redistribution with Growth, 315 exception rationale, 108­109 reform excessive use, 86­87 farm policies, 30 exemptions, 21, 98, 179 in the EU and United States, 258 farm products participation, 17 Doha scenarios, 357 refunds flexibility, 25 export subsidies, 206­207 increasing share, 100­101 regime switches, 151 linked to commodities and food security, 72 regions by economy, 41t rents and liberalization, 178 regulations restrictions, 112 quota administration, 156­157 selection of, 396n TRQ, 140t­141t self-selected, 113 rent appropriation, 150 tariff lines, 105­106, 357 rent seeking, 151­152 tariff modulation, 164­165 rents. See also quota rents trade value and number of tariff lines, 94 assessment, 176 trade volume, 104 impact of multilateral liberalization, 178 services trade, 340 TRQ value erosion, 178 liberalization, 52­53, 55 rents received reform, 16, 22 TRQs by developing countries, 177t welfare gains for developing countries, 55f resource retirement programs, 224 shadow tariff, 176 returns to land by region, 184t simulations, 92­95 rice markets, 154 Doha scenarios, 353­382 rice tariff quota, 156t­157t preferences 416 Agricultural Trade Reform and the Doha Development Agenda simulations (continued) marketing, transportation, and geographical breakdown, 180t infrastructure, 238 liberalization by country, 175t reform impacts on developing countries, 53 tariff-cutting scenarios, 182t subsidy payments impact on Sub-Saharan countries, 185t U.S. buyout, 309 Single Farm Payment, 229­230, 238, 310 subsidy rates, 200 South-North trade reform, 11 by country, 199t South-South EU by commodity, 214t­215t concessions, 21, 386 sugar program trade, 11, 20, 77 cash-out, 304 special and differential treatment (SDT), 23­24 EU, 232­233 categories, 71t U.S., 154 concessions AMS calculations, 232t, 233t and economic benefits, 77 commitments exceed consumption, 304 by developing countries, 386­387 sugar reform developed countries, 66 1996 U.S. Farm Bill, 304 developing countries, 67, 69t, 324 Agenda 2000 CAP reform, 261tn distortion, 76 European Commission, 261 Doha scenarios, 361 U.S., 303­305 domestic support, 70 supply management, 310­311, 326n­327n economic view, 75 support. See agricultural support GATT, 63 surpluses, 319 July Framework Agreement, 70, 196 Swiss formula, 84 market access for developing countries, 114 commodities, 112 negotiations, 64 effects, 103 preferences, 165 reform scenarios, 93, 94, 108 self-designation, 67 Switzerland, 267t types, 65 synthetics, 280­281 special products. See sensitive and special products Taiwan, 391t special safeguard mechanism (SSM), 70, 71t, 73­74 tariff rate quotas (TRQs), 26­27, 82 squeeze-out, 299, 299t administration, 136­137 state trading enterprises (STEs), 138, 139, 212 administration methods and trade effects, administration changes, 153t­154t 147­152 by administration method and additional agricultural imports regulations, 143t LINKAGE and GTAP, 383 efficiency and fill rates, 150, 156 agricultural protection, 155 in-quota trade and fill rates, 138t­139t by country/commodity, 143­144 July Framework Agreement, 78n, 195­196 by country/region, 89t quota administration, 137 commodities, 112 rice tariff quota in Japan, 156t­157t barriers, 90 Step 2 program, 278, 287 production value, 120t­121t Sub-Saharan Africa, 185t, 389t definition, 117 subsidies. See also agriculture, subsidies; cotton expansion, 15 subsidies; export subsidies market access, 88 agricultural producer, 38 minimum access quotas, 122 banning, 195 WTO negotiations, 118 cuts necessary for reform, 334 fill rates, 137, 141 EAGGF by commodity, 210t­211t importance of, 118­119 elimination of, 11, 12, 13 minimum access quotas, 158 impact on exports, 48t preference erosion, 176 import protection database, 342­343 preferential, 163 Index 417 regimes, 155 liberalization of developing country exports, rents 48t methodology, 176 lower reduction commitments, 7172 received by developing country, 177t modulation, 164 value erosion, 178 non-ad-valorem, 82 research required, 158 nonagricultural cuts, 16 total values, 157 nonagricultural removal, 50 trade by economy, 144t­146t preferences, 27, 82 trade liberalization and value, 130t protection water estimates, 132t­135t agriculture, 318 tariff-cutting formulas, 335 averages by region/economy, 320t­321t developing countries, 71 manufacturing, 8 market access impact, 104­109 reciprocal concessions, 63 preferences and liberalization, 174 reductions versus quota expansion, 118, 119 tiered, 21 reform complications, 82­83 tariff-cutting scenarios restrictive, 82 Sub-Saharan countries, 185t revenues tariffication, 6, 32n­33n by quota regime, 129t dirty, 91 lost potential, 137 Uruguay Round, 221 schedules tariffs trade agreements, 164 aggregating across products, exporters, and shadow, 176 importers, 190n TRQ trade by economy, 144t­146t agricultural export average, 104­105 water estimates, 132t­135t alternative tariff-cutting formulas, welfare effects from elimination of, 49t, 52t 106t­107t terms of trade, 37­38, 51 applied, 147 incurring a shock, 218n by country/region, 89t liberalization, 58t average applied by region, 43t preference simulation by region, 184t average import textile manufacturing developing countries, 45t cotton, 276 base tariff reductions for average applied textiles and apparel tariffs by reform scenario, 98t­99t average applied tariffs, 43t binding overhang, 158n Doha scenarios, 364t­365t cap, 14 average import tariffs developing countries, 72 developing countries, 45t Doha scenarios, 357 average true preferential margin by country, market access, 108 173t reform scenarios, 111 bilateral trade flows from liberalization, 377t tiered formula, 102 export quotas, 40 commodities, 109 high average tariffs, 44 cuts import increases, 47 consequences, 336 import-weighted average applied tariffs, 5t preference erosion, 27­28 by sector/country, 345t scenarios liberalization, 12t, 22, 349t simulated impact on prices, 183t output under liberalization, 349t simulated impact on trade and welfare, preferences, 187 182t removal of all tariffs and agricultural distortion, 33n subsidies, 46t escalation problems, 73 ROOs, 187, 189 global agricultural features, 88 tariff protection by region/economy, inquota regime, 119 320t­321t 418 Agricultural Trade Reform and the Doha Development Agenda textiles and apparel (continued) developing country implications, 45 trade liberalization, 59t global welfare gains, 16 by region, 57t licenses on demand, 147­150 true preferential margins, 172 merchandise volume changes from removal of tariffs and efficiency and terms of trade, 58t­59t subsidies, 48t welfare effects, 56t welfare gains by region nonagricultural, 51 removal of tariffs, assistance, and policy measures, 22 distortions, 54t quota regimes, 155 Thailand, 268t reduction in poor, 19t tiered formula, 25, 85f trade value effects by quota regime, 130t applied rates effect, 97 TRQs, 119­131 cap, 102 liberalization impacts by country/region, China, 26 351t­352t commodities, 109 policy (1960s-1980s), 318 consequences, 95­104 preferences, 161 discontinuities, 86f, 112­113 reform domestic support, 339t assessing effects, 341 freeing of bound duties, 101 awards for commitment, 189 July Framework Agreement, 84 global gains, 11 market access, 24, 26, 105 income gains, 344 reform scenarios, 93, 95 major (1997­2001), 342 tariff cuts, 71 simulation of impacts from tariff cut tariff reduction, 105 scenarios, 182t versus proportional cut, 14, 102­104, TRQ administration methods and 360­361 regulations effects, 147­152 tobacco. See also alcohol and tobacco TRQ by economy, 144t­146t buyout, 305, 326n TRQ versus non-TRQ commodities in OECD compensation level, 302 countries, 122t­123t U.S., 303t value by quota regime, 128t­129t, 130t production increase, 302 volume U.S. consumption, 301 agricultural reform scenarios, 104 U.S. reform, 301­303 WTO regime, 165­166 trade trade-weighted fill rates, 142 agreements, 164, 165 transition economies, 41t bilateral flows, 377t average applied import tariffs, 43t costs, 54, 55 market access from agricultural distortion, 13 liberalization, 53t patterns, 40­47 merchandise trade liberalization, 56t, 57t reduction, 247­253 trade distortions, 40 removal, 37 welfare effects from removal of agricultural Doha scenarios, 359­361, 376 tariffs and subsidies, 49t elasticities, 39­40 transition period, 72 expansion, 128­129 transportation support, 237, 238 facilitation, 54, 55, 340­341 Green Box, 240 welfare gains for developing countries, 55f traps, 83 indicators by country/region, 347t true preferential margin, 168t­169t, 170, 172 liberalization average by sector/commodity, 173t absence of gains in Sub-Saharan Africa, 54 MFN-applied, 171t agricultural, 37­38 source, 174 assessment, 123 truncated, 139t Index 419 UNCTAD. See United Nations Conference on peanuts, 303t Trade and Development price support programs, 297 underfill. See quota underfill Step 2, 287­288 United Kingdom's Department for Interna- sugar tional Development (DFID), xiii commitments, 304 United Nations Conference on Trade and program Development (UNCTAD) AMS calculations, 232t, 233t preferences, 164, 190n reform, 303­305 United States tobacco, 303t 1985 Farm Bill, 297 reform, 301­303 1996 Farm Bill, 262­263, 297­298 total AMS, 246 fixed payments, 307, 309 trade policy, 166­167, 167f peanuts, 325n Uruguay Round production flexibility contracts, 309 agricultural price collapse, 295 sugar loan rates, 304 CAP negotiations, 258 2002 Farm Bill, 263, 298 pillars, 221 countercyclical payments, 308, 309­310 Uruguay Round Agreement on Agriculture peanut reform, 300 (URAA), 6 preferences, 178 agricultural support framework, 245 agricultural support changes, 229­230 Amber and Green Box, 337 Amber Box expansion, 227 Amber Box spending, 224 AMS notifications by commodity, 253t AMS ceilings, 225 applied tariffs, 391t boxes, 222­223, 245 Blue Box elimination, 227, 262­263 commitments, 197 buyout framing, 234 farm support programs, 307­310, 308t SDT, 68, 69t peanut and tobacco, 303t use-it-or-lose-it, 139 tax legislation, 326n rent seeking, 151 cash-out reform, 297 utilization rates, 200 cotton countercyclical program, 288 by country, 199t cotton dispute, 287­288 (See also Brazil-U.S. EU by category, 204t­205t cotton dispute) Uzbekistan cotton program, 276, 287­288 cotton support, 277 estimates, 282 cotton subsidies volume, trade, 104 budget outlays, 284 developing country exports, 48t programs, 278 welfare indicator, 47 countercyclical payments, 288, 298 dairy price, adjusted AMS, 263t wages, skilled and unskilled dairy program, 235 trade liberalization impacts, 356t de minimis, 227 water estimates for selected TRQs, 132t­135t domestic support, 226t water in tariffs, 131, 158n farm legislation, 227 weighted, 147t reductions needed, 260t trade-weighted fill rate, 139t export credits, 217 welfare farm policy, 297 agricultural distortion removal, 50 Green Box cotton programs, 286­287 agricultural export and domestic subsidies Green, Blue, and Amber Box totals, 226t retention by country, 374t­375t joint EU framework (August 2003), 323 agricultural tariffs and subsidies, 13t, 49t market loss assistance payments, 263t developing countries, 52t MPS, 231t, 252 agricultural trade reform, 47 420 Agricultural Trade Reform and the Doha Development Agenda welfare (continued) notifications and record keeping, 218 distribution of income effects URAA, 197 removal of trade barriers, 344 utilization rates, 200 Doha reform scenarios, 14, 359­361, 361 violations, 234 free trade gains, 22 Committee on Trade and Development liberalization effects, 12t, 56t, 376 SDT, 69 market access barrier impacts, 348 cotton dispute, 287­288 nonagricultural market access impact, 50­51 developing country participation, 321 preference effects, 395 domestic support, 225, 236 preference simulation by country, 184t multilateral trade regime, 165­166 protection policy impact, 344 negotiations, 271 tariff-cut scenario impacts, 182t noncompliant members, 283 trade liberalization notifications, 197­198, 200, 254t­258t developing countries, 58t challenge mechanism, 286 World Bank EU, 208t agricultural loan cuts, 319 LDC commodities, 201 cotton compensation, 274­275 member relationships, 202 LINKAGE, 31 middle-income countries, 200­201 World Development Report (1986), 317 notified export subsidies, 202f World Trade Organization (WTO) of the EU by categories, 204t­205t agricultural trade, 6 quota administration methods, 152 commitments, 254t­258t used export subsidies by country, 199t by country, 198t record keeping category definition, 203­204 export subsidies, 218 EU, 204t, 208t SDT, 68